Category: Saturday Magazine

  • Guide to public affairs reporting

    Guide to public affairs reporting

    Title: The essentials of public affairs reporting

    Authors: Hassan Biodun Suleiman and Mukaila Olabamiji Sanusi

    Reviewer: Mohammed Shosanya

    Pages: 96

    Publishers: LASU Press

    The essentials of Public Affairs Reporting by Hassan Biodun Suleiman, PhD and Mukaila Olabamiji Sanusi, is an insightful guide aimed at equipping journalists with necessary skills and knowledge to effectively cover public affairs. This review covers the book’s key elements, structure and contributions to the field of journalism.

    The book provides a detailed exploration of Public Affairs reporting, focusing on the critical aspects of covering government activities, political events and public policies. It emphasises the importance of accuracy, objectivity and ethical considerations in reporting. Suleiman and Sanusi draw on their extensive experience in academics and journalism to present a guide that is both informative and practical.

    The book also explores the dynamic interplay between media and government, highlighting the journalist’s role in promoting transparency and informed masses.

    Endorsed by Rotimi Williams Olatunji, a professor at Lagos State University, the book is recommended as essential reading for students in C ommunication and Media Studies Programme. This endorsement, along with the authors’ extensive experience, adds credibility to the book’s content and its potential impact on journalism education in Nigeria and beyond.

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    In summary, it is a well-rounded guide that combines theoretical insights with practical advice. It focuses on ethics, detailed examination of Public Affairs and the importance of a journalist’s role in democracy. This makes it a must read for journalism students and professionals, dedicated to enhancing their craft while contributing to an informed society.

    The book is structured into seven chapters, each focusing on different aspects essential for public affairs reporting. The first chapter, ‘Public Affairs’, provides an overview of the field, explaining the importance and scope of public affairs journalism. It highlights the role of journalists in informing the public about government activities, policies and issues affecting the community. The second chapter, ‘Nature and Scope of Public Affairs Reporting’, includes coverage of local, state and federal government activities, legislative processes, elections, political parties and policy decisions.

    Meanwhile the third chapter, ‘Sources of Public Affairs Reporting’, delves into the methods of sourcing and researching information for public affairs stories. It covers techniques for gathering reliable data, conducting interviews and verifying facts. The fourth chapter, ‘Media and Promotion of Government Policies’, explains how the media serves as a crucial channel for disseminating information about government policies to the public by providing comprehensive coverage of policy announcements, objectives and potential impacts.

    The fifth chapter, ‘Ethical Considerations In Public Affairs Reporting’, highlights the importance of maintaining impartiality and objectivity. Journalists must present information without bias, providing balanced perspectives and avoiding favouritism or undue influence from political or corporate interests. This chapter expatiates more on transparency and accountability as well as how transparency in the reporting process is crucial for building trust with the audience.

    The authors advocate for journalists to be clear about their sources and methodologies, explaining how information was obtained and why certain editorial decisions were made. However the sixth chapter ‘Public Affairs and National Interest’ delves into how public affairs reporting can enhance public awareness through comprehensive and accurate reporting.

    It also states how the community can be actively engaged through outreach programs, investigative reporting on local concerns and initiatives that fosters a deeper understanding of the issues affecting the public mood. By incorporating these practices into their work, journalists can demonstrate a genuine respect for the mood of the public, fostering trust and transparency in their reporting and contributing to a more informed and engaged society. However the seventh chapter, ‘Freedom Of Information Act (2011)’ the Act which was signed into law by former President Goodluck Jonathan in May 2011 is designed to make public information freely available,  ensuring transparency and accountability in government and public institutions. The book outlines a clear procedure of making information requests, including written applications.

    The book is characterised by clear, concise language that is accessible to both beginners and experienced journalists. The authors used precise diction appropriate for academic and professional contexts which enhances the books readability. The logical structure, with well organised chapters and practical examples aids in comprehending complex concepts. This blend of straightforward language and practical application makes the book highly readable and useful for mastering public affairs reporting.

  • The triumph of military over bandit leaders

    The triumph of military over bandit leaders

    Nigeria’s northern regions, particularly the North-West, have been ravaged by violent “bandit” groups responsible for mass kidnappings and deadly attacks. However, the Nigerian military has made significant progress, neutralising several notorious bandit leaders through strategic operations. ALAO ABIODUN and IBRAHIM ADAM reports.

    The roots of the banditry crisis can be traced back to 2011, when clashes between Hausa farmers and Fulani pastoralists escalated into widespread violence. What started as localized disputes grew into a full-blown insurgency, with bandits attacking villages, abducting school children, and demanding ransoms.

    The states of Zamfara, Kaduna, and Katsina have borne the brunt of these activities, with villages frequently falling victim to brutal raids.

    Over the years, security agencies have consistently launched onslaughts on these criminals, with the Nigerian military taking a lead role. Military jets have carried out airstrikes on bandit enclaves, while ground troops have engaged in fierce battles.

    In May 2024, the Minister of Defence, Muhammad Badaru, revealed that over 9,300 bandits and insurgents had been killed in the past year, while 7,000 had been arrested.

    Dogo Gide: The mastermind behind Zamfara’s terror

    Dogo Gide was one of the most infamous bandit leaders, responsible for a series of brutal attacks across Zamfara, Niger, and Katsina states. His name gained notoriety after orchestrating the abduction of over 300 students from Government Science Secondary School in Kankara, Katsina State, in 2019.

    His death in early 2024, following a coordinated military airstrike, marked a major milestone in the fight against banditry.

    Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), General Christopher Musa, described Gide’s elimination as a turning point: “By eliminating Dogo Gide, we have cut off the head of a serpent that has terrorized the North for too long. No bandit leader can escape the might of our military forces,”

    Buharin Daji: The bandit kingpin

    Buharin Daji, another notorious figure, left a legacy of terror in Zamfara and the wider North-West. Following his death in 2018, his successor, Ali Daji, continued the group’s reign of terror until he, too, was killed in 2024 during a precision military operation.

    General Musa declared: ‘Buharin Daji’s legacy of terror is now over. We have dismantled one of the most sophisticated bandit networks in the North-West,”

    Halilu Sububu: The architect of rural insecurity

    Operating in Zamfara and Kebbi states, Halilu Sububu was deeply involved in cattle rustling and arms smuggling, which fueled rural insecurity.

    Sububu was a notorious figure whose vast wealth, acquired through criminal activities, enabled him to establish a significant foothold in the region. His reign ended in late 2023 when a joint military operation neutralized him.

    General Musa emphasised: “Halilu Sububu’s reign of terror has ended. This is proof that no criminal can evade justice forever,”

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    Kachalla Turji: The terror of Sokoto

    Kachalla Turji, known for his brutality, led numerous attacks across Sokoto, Zamfara, and Niger states. His death in January 2024, following a military airstrike, provided a significant morale boost for the Nigerian military.

    “Kachalla Turji’s death represents a turning point in our fight against banditry,” General Musa remarked, further underlining the military’s resolve to rid the North of banditry.

    Bala Wuta: The commander of gunmen

    Bala Wuta was a feared bandit leader notorious for his involvement in large-scale cattle rustling and attacks on military installations.

    His death during a military offensive in Katsina State in 2024 sent shockwaves through his gang, weakening their grip on the region.

    “Bala Wuta’s fall signifies our commitment to ending all forms of criminality in the North,” stated General Musa.

    Nagona Iskilu: The ruthless enforcer

    Nagona Iskilu’s name struck fear into the hearts of many, particularly in Zamfara State. He controlled a vast network of bandits involved in cattle theft and kidnappings.

    His elimination in mid-2024, after a successful military raid on his camp, is expected to significantly disrupt the coordination of bandit activities in the state.

    General Musa expressed optimism that Iskilu’s death would bring much-needed relief to Zamfara residents.

    Dankarami: The power behind the guns

    Dankarami was a formidable bandit leader who operated in the dense forests of Katsina and Zamfara states. His ruthless approach included high-profile kidnappings and attacks on law enforcement agents. His demise in early 2024, following a military ambush, dealt a serious blow to banditry in the region.

    General Musa affirmed that: “Dankarami’s death removes a major pillar of banditry in this area,”

    Auwal Daudawa: The man behind the Kankara kidnappings

    Auwal Daudawa, the mastermind of the infamous 2020 abduction of 344 students from Kankara, initially surrendered to the authorities under an amnesty program.

    However, after returning to banditry, he was killed in a military operation in 2024.

    His death serves as a stark reminder that no criminal can escape justice, as General Musa reiterated: “Auwal Daudawa’s death is a reminder that no criminal can escape justice, no matter how many times they return to their old ways,”

    Goma Sama’ila: The fearsome strategist

    Goma Sama’ila, known for his strategic brilliance in organizing cross-border raids, was eliminated in a 2023 airstrike. His removal dealt a significant blow to the bandits’ logistical and communication networks.

    “Goma Sama’ila’s death will severely disrupt bandit operations, as he was one of their most intelligent and elusive leaders,” General Musa stated.

    Nasiru Tekawa: The bloodthirsty leader

    Nasiru Tekawa’s cruelty in executing kidnappings and attacks on security forces earned him a fearsome reputation in Kaduna State.

    He was killed in 2023 during a military raid, marking the end of one of the most brutal chapters in Northern Nigeria’s banditry crisis.

    “Nasiru Tekawa was responsible for unspeakable atrocities. His elimination is a huge relief for the people of Kaduna,” said General Musa.

    Halilu Sububu

    Halilu Sububu was a feared bandit leader responsible for numerous attacks and kidnappings across northern Nigeria. His vast network spread terror in rural communities, causing mass displacements and economic disruption.

    Sububu’s ability to evade military operations made him a challenging target until his eventual death, which significantly weakened his group’s activities and restored some peace to affected areas.

    Buhari Alhaji Halidu (aka “Buharin Yadi”)

    Buhari Alhaji Halidu, known as “Buharin Yadi,” terrorized citizens in Kaduna, Katsina, Niger, and Zamfara states through kidnappings, robberies, and killings.

    His violent reign left many communities in fear, but his death in a military operation marked a turning point in the fight against banditry, bringing relief to those affected by his criminal activities.

    Dangote

    Dangote, a notorious bandit leader in Katsina State, led a gang involved in kidnappings, robberies, and attacks on villages. He was killed in a gun battle between his group and Kachalla Dankarami’s camp in the Dumbunrun Forest.

    His death weakened bandit networks in the region, reducing violence and restoring a sense of security in Katsina.

    Boderi Isyaku

    Boderi Isyaku was behind the kidnapping of 39 students and the attack on the Nigerian Defence Academy in 2021. His criminal activities caused widespread fear and unrest, especially in Kaduna State.

    Isyaku’s death in a military operation ended his reign of terror and disrupted his network, significantly reducing bandit attacks in the region.

    Kachalla Dan Chaki

    Kachalla Dan Chaki led a bandit group responsible for mass kidnappings and attacks in northern Nigeria. He was feared for his brutality and the large-scale operations he orchestrated.

    Dan Chaki’s death during a military offensive dealt a blow to banditry in the area, destabilizing his group and diminishing their influence.

    Dogo Gudali

    Dogo Gudali, a prominent bandit leader, was involved in violent raids and kidnappings across northern Nigeria.

    His criminal enterprise terrorized local communities, forcing many residents to flee. Gudali was eventually neutralized in a military operation, weakening his group’s activities and restoring stability to the region.

    Dogo Rabe

    Dogo Rabe was a notorious bandit leader operating in Zamfara and Katsina states. His gang caused extensive damage to communities through killings and kidnappings.

    Rabe was killed in an Air Force strike during a military operation, which significantly disrupted his group’s activities and brought some relief to the terrorized areas.

    Alhaji Auta and Kachalla Ruga

    Alhaji Auta and Kachalla Ruga led a criminal network that terrorized Zamfara State through kidnappings and robberies.

    Both were killed during a military raid on their hideouts in Gusami Forest, leading to the collapse of their gang and a reduction in bandit attacks in the region.

    Rufai Maikaji

    Rufai Maikaji was a deadly bandit leader commanding over a hundred fighters. His group carried out numerous attacks in Kaduna State, causing significant unrest.

    Maikaji was killed in a military operation, which crippled his group’s activities and brought a sense of security to the region.

    Ya’u

    Ya’u was a bandit leader notorious for using heavy weaponry to terrorize residents of Burra and neighboring communities.

    He was killed in an ambush by troops at a strategic crossing point, effectively ending his gang’s reign of terror and restoring peace to the area.

    Alhaji Karki

    Alhaji Karki was a former repentant bandit who returned to criminality, leading deadly attacks and kidnappings in Niger State.

    He was killed while attempting to overrun a military unit, with his death serving as a deterrent to other bandits considering a return to crime.

    Bandit Leader “Yellow”

    Yellow operated multiple bandit camps across Zamfara, Kaduna, and Katsina states. His gang was involved in various criminal activities, including kidnappings and robberies.

    Yellow was killed in air strikes by the Nigerian Airforce, which dismantled his operations and reduced bandit activities in the region.

    CDS’s vision for ending insecurity

    Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, has continuously emphasized the military’s determination to eradicate insecurity across Nigeria.

    Under his leadership, the military has adopted a multi-pronged approach, combining intelligence, community collaboration, and relentless air and ground operations.

    “Insecurity is a complex issue, but our recent victories prove that we are on the right track. The Nigerian military is evolving to meet these challenges, and we will not rest until all bandit leaders are brought to justice,” General Musa assured.

    He also stressed the need for local communities to cooperate with the military by providing intelligence to help root out the remaining criminal elements.

    The neutralization of these notorious bandit leaders represents a significant milestone in Nigeria’s ongoing battle against insecurity.

    The military’s successes have sent a powerful message that no bandit leader is beyond the reach of justice. With the continued support of the government and local communities, the country moves closer to achieving lasting peace.

  • N100b credit scheme to revitalise manufacturing, boost purchasing power

    N100b credit scheme to revitalise manufacturing, boost purchasing power

    Nigeria’s economy grapples with manufacturing inefficiencies and waning consumer purchasing power. In response, the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration unveiled a transformative N100 billion consumer credit initiative as a central element of the 2024 budget. This ground-breaking initiative seeks to rejuvenate the manufacturing sector and spark economic growth by enhancing consumer demand, with the goal of unlocking N180 trillion annually in consumer credit to elevate living standards and drive economic progress. ASSISTANT EDITOR NDUKA CHIEJINA reports.

    The Nigerian economy has faced persistent challenges, including manufacturing inefficiencies and limited consumer purchasing power. To address these issues, the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration introduced a transformative initiative: a N100 billion consumer credit facility, a key element of the 2024 budget. This innovative approach marks a significant shift in Nigeria’s fiscal policy and economic planning, aiming to revitalize the country’s struggling manufacturing sector.

    The Minister for Budget and Economic Planning, Senator Abubakar Bagudu, emphasised the strategic significance of this facility, stating, “We have allocated N100 billion to support consumer credit because we recognise its potential to drive economic recovery. The manufacturing sector faces two critical challenges: improving production efficiency and expanding consumer demand.” This initiative is central to the administration’s strategy for stimulating economic growth and addressing these dual challenges.

    Bagudu further elaborated on how consumer credit can bridge existing gaps in the economy. By allowing individuals to purchase goods and services on credit, the policy, he said, is anticipated to boost consumer demand and stimulate production, enabling manufacturers to scale their operations and align with global standards. “The introduction of consumer credit is a strategic move to rejuvenate our manufacturing sector and help it meet international benchmarks. We view this fund as a catalyst for growth,” Bagudu remarked.

    Despite the promising outlook, Nigeria faces a significant challenge due to the lack of comprehensive data on credit demand. Bagudu acknowledged that the absence of reliable market data has created uncertainty for many operators and investors. Without a clear understanding of the consumer credit market size, the full impact of this initiative remains uncertain. Nevertheless, the establishment of this facility represents a bold step towards unlocking new growth opportunities and fostering a more vibrant, consumer-driven economy.

    Consumer credit, often regarded as a catalyst for economic growth, presents a valuable opportunity to bridge the gap between production and consumption. By providing individuals with the financial flexibility to make purchases on credit, this scheme is expected to boost consumer spending, which, in turn, can drive demand for locally manufactured goods. This increased demand is crucial for the growth and sustainability of businesses, especially in the manufacturing sector, which has long faced challenges such as low patronage and outdated production techniques.

    However, the effectiveness of the consumer credit scheme hinges on a thorough understanding of the market, underscoring the importance of reliable data. The lack of up-to-date information on credit demand has left investors and credit providers in a state of uncertainty, unable to accurately assess the size of Nigeria’s consumer credit market. To address this knowledge gap, Stears, a leading data analysis firm, has developed the Credit Market Mapping Model.

    This model employs robust data and innovative methodologies to map out Nigeria’s consumer credit market, covering both formal and informal sectors. By offering valuable market insights, the Credit Market Mapping Model aims to help operators identify and capitalize on untapped opportunities within the credit space.

    The consumer credit scheme has significant implications for Nigeria’s broader economy. On the positive side, it has the potential to spur considerable economic growth by enhancing consumer spending. With increased access to credit, individuals are likely to make more purchases, thereby boosting demand and stimulating higher production levels. This uptick in demand can lead to job creation and greater overall economic activity, contributing to a more vibrant and resilient economy.

    However, the scheme also presents potential risks. For instance, if not managed with caution, the extension of credit could result in excessive consumer debt, which might lead to financial instability. Defaults on debt could have cascading effects, diminishing lenders’ willingness to provide further credit and potentially weakening the financial system.

    Additionally, high levels of consumer indebtedness could undermine long-term economic growth by limiting savings and investment opportunities. Thus, while the scheme holds promise for economic stimulation, careful management and oversight will be essential to mitigate these risks and ensure sustainable benefits.

    Unlocking N180 trillion in consumer credit annually

    The introduction of Nigeria’s consumer credit scheme is poised to be more than just a short-term solution for consumers and manufacturers; it represents a pivotal opportunity to transform the nation’s economy. With the consumer credit market estimated at N180 trillion annually, this initiative could significantly enhance the financial empowerment of millions of Nigerians, drive business growth, and stimulate unprecedented levels of economic activity.

    The potential impact of this market is immense. A credit market valued at N180 trillion annually could serve as a powerful catalyst for various sectors, including manufacturing, retail, services, and real estate. By broadening access to credit, the government aims to establish a self-sustaining cycle of increased demand, enhanced production, and economic expansion that benefits all sectors of the economy. This transformative approach could unlock vast opportunities and drive substantial progress across Nigeria’s economic landscape.

    In his remarks, Senator Bagudu highlighted the transformative potential of the consumer credit initiative. “Consumer credit is not just a financial tool,” he stated, adding, “it is an economic catalyst. By enabling individuals and businesses to access credit, we can unlock the potential for N180 trillion in economic activities each year.” This projection underscores the profound impact the scheme could have, extending beyond individual consumers to significantly influence the overall growth trajectory of the Nigerian economy.

    Consumer credit drives this potential by enhancing purchasing power. With access to credit, consumers are no longer limited by their immediate income, allowing them to make substantial purchases they might otherwise defer, such as homes, vehicles, and electronics. This increase in consumer spending directly benefits businesses, especially in the manufacturing and retail sectors, by boosting revenues, fostering expansion, and creating job opportunities. As a result, the scheme has the capacity to stimulate broader economic growth and contribute to a more dynamic and prosperous economy.

    Unlocking N180 trillion annually in consumer credit could significantly elevate Nigeria’s middle class. A thriving consumer credit market would equip individuals with the financial means to invest in key assets such as property, education, and healthcare—essential elements for long-term economic mobility. As more Nigerians access credit, they can enhance their quality of life, accumulate wealth, and make more substantial contributions to the country’s economic development.

    Nevertheless, achieving this potential involves overcoming several challenges. Nigeria’s financial infrastructure must be robust enough to handle such a large volume of credit transactions, and effective regulatory frameworks are crucial to ensure responsible lending practices. Without stringent oversight, there is a risk that rapid credit expansion could lead to unsustainable debt levels, as seen in other economies where unchecked credit growth resulted in significant financial instability. Addressing these challenges will be essential for realizing the benefits of the consumer credit scheme while safeguarding economic stability.

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    To mitigate these risks, the Nigerian government, in collaboration with financial institutions, is focusing on developing a robust credit infrastructure to ensure the smooth functioning of the consumer credit market. The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) is anticipated to play a crucial role in setting and enforcing policies that promote fair lending practices while ensuring that financial institutions adhere to guidelines designed to protect consumers from predatory lending.

    Additionally, financial technology (fintech) is poised to significantly impact the consumer credit landscape in Nigeria. Fintech companies have already transformed the traditional banking sector by offering more accessible and inclusive financial services, and they are expected to bring similar innovations to consumer credit. By leveraging advanced technologies, fintech firms can provide faster, more efficient credit solutions, particularly to underserved populations. This digital transformation has the potential to further accelerate the growth of the consumer credit market, making credit more accessible and integrating more Nigerians into the formal economy.

    Beyond immediate consumer spending, the N180 trillion consumer credit potential could catalyse significant long-term investments. Access to credit will enable more Nigerians to invest in real estate, small businesses, and other wealth-building assets. Such investments are expected to spur job creation, particularly in crucial sectors like construction, agriculture, and manufacturing, all of which are vital to Nigeria’s economic advancement.

    The government also envisions extending consumer credit beyond the traditional middle-class base. By reaching out to lower-income individuals and those in the informal sector, the scheme aims to democratise financial services. This expansion will not only empower individuals at the grassroots level but also integrate more people into the formal economy. As a result, this increased participation could boost tax revenues and promote more inclusive economic growth, benefiting a broader segment of the population and fostering a more equitable economic landscape.

    Despite the enormous potential of the consumer credit scheme, industry experts emphasise the critical role of financial literacy in maximising its benefits. Educating consumers about responsible borrowing and debt management is essential to prevent rising default rates and ensure the long-term sustainability of the credit market. The government, in collaboration with financial institutions, is expected to implement financial education campaigns to help Nigerians understand how to effectively use credit without falling into debt traps.

    The Chief Executive Officer of the Consumer Credit Corporation (CreditCorp), Engr. Uzoma Nwagba, highlighted this in an exclusive interview with The Nation in Abuja. He noted that “With consumer credit facilities, individuals with modest incomes should be able to access essential items such as vehicles, solar panels, cell phones, laptops, education, and housing, and pay for them over extended periods. This access improves the quality of life and promotes financial stability.”

    CreditCorp was established by the Nigerian government to spearhead this initiative, with Engr. Nwagba noting that this strategy is designed not as a short-term fix but as a long-term solution timed at creating a financially inclusive system that benefits people across various income levels. The goal is to expand credit access to 80 million economically active Nigerians, thereby boosting consumer spending and driving economic growth across multiple sectors.

    Historically, Nigeria’s credit market has been fragmented, with many lenders reluctant to extend credit due to concerns about defaults and a lack of reliable credit data. To address these challenges, CreditCorp has been entrusted with the responsibility of developing a robust financial system capable of supporting substantial volumes of consumer credit while maintaining financial stability. Engr. Nwagba emphasised this task, stating, “The financial system and the existing lenders are those who already possess the capital. Our primary objective is to strengthen the country’s credit infrastructure.”

    A key innovation in this initiative is the establishment of a centralized credit scoring system. Under this system, every economically active Nigerian will have a credit score linked to their National Identification Number (NIN), which will monitor their credit behaviour. This approach aims to foster a more transparent and accountable credit culture in Nigeria.

    “With this system, every economically active Nigerian will have a credit score attached to their NIN, ensuring that credit behaviour is tracked transparently,” Nwagba explained, pointing out that “This will help both lenders and borrowers operate with greater accountability and build a more reliable credit market.”

    This centralised credit scoring system will enable financial institutions to access accurate and comprehensive credit histories, simplifying the risk assessment process and facilitating the extension of loans. By providing a clear view of borrowers’ credit behaviours, the system is expected to promote responsible borrowing and reduce default rates, as borrowers will be more aware of how their credit actions affect their future financial opportunities.

    While CreditCorp is focused on establishing this supportive framework, the actual disbursement of consumer credit will be handled by various financial institutions, including commercial banks, microfinance banks, and fintech companies. These institutions, already equipped with the necessary capital and infrastructure, will leverage their reach to serve millions of consumers. The government will complement this by offering additional support, such as financial guarantees or bulk capital.

    “The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) is a key partner in this initiative, along with the credit registry and credit bureaus,” Nwagba noted, adding that “Together, we aim to ensure that all consumer credit transactions are recorded in the credit infrastructure, thereby enhancing trust and enabling more lending.”

    This partnership is poised to significantly boost lending volumes, with CreditCorp playing a pivotal role by either providing funds to financial institutions or offering guarantees that mitigate their risk exposure. By alleviating concerns about defaults, financial institutions will be more inclined to offer loans at lower, concessionary interest rates, making credit more affordable for consumers.

    The initial phase of the consumer credit initiative aims to reach 500,000 Nigerians by the end of 2025. This cautious approach reflects the government’s strategy of gradually scaling the programme, ensuring that the necessary infrastructure and systems are in place before expanding to a broader audience. Ultimately, the goal is to extend consumer credit to 80 million Nigerians, thus making it accessible to a significant portion of the population.

    Initially, the programme will target civil servants, leveraging their stable incomes and employment status to build a solid foundation. However, the long-term vision is to make consumer credit available to all economically active Nigerians, irrespective of their profession or income level. This approach aims to democratize access to credit, enabling more individuals to invest in essential goods and services that can improve their quality of life.

    The consumer credit initiative has already sparked considerable interest, with over two million individuals responding to CreditCorp’s call for expressions of interest. This strong dem and highlights the extensive need for credit in Nigeria and underscores the initiative’s potential to significantly alter the financial landscape. However, balancing widespread access to consumer credit with the need for responsible borrowing presents a significant challenge for both the government and financial institutions.

    Nwagba underscored this point, emphasising that there will be consequences for those who fail to meet their credit obligations. “If consumers fail to repay their credit, they will negatively impact their credit score, and that consequence is firmly enforced,” Nwagba warned, adding, “Borrowers must understand that failing to manage their credit responsibly will have repercussions on their credit standing, affecting their future financial opportunities.”

    The emphasis on credit responsibility is vital for maintaining the sustainability of the consumer credit market. By linking credit scores to individuals’ NINs and ensuring transparency in credit behaviours, the government aims to foster a culture of responsible borrowing and lending. A key component of this initiative is the provision of concessionary interest rates. While financial institutions will set the specific rates, CreditCorp’s support through capital provisions and guarantees is expected to enable these institutions to offer lower interest rates. This support is designed to make credit more affordable and accessible to a broader segment of the population.

    “Beneficiaries of consumer credit will repay their loans at a concessionary interest rate, which will be determined by the financial institutions they engage with,” Nwagba explained. “Our goal is to facilitate easier access to capital for these institutions, allowing them to extend lower interest rates to consumers,” he added.

    Nationwide demand for consumer credit surges

    CreditCorp has reported a remarkable response to its Expression of Interest (EoI) drive, receiving N1.3 trillion in consumer credit requests from over one million Nigerians within just one week. This substantial demand underscores the critical need for accessible credit across the country.

    The EoI process served not only as a means for individuals to apply for loans but also as a valuable survey tool, providing deep insights into the financial needs of Nigerians. Applications were received from 723 out of 774 local government areas, spanning all 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), reflecting widespread demand in both urban and rural areas.

    The survey data revealed that the average loan request amounted to N1,115,088. The majority of applicants were aged between 26 and 40. The data also showed that 74 per cent of submissions came from men, while women, despite being fewer in number, tended to request larger amounts for household expenses. Common purposes for the loans included financing small businesses (18%), purchasing homes (15%), and covering personal or household expenses (16%).

    CreditCorp boss, Nwagba, highlighted the growing involvement of non-commercial banks, such as microfinance institutions and fintech companies, in extending credit to underserved populations. The Federal Government has committed N200 billion to support the consumer credit initiative, with participating financial institutions providing loans at concessionary rates. Additionally, the government is mitigating risk for lenders through credit guarantees, which aims to encourage more financial institutions to participate in the scheme.

    The initial phase of the scheme involves the deployment of N100 billion, focusing on civil servants. Approximately 500,000 civil servants will be eligible for loans to enhance their financial stability and purchasing power. This initiative is expected to stimulate consumer spending, improve social mobility, and contribute to Nigeria’s broader economic growth by making affordable credit more accessible to a larger segment of the population.

    What experts are saying

    Chief Economist at ARKK Economics and Data Limited, in Abuja, Dr. Samson Galadima Simon, emphasized the importance of consumer credit in modern economies. He noted: “Consumer credit is a critical component of a modern economy, which Nigeria aspires to become. Globally, since the advent of mass consumption and regular incomes, economies have leveraged consumer credit to boost consumption, prosperity, and overall economic well-being.”

    Dr. Simon pointed out that in Nigeria, consumer credit has yet to make significant inroads, with less than a million Nigerians having access to credit cards, auto loans, or mortgages. He commended the Tinubu administration for its determination to transform Nigeria’s financial landscape through the introduction of CrediCorp, the Consumer Credit Scheme. “This initiative aims to enable as many as 50 percent of working Nigerian consumers to access credit for personal purchases by 2030,” he said, adding, however, that “While this is a commendable goal, achieving it will undoubtedly present significant challenges.”

    “This consumer credit scheme should help Nigerians get loans from financial institutions or buy things on credit far more easily than before its coming on stream. If that happens to a sizeable number of Nigerians, it would grow the economy and help boost the economic status of an average Nigerian. It would boost the chances of Nigeria attaining the $1 Trillion economy it craves as pushed by the Tinubu government,” he said.

    Dr. Simon cautions against unrestrained access to consumer credit, drawing lessons from global experiences. He notes, “It’s not all sunshine and rainbows. The issues seen with consumer credit in South Korea and the student loan troubles in the USA should serve as cautionary tales for Nigeria. Allowing unfettered access to consumer credit could lead to significant problems down the line.”

    In contrast, the Managing Director/CEO of SD&D Capital Management Limited, Mr. Gbolade Idakolo, views the consumer credit scheme as a positive development. He told The Nation that “The launch of the consumer credit scheme is timely, given that the purchasing power of ordinary Nigerians has declined by over 70 per cent in the past year. In advanced countries, consumer credit schemes are introduced across various sectors to help citizens access basic necessities.

    “I believe that expanding the scheme to at least 20 million beneficiaries would have a tremendous impact and demonstrate that the government is invested in the well-being of its people. If properly implemented, the scheme could boost the economy by increasing consumer purchases, thereby stimulating economic activity. It is a crucial welfare program that deserves dedicated resources for successful implementation.”

  • ‘Applying academic research to industry needs will drive growth’

    ‘Applying academic research to industry needs will drive growth’

    In Nigeria’s quest for sustainable development amid pressing economic and technological challenges, the University of Lagos (UNILAG) Annual Lecture presented a compelling vision for bridging the gap between academic institutions and the private sector. Academics and business leaders emphasised the urgent need for a strategic alliance that integrates academic research with practical industry applications and articulated a powerful case for a mutually beneficial collaboration that positions universities not just as centres of learning but as catalysts for economic innovation. CHINYERE OKOROAFOR reports

    In the face of Nigeria’s escalating economic, social, and technological challenges, the Annual Lecture at the University of Lagos (UNILAG) offered a visionary blueprint for progress: harnessing the collaborative power of postgraduate education and the private sector. Held at the J. F. Ade-Ajayi Auditorium, the lecture underscored the urgent need for a strategic alliance between academia and industry to propel sustainable economic growth.

    Nigerian universities, rich in knowledge and cutting-edge research, hold the potential for groundbreaking solutions. Meanwhile, the private sector, with its resources and expansive networks, is crucial for scaling these innovations. However, the ongoing disconnect between academic research and market needs has created a persistent talent gap and underutilised research. The lecture made a compelling case for redefining universities as active engines of economic development and viewing businesses not merely as profit-driven entities but as essential collaborators in innovation.

    This critical juncture calls for a concerted effort to bridge the gap between academia and industry. By fostering this transformative partnership, Nigeria can align research with practical needs, drive meaningful progress, and address pressing national challenges effectively. The UNILAG lecture set the stage for a collaborative future that promises to advance Nigeria’s development. The discussions at the annual lecture were a clarion call for a collaborative ecosystem, urging universities and businesses to unite in generating innovative solutions and tackling Nigeria’s pressing national challenges.

    Despite the evident benefits of such partnerships, systemic barriers persist. Policy gaps remain a significant obstacle, with ambiguous guidelines and a lack of frameworks impeding seamless collaboration between academia and industry. Additionally, many universities continue to rely on outdated curricula that fail to address the evolving demands of the marketplace, leading to graduates who are not adequately equipped for the workforce. Funding issues exacerbate the problem, with chronic underfunding of higher education institutions leaving scant resources for research and development initiatives that could attract private sector investment. Additionally, cultural differences between academia and business further complicate collaboration; universities often prioritise theoretical knowledge and academic publications for promotion purposes, while businesses focus on practical solutions and profitability. This disconnect fosters mistrust and hampers meaningful engagement, stifling innovation and slowing economic progress. In Nigeria, the promise of a dynamic partnership between universities and businesses remains largely untapped due to persistent policy, financial, and cultural barriers.

    As the guest speaker in this year’s lecture, Mr. Olaniyi Yusuf, Chairman of the Nigerian Economic Summit Group (NESG) and Managing Partner at Verraki Partners, highlighted these issues during his recent lecture. Yusuf, known for his transformative work in both government and private sectors, stressed the critical need for a robust collaboration between academia and industry to drive Nigeria’s economic growth. His extensive experience in change management, including his tenure as Country Managing Director at Accenture Nigeria, informed his call for a fundamental shift in how universities and businesses interact. He argued that the success of this partnership is vital for addressing Nigeria’s economic challenges and advancing growth. Yusuf’s lecture, themed “Innovative Synergies for Transformational Growth: From Collaboration to Integration,” underscored the pressing need to align educational institutions’ research and curriculum with industry requirements.

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    “Nigeria is in dire need of transformation, yet we hesitate to act,” Yusuf declared, challenging the audience to reconsider the status quo. His message was clear: universities and businesses must stop operating in isolation and instead collaborate as partners to create a new economic reality. Yusuf emphasised that the country’s challenges present opportunities for higher education institutions to lead economic transformation through innovative research and practical solutions. He pointed out that universities are often seen as isolated entities, while businesses are perceived as profit-driven and detached from academic institutions. The change management expert called for a paradigm shift where both sectors collaborate closely, viewing each other not as competitors but as co-creators of economic value. “Our ability to innovate, adapt and generate value depends on a synergistic relationship between our centers of learning and economic engines,” he said.

    Yusuf’s argument extended to addressing the severe underfunding of Nigerian universities, which hampers their ability to engage in meaningful research and attract private sector partnerships. He stressed that businesses should view investment in research and development not merely as corporate social responsibility but as a strategic imperative for long-term growth. “We need funding programmes that encourage joint initiatives and co-investment from academia, alumni and industry,” Yusuf urged.

    The lecture also touched on the critical need for universities to revamp their curricula to align with industry needs. Yusuf advocated for incorporating practical skills and real-world case studies into academic programmes, thereby ensuring that graduates are better prepared to meet industry demands. He cited successful global models from the United States, Germany and China, where close collaboration between academia and industry has spurred significant advancements and economic growth.

    Despite the challenges faced by Nigerian universities, such as inadequate infrastructure, financial constraints, and outdated curricula, the NESG chairman argued that higher education institutions can still play a transformative role. He highlighted the global successes of research and innovation in driving technological advancement, economic diversification, and human capital development. “Technological progress, curriculum development, and productivity growth are all outcomes of successful academia-industry collaborations,” he asserted.

    Addressing the specific barriers to collaboration in Nigeria, the guest speaker identified funding issues, weak research capacity and trust deficits as major obstacles. He recommended building mutual trust and implementing an inclusive engagement framework to overcome these challenges. Yusuf emphasised that stakeholders, including the government, academic institutions, the private sector, students, and alumni, must work together to address these barriers effectively.

    In his concluding remarks, he outlined key performance indicators for measuring the success of academic-industry collaborations. These include the volume and quality of joint research projects, funding and investments, industry partnerships, student internships and employment rates, publications and patents, and the impact on businesses. He urged stakeholders to begin these collaborative efforts immediately, emphasizing the importance of starting small and taking actionable steps now.

    The presentation resonated deeply with the audience, who recognised the urgency and relevance of his message. His call to action—“Start Small, Start Now”—underscored the necessity of immediate action to harness the full potential of academia-business partnerships. As the event concluded, Yusuf’s words left a lasting impression, prompting reflection on how such collaborations could unlock Nigeria’s economic potential and drive innovation.

    In summary, the lecture highlighted the critical need for a collaborative approach between Nigerian universities and businesses. By addressing financial and policy barriers, realigning academic curricula with industry needs, and fostering mutual trust, Nigeria can leverage the strengths of both sectors to achieve significant economic and social progress. The integration of academic research with industry practice offers a promising path to economic transformation, provided stakeholders act decisively and work together towards common goals.

    While delivering his opening remarks, Prof Abraham Osinubi, Dean of the School of Postgraduate Studies, UNILAG, emphasised that the theme ‘Innovative Synergies’ was more than a mere theme for the lecture; it represented a call to action, service and transformation. He urged all stakeholders to forge stronger partnerships between academic institutions and industries. Prof. Osinubi also took the opportunity to highlight several groundbreaking initiatives and academic advancements introduced during his tenure, many of which are set to take effect immediately.

    In her welcome address, Prof Folasade Ogunsola, UNILAG Vice-Chancellor, underscored the timely and transformative nature of the lecture’s theme, especially in light of the rapid changes brought about by the 4th Industrial Revolution. She emphasised the crucial need for tertiary education to evolve in response to these changes, urging researchers to focus on developing tailored solutions to contemporary challenges. Prof. Ogunsola called for a collaborative effort between academia and industry, emphasising that together, they can make the vision of transformational growth a reality.

    To achieve the desired transformation, the VC underscored the necessity of a mindset shift to adapt to the evolving world and address the under-utilised potential within academia. She challenged academics to realign their research efforts towards national development and economic impact, thereby positioning themselves to attract greater budgetary support from governments. Concluding her remarks, she assured that by effectively bridging the gap between industry (financial resources) and academic institutions (knowledge) through strategic partnerships, collaboration and integration, the promise of transformational growth is assured. “As academics, we must do more than lament; we must put our great intellect to work in effectively solving our problems. We, therefore, ask the town to join hands with the gown so that we can all bring our strengths to bear on the advancement of our country,” she declared,” she said.

    As the chairman of the occasion, Dr. John Momoh, who is the Chairman of Channels Media Group, highlighted the urgent need for a reorientation of higher education in Nigeria. He argued that the nation is at a pivotal juncture, where innovative solutions must be propelled by rigorous research. Dr. Momoh emphasised that postgraduate education plays a critical role in addressing the numerous challenges Nigeria faces. He asserted that for an educational system to be truly transformative, it must align with the political realities of the time and that innovation must be driven by intentional and strategic research.

    He further stressed the importance of ensuring that students are not only academically proficient but also prepared for the industry. Reiterating the necessity of commercialising research, Dr. Momoh underscored that partnerships are not merely optional but essential for Nigeria’s sustainable development. “Nigeria is at the crossroads. We need to innovate across all sectors and these innovations must be driven by research. The private sector must engage in postgraduate education, not as a corporate social responsibility, but as a business imperative. Academics must work closely with the private sector to turn academic research into marketable goods and services. The private sector is the engine of economic growth, which is why collaboration between universities and research institutions is very important,” Momoh said.

  • What Nigerians should demand is restructuring, not protests – Ohakim  

    What Nigerians should demand is restructuring, not protests – Ohakim  

    Former Imo State Governor, Chief Ikedi Ohakim, in this interview with selected journalists, shares his views on some national pressing issues including those affecting the economy, security, #EndBadGovernance protests, governance in Imo State, and Nigeria. Our correspondent, Chris Njoku was there. Excerpts:

    Give us a general appraisal of the President Tinubu administration …

    First of all, I would say that the economic crisis in the country is perennial. We have been living with it for quite some time, and the causative factors obviously precede the administration of President Tinubu.  However, one is not oblivious of the fact that the current high cost of living in the country is unprecedented, and I would say that there are two major causative factors.  One is remote, the other is immediate.

    The remote has to do with structural imbalances in the economy that have failed to respond to earlier measures taken by previous administrations in addressing them.  It is the cumulative effect of these persistent structural hiccups that made the Tinubu administration resort to a rather radical approach but unfortunately, there is an incongruity between the radical measures and the underlying structural issues.  In other words, the existing socio-economic structure does not have the capacity to absorb the radical measures being taken by the Tinubu administration. 

    Can you dwell more on the radical measures you are talking about?

    The major thing is the withdrawal of petroleum subsidy and the floating of the naira.  By the time the Tinubu administration began to implement the subsidy withdrawal policy, neither the micro nor macro-economic units had the capacity to absorb them.  For example, personal incomes were too low for the households to absorb the sudden and sharp rise in the prices of goods and services resulting from the equally sharp increase in the price of petrol.  At the macro-economic level, there arose a mismatch in demand and supply and we can go on and on.

    So, do you think the Tinubu administration did not act properly in withdrawing the subsidy as some critics say?

    Not at all.  Nigerians agreed that petroleum product subsidy should be removed.  It was a campaign issue among all the presidential candidates in the 2023 general elections, and each and every one of them said emphatically that they would remove subsidy if elected.  In any case, the Buhari administration did not make provisions for it in the 2023 budget.  So, President Tinubu had no option.  If you can remember his words, what the president said while he was speaking after his inauguration was, “Subsidy is gone”; which means it was already gone before he took over. I am not saying that he should be exonerated from whatever are the unintended consequences of that policy but the point I am making is that as a policy measure, subsidy removal was inevitable and as I have earlier said, the administration preceding this had already removed subsidy by not making provision for it in its last budget.

    However, critics blame the administration for not putting adequate measures in place to enable Nigerians to cope with the potential difficulties the subsidy removal would throw up.

    To an extent, it would appear so but remember that I have just told you that subsidy removal was already a fait accompli before President Tinubu came on board, in the sense that no provision was made for it in the 2023 budget by the outgoing administration.   So, it is likely that under the circumstances, the new administration did not have enough time to put up measures that would adequately cushion the effects of the subsidy removal before implementing it.  But I think the administration has put up a good fight but as I said earlier, it is battling with perennial structural issues.

    How would you score the administration?

    First of all, I am amazed by the uncommon courage the president has shown in taking some of the measures that have resulted in the current difficulties. Personally, I believe it will not be for nothing. I believe that something positive will definitely happen. A president has a helicopter view of all aspects of a nation’s life. What we cannot see standing, he can see even while squatting. I do not believe that any president would simply want to punish his people as some of our people claim. I have decided to remain calm and watch the situation and I similarly appeal to fellow Nigerians to remain calm and let’s watch and pray and continue to give our support to the administration.

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    If you were the president, how would you have handled the situation?

    Your question is rather hypothetical and I don’t like answering hypothetical questions.  The reality is that I am not the president. But we now have a situation whereby everybody claims to have the answer to every problem facing the nation. We have a cacophony of voices on television.  Everybody has become an expert in economics.  The mistake some of us make is to think that those in government are daft and that they know nothing.  But no matter how learned or knowledgeable you are, you can never know or understand a system better than those operating it.  I am not saying that people inside the government know it all or should not take advice from those outside.  What I am saying is that it is wrong to go about saying that those in government just sit down and watch.  You would even hear that governors collect monthly allocations from Abuja, pocket it, and walk away.  Such allusions are too ordinary, and I get amused when some of your colleagues mouth such things.  The question they should ask themselves is, if you meet your counterparts from other countries and you begin to say such things, won’t they laugh at you?  Won’t they ask you where you were as a so-called watchdog of the society and governors or other government officials for that matter pocket public funds and walk away?  Elsewhere, journalists don’t just go about making such claims, they use the powers given to them by the Constitution to make sure that such things do not happen or if they happen at all, the culprits are brought to book. I am not saying that corrupt practices might not be going on, but I am worried at the use of extreme hyperboles that effectively trivialize the issues and even ridicule the entire nation.

    What’s your take on the recent protests against economic hardship?

    Were the protests against hardship or against alleged bad governance?

    Well, it was tagged Endbad governance protest.

    There we go. I don’t think protesting against economic hardship and protesting against bad governance are one and the same thing.  The end bad governance appellation polluted the intentions of the protests which were ordinarily good. Once you say “end bad governance”, politics comes in and people become alerted.  Whether you like it or not, every administration, no matter how bad you think it is doing, would always have those supporting it.  Once you come with phrases like “bad governance”, some people get alerted.  You must have noticed that as far as many people are concerned, not only those inside the government, the protests were an attempt to change the government of the day.  Right or wrong, no sitting government will allow itself to be uprooted and thrown away just like that.  Personally, I am not happy that the somewhat political coloration of the protests has unintentionally obliterated our general appreciation of the significance of the protests.  Protests are legitimate and in the present circumstances, Nigerians had every reason to protest but like I said earlier, elements of partisanship, not just politics, were brought into it.  Be that as it may, I believe that the administration is not glossing over it.  I believe the president got the message and he said so.

    You are a leader in the Southeast, did you support the idea that your people stayed away from that protest?

    Why not? Of course, I supported the idea and the reasons given for that. Some people accused the Igbo of egging other parts of the country on but later refused to join the protests. That was not fair at all. The Igbo have been in protest since the end of the civil war.  The IPOB issue is a form of protest.  Before IPOB, there was the MASSOB which was also a form of protest.  So, to say that the Igbo are afraid of protests is quite unreasonable.  We have so many headaches in the area.   Prices of food items are higher in the Southeast than in the other parts of the country but by the nature of the Igbo, they have realized that protesting will not solve the problem overnight.  Ndigbo realize that the problem is a fundamental one and as such, its solution must be fundamental.  That’s why we are asking for restructuring.  Our late leader, Chief Emmanuel Iwuanyanwu, just a few weeks before he died, inaugurated an Ohaneze committee to advise the federal government on restructuring.  We want to be methodic and more focused this time around.  Not just noise making. That’s why we are pleading that Mazi Nnamdi Kanu should be released.  And once that request is granted, we will take him to Ala Igbo and we will all sit down and ask ourselves some critical questions.  In any case, what’s the fuss about the Southeast not participating?   The point, as I said earlier, has been made through those who participated.

    Still on the Southeast, how would you rate the administration of your state governor, Senator Hope Uzodimma?

    I am not Governor Uzodimma’s PR person so it is not my duty to begin to tabulate what he has achieved but let me say something many people outside Imo State do not know.  Uzodimma inherited a situation that was worse than what any of his predecessors, including my very self, met.  He inherited what I may call a void, in the sense that there was no institutional memory of how the state was run for a cumulative period of almost ten years.

    By the time he took over, there were no documents on how the state was governed from May 29, 2011 to January 15, 2020, the day the Supreme Court declared him the authentic winner of the March 9, 2019 governorship election.  There were no handover notes in the state for close to ten years. I wrote the last handover notes in the state when I was leaving office in 2011.The fellow Uzodimma took over from did not receive any handover notes from his immediate predecessor and did not give Uzodimma any, given the circumstance of his exit.  So, Uzodimma came and was wondering where to start from.  So, I was the only person who could tell him what was in the state by the time I left office in 2011.

     In other words, I was the only leader with an institutional memory of the state of affairs in the state for close to 10 years.  So, I had to make sure I made myself available.  Besides the fact that we both had a shared vision of how the state should be when he first ran for that office in 2003 with me as his running mate, my philosophy is that past governors should work closely with incumbents for the overall interest of the state and its people.  So, I decided to make myself available and he encouraged me not just because we are political allies but also because he realized that a synergy with me would be in the overall interest of the state and its people. Apart from the above, Uzodimma took over almost at the same time the Covid-19 pandemic broke out.  Most of the governors who came into office in May 2019 had put in at least seven months before the pandemic.  Yet, he was able to take off well to the extent that Imo recorded one of the lowest numbers of cases of Covid-19.

     So, you think he is doing well?

    So far, so good. If he is not doing well, I have no business supporting him.  In the countdown to the November 11, 2023 governorship election that returned him for a second term, I wrote an open letter to the good people of Imo State giving reasons why he should be re-elected and followed it up with visits to critical opinion leaders.  One of them was that he has this striking understanding with the federal authorities and which we must exploit further instead of bringing an entirely fresh person.  Today, I am vindicated. Let me give you one illustration.  Shortly after his re-election, he was able to get the federal government to allow the state take over an electricity project it was doing in the state.  Even though power has been removed from the exclusive list to the concurrent, the federal government had no difficulty in allowing the Imo State government take over its power project in Egbema.  That was not for nothing.  A brand new fellow would not have been able to get such a concession within such a short period of time.  And the governor is running with the ball with a state-propelled independent power project.  He quickly set up the Imo State Electricity Regulatory Commission which is working day and night.  As I talk to you, the power project that will give Imo State 24 hours of uninterrupted supply of electricity is billed for commissioning in the first quarter of 2025.  That will be quite revolutionary and if he succeeds in that, as I believe he will, the story in Imo state will be entirely different.

    But it is believed in some quarters that your decision to work closely with the governor is because you are nursing the ambition of taking over from him at the end of his tenure in 2027.

    First, as I have just told you, there is no way I could have turned my back against a Hope Uzodimma administration and I gave you the reasons.  Second, nobody should be surprised that meanings are being read into the fact that I am probably the most visible around the administration compared with his other three predecessors.  But the fact is that I am not doing it because I want to take over from him, I have given you the reasons why I decided to be around, especially as he encouraged me to do so.  You do not need to be hanging around a governor to nurse an ambition to run for office. Those you need to go to are the people.  And I know that the governor realizes the fact that my unalloyed support for his administration is not because I am nursing an ambition.  I can tell you that today in Imo State, there are people who are nursing the ambition to succeed Uzodimma that are not seen around him.  Some people have tried to create the impression that because the governor has shown interest in what one or two fellows are doing, then he has endorsed them as his possible successor.  That’s a wrong interpretation of the situation.

    But, there is still a strong rumour in the state that you will be throwing your hat in the ring for the 2027 governorship race.

    What is there is a rumour? Won’t it surprise you if such rumour around me, Ikedi Ohakim, do not exist?   If anybody comes out to say that I am going to run for governor in 2027 will he or she be said to be guessing wrongly? Personally, I don’t talk about 2027 because I believe it is too early, apart from that it would amount to a distraction to the governor.  In other words, I will be contradicting myself by saying that I am working for him to continue with his good works and finish well and at the same time talk about who will succeed him.

    But others can talk on your behalf and already one or two influential personalities in the state have been canvassing for your return.

     Can you name those that are campaigning for me?

    Two prominent indigenes of Owerri Zone, Prince Bob Njemanze and Mr. Paddy Obinna, elder brother of Archbishop Obinna, and Chief Ralph Obioha, an elder statesman and former presidential aspirant, have also come out to canvas for your return. This is strong evidence that some people are already rooting for you.

    I was governor for four years and of all the 305 electoral wards in the state, there is none in which I did not have supporters or those who worked with me.  We are in a free democratic world where people can legitimately have their own ideas on how things should go and sometimes go about canvassing it without necessarily doing eye service.  I do not think we should quarrel over people trying to express their thoughts on matters concerning their environment either as individuals or as a group.  So, if any individual or group indulges in any tendencies that would suggest that Ikedi Ohakim should be governor again, you think they should be crucified?  Right now, there are serious debates going on in the state over power sharing and do you think it is possible that names like Ikedi Ohakim will not be mentioned in one way or the other?.  But to cut a long story short, I am not talking about 2027 yet and I have not told anybody to talk about it on my behalf or to campaign for me.      

     You made mention of restructuring but there has been this back and forth about it. Why do you think we are not making progress with it?              

    More than ever before, restructuring has become inevitable. Some people were pretending but it has become clear to everyone that we cannot continue with the present structure if Nigeria must survive. The Patriots are right in asking for a new constitution though that is not the first time. Restructuring and change of the constitution or some of its provisions are not one and the same thing but we need constitutional changes, whether wholly or partially, to effect restructuring.

    For instance, restructuring may need going for a referendum but the current constitution has no provision for a referendum. The president was also right in the way he responded to the patriots, led by our highly respected Chief Emeka Anyaoku.I agree with him that he should be given some time to first fix the economy but that should only be in the short term. As far as I am concerned, no meaningful transformation of the Nigerian economy can take place without restructuring and I am certain that President Tinubu will ultimately work towards that because I know that he believes in restructuring. Just a few weeks ago, some of our people gathered in Abuja to pay tribute to the late Premier of the defunct Eastern Region, Dr Michael Okpara. Okpara performed so well not because he was a magician but because the system then made it possible.  Both the Western and Northern regions respectively under Obafemi Awolowo and Ahmadu Bello also witnessed steady economic growth and stability; all because the federating units, the regions, were truly autonomous and had powers to harness their own resources and channel them more meaningfully for the good of their respective people.  But since 1966, we have been operating a unitary system under the pretext of a federation.                    

    Are you suggesting that we should return to a regional arrangement?     

     We do not need a regional system to operate a truly federal structure. But if in the process of restructuring some states that are geographically contiguous and have cultural affinities decide to merge, that should be encouraged. We have a whole lot of work to do and we need to go about it with level-headedness. It is not something that can be achieved with a week-long protest. It is a long distance journey but we must start now.

    You spoke about the power project going in Imo State. Of course, similar projects are going on in several parts of the country but the major problem militating against the development of Nigeria’s power sector is the perennial hiccups in gas supply. You were once the chairman of the National Gas Policy Committee and I believe that the position must have exposed you to the nuances of the nation’s gas production and supply issues. Why do you think we are finding it difficult to get over these challenges?

    Good question. With approximately 202 trillion cubic feet of untapped proven reserves, Nigeria’s natural gas sector presents a significant opportunity for economic growth and development. As the chair of the National Committee for Nigeria’s Gas Master Plan in 2008 under President Yar’Adua, I oversaw the development of a comprehensive policy framework designed to optimize domestic utilization, promote gas-based industrialization, and position Nigeria as a major player in the global gas market. Despite laying this foundation and subsequent policies, including the National Gas Policy of 2017 and the Flare Gas Policy of 2018, the sector’s development has been hindered by various challenges. However, the current administration’s commitment to gas sector development, exemplified by initiatives such as the Gas Sector Development Plan and the Nigerian Gas Flare Commercialization Program, is a positive step towards unlocking the sector’s potential.

    There is this myth that has been created around Nigeria’s oil and gas sector. Like insecurity, do you think the oil and gas sector in Nigeria is too difficult to manage for the benefit of the people?

    It is not rocket science. If we do the proper things, we will get all the benefits from the sector. Maximizing the economic benefits of Nigeria’s gas resources requires a multifaceted approach that will encompass infrastructure development; expanding and upgrading gas processing facilities, pipelines  and transmission networks to support increased production and domestic utilization; investment promotion; encouraging foreign and domestic investment in the sector through incentives, partnerships, and transparent regulatory frameworks; market development by creating a competitive gas market through price liberalization, market restructuring and demand stimulation; environmental sustainability by implementing measures to minimize environmental impacts, such as flaring reduction and carbon capture. By addressing these key areas, Nigeria can unlock the full potential of its gas sector, generating an estimated $20 billion in annual Gross Value Added and supporting over 7 million full-time jobs. The time for investment in Nigeria’s gas sector is now, and I am happy President Tinubu is seizing this opportunity.

    The  security situation in the country seems to have defied any known logic. Why do you think the government is finding it impossible to handle the matter?

    I don’t think it is correct to say that the government is finding it impossible to handle the security challenges in the country. I am aware that quite a lot is being done and that a lot of progress is being recorded. The Police Equipment Fund, for example, is being put into effective use through the acquisition of sophisticated equipment that is being deployed all over the country. But since these equipment are not purchased off the shelf, we give the authorities time to place the order and get them into the country. But I am aware that as of today, all the divisional police headquarters in the 774 local government areas in the country have been linked up to a central monitoring system for effective coordination. And let me seize this opportunity to commend the new Executive Secretary of the Fund for the innovations he has brought into its management, especially by making it easier and attractive for corporate bodies to be part of the programme. The Fund is now better coordinated through the office of the national security adviser and I believe that we will soon begin to see better results. But having said that, I think that the thing to do is to decentralize and democratize the security architecture of the country. There has to be a Marshal plan for tackling insecurity in the country. We should begin to take a more serious look at state police. Like several other well-meaning Nigerians, I believe that the time for it is now. Everybody has a role to play. Everybody has to police his own environment.

    But there has been this talk about Community Policing but it appears no progress is being made in that direction.

    Community policing should not just be about wearing uniforms on some natives and branding them community police. It is about democratizing policing, as I said earlier, whereby everybody sees himself as a policeman without necessarily wearing a uniform. I believe that if we do this in addition to the current efforts by the government to properly equip the regular police, we will certainly get somewhere.

  • Litigation part of election process – Abioye, OSSIEC chair

    Litigation part of election process – Abioye, OSSIEC chair

    Hashim Akintunde Abioye is a lawyer, and the Chairman of the Osun State Independent Electoral Commission (OSSIEC), in this interview with Gbenga Aderanti, he talks about the forthcoming local government election in the state, why the State Electoral Commissions (SIECs) rather than Independent Electoral Commission (INEC) should be allowed to continue to conduct the local government elections, OSSIEC’s preparation for the local government election in 2025, and others. Excerpts

    THE local government election will be held in February 2025, how prepared is the commission for the exercise?

    We gave notice of the election in February 2024, in compliance with the electoral act and OSSIEC law, both laws provide for 360 days, at least 360 days before you can hold an election. We rolled out the timetable, published it, circulated it to all the political parties, and you will see that according to the timetable we have been carrying out our activities in line with the schedule of activities.

    We have passed the state of primary elections by the political parties; we are now at the stage of verification. For the first time, in the history of this commission, we set up a verification committee to look at the credentials of candidates of the political parties, as a result of that and some other things, regarding their eligibility to contest the election.

    The members of the Verification Committee are people of integrity, people who have served the country in the past and some of them are still serving up till today. Nobody can point a finger at any of the verification committee members. They are people of high repute in society. We are awaiting their report. The time for publication of the name is close by, it is after the Verification Committee must have submitted its report, and after the commission must have considered the report, we will now publish the names of candidates of political parties, who have been cleared to contest the election.

    Following that, other activities as lined up in the timetable that have to do with campaigns and rallies, will follow, and then the training of ad-hoc staff we have commenced. We have started the retreat for commission members, training of electoral officers, and assistant electoral officers.

    We will start recruiting our ad-hoc staff any moment from now. Their training and all that will be part of what we will be doing in the next few days. That is how it has been and that is how it will be throughout the period of election as outlined in the timetable.

    I read a piece where a retired INEC member, Dr. Agboola said that for the first time, OSSIEC would be conducting free, fair, and credible elections. Does that mean the past elections were not free, fair, and credible?

    Yes, I would want to say one way or the other that on two occasions to the best of my knowledge, this commission had fallen under the hammer of the court. This commission had come under the red pen of the judiciary in 2010 and 2022. In 2010, the Supreme Court invalidated the local government election, conducted by this commission in 2007 on account of illegal notice that the notice given was not in compliance with the provision of the Electoral Act. The same happened in 2022 when the court nullified the election conducted by this commission. Incidentally, I was the one that prosecuted that of 2022 in court when I challenged this commission then in good conscience. I never knew I would be here. I never knew I would be appointed. I challenged the election conducted by OSSIEC in 2022 in court, and it was based on the precedent set by the Supreme Court in 2022, OSSIEC vs  Action Congress we contested that in court, and the court agreed with us,  the court nullified the election.

    If Dr. Agboola, you know his pedigree, he was with INEC for some years, a retired INEC commissioner for that matter, could come up with that opinion that this commission is doing wonderfully well, I think I would want to agree with that because I witnessed on two occasions the election conducted by this commission had been nullified by the court, so we are doing everything possible to ensure that this commission does not fall under the hammer of the court again. We are doing everything that we can do not to falter under the side of the rule of law and on the side of due process. So far so good, we have been having it so good.

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    Up until 1979 the state’s electoral umpires were regarded as the State Electoral Commission, it was the 1979 Constitution that established the State Independent Electoral Commission (SIEC). How independent are the SIECs?

    Well, I would like to tell you that the problem with SIECs generally is not particular to any state-independent electoral body. It is general, and it is in terms of administrative operational and financial autonomy, that is just the main issue. What do I mean by this? If you are talking about financial autonomy, it is the state government that will finance the state Independent Electoral Commission. SIEC is in the constitution, it is one of the executive bodies established for the state by the 1979 Constitution that is why we are saying that if there is going to be a replacement for the state electoral bodies at all, it has to be through the constitution, no other law, no other legislation can come up today and supplant what is contained in the constitution unless what is contained in the constitution itself, so that is it about that.

    What we are saying is that independence of the state electoral bodies in terms of finance, all state electoral bodies are dependent on states for finance. If we are talking about that it is that if you prepare a budget, it is the state executive that will look at the budget. The budget has to go through the House of Assembly before it becomes law before it will become implementable.

    It is not that the independent state electoral bodies have any financial autonomy, to the extent of having all the resources they would need for an election in an election year ahead of the election year as it operates at the national level. That is in the area of financial autonomy.

    Going to the area which you specifically questioned, that is the area of the insinuation that it is always the ruling party that dictates the tune for the state independent electoral body, let me say these political parties are not doing good for the masses, they are not doing so well for the parties. Sentiments, emotions, suspicion, and unreasonableness, are some of those ills that affect the operations of the State Independent Electoral Commissions. For example, if a state Independent Electoral Commission rolls out its activities, this is what we want to do, you will see the major opposition party launching severe attacks that “No you cannot be independent, you cannot be this, you cannot be that.” Attacks here and there, the next thing you will hear is pulling out of the process. If you pull out of the process, that is like a walkover. Pulling out of the process, and not participating in the process is the bane of the conduct of the local government elections. You know it is happening in some states now.

    For the first time in the history of this commission, all the registered political parties that have a presence in this state, 18 in all, are participating in this process. They have seen our sincerity, our fairness, and our transparency.

    It is always difficult for parties or candidates to accept the outcome of the electoral process when they lose. Why is this so?

    Well, litigation is part of the election process; you will see that there is nowhere throughout the entire world where you will have an election process that will not have provisions for litigation. It is part of our law; it must be part of our law; and indeed it must be part of our law, In fact, without provisions for litigation, and for the court intervention in the process, definitely the law is not complete.

    Before, during, and after the election, there are processes and if anyone feels aggrieved, or is not comfortable with any of the processes, the best way to address that issue is to approach the court. You cannot remove litigation and everyone has the right to go to court and it now depends on what you make of your evidence or your facts before the court. So litigation is part of the election process.

    What is your take on the call for the Independent National Electoral Commission to take over the conduct of state elections?

    Well, I said it in the past and I will still say it that we will all come back to regret it, not because I’m the chairman of the commission today, not because I’m in the saddle as the chairman of OSSIEC, but we have been agitating for true federalism and we are already saying the exclusive legislative list in the constitution is already overloaded, is already overburdened. There was a time in the past when the national electoral body was responsible for conducting local government elections, it is the same thing. Where you see the ruling party taking the show all over and it was a time when the national electoral body was responsible for the conduct of local government elections. Even as we have it today, don’t we have some states where you say it is a go area for any other political party than this party? What are people saying regarding that, are you telling me that the INEC is infallible?

    What I’m saying is that instead of calling for the scrapping of the state-independent electoral bodies, call for their strengthening. We can tie their operational and financial autonomy to that of the Independent National Electoral Commission. It is like what we have in the issue of voter registers, no state electoral body has the competence to compile voters register. We make use of voters’ registers compiled by the INEC. Our responsibility as stipulated in the constitution is to assist and advise the INEC regarding the voters’ registration and all that but we make use of the voters’ register compiled by the INEC and if you are making use of the voters register compiled by INEC, that is an operational issue. It is an administrative issue, if that could be tied to that of INEC, you can tie the finances of the states’ independent electoral commissions to INEC as well by having their finances and all that to be charged on the consolidated revenue as we have for INEC, it could be done at the national level. They can amend the law to the extent of giving true financial autonomy to state Independent Electoral Commissions, by tying their financial autonomy, and operational and administrative strategies to that of INEC for example for OSSIEC, so so, the amount is projected, this amount is hereby charged on the consolidated revenue fund and when it is time for us to make use fund, we asses it from where it was deposited, so, instead of calling for an outright scrapping of states independent electoral commissions, I will call for their strengthening and their overhaul.

     You once contested on the platform of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP)…

     I’m not any longer.

    You may have your biases…

    No, no, no. The thing is that I have effectively removed that toga of partisanship. I have put the clothes somewhere else; ever before my appointment since I got the wind of the appointment, I effectively resigned my membership of the Peoples’ Democratic Party.

    I think what people should be looking into is the integrity of the process, the transparency, and the reform that we have brought into the commission since we came on board. If you were here before we came on board, you would not have any place to sit.  It was when we came that we renovated this place. Before we came on board, there was no single computer, there was no single ICT facility when we came on board and this was a commission to which close to N2bn was devoted between August and October 2022 we did not meet, not even a single system, but today we can boast of ICT facilities, at least some infrastructural facilities that is the area we should be looking at.

    The toga of partisanship, that was in the past, this is a new Hashim Abioye, a ‘partyless’ and no -partisan Hashim Abioye.

  • How tribalism, Niger-Delta politics robbed me of NNPC top job– Alexander Neyin

    How tribalism, Niger-Delta politics robbed me of NNPC top job– Alexander Neyin

    Former Gulf Oil/Chevron top man, former chairman, Board of Trustees, Society of Petroleum Engineers (Nigeria Council) and Chief Executive Officer at Gacmock Nigeria Limited, an oil consultancy, Engineer Alexander Neyin, speaks with Gboyega  Alaka on exploits in the Nigerian petroleum sector, his revolutionary role as a student and faceoff with the Gowon administration, which almost cost him his American scholarship and the politics that denied him the top job of  Group Managing Director of the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation, NNPC.

    As an oil exploration expert, why do you think it has been impossible for Nigeria’s refineries to work?

    The other day I appeared on a TV programme and they were talking about the refineries;  and I said for more than 200 years, the average Urhobo man has been refining ogogoro; they didn’t read physics or chemistry; but they understand the principle of fermentation and distillation, where they take the ogoro (Pam wine), put in a place, leave it to ferment, put it in a drum, where they boil it and put a pipe from that drum through a cooling tank where they can be pumping water regularly; the discharge is the distillate, which is the ogogoro. The refinery is similar. It is just that you put the crude into a system and at different destinations, different products are being discharged. The lighter ends at higher temperatures; the heavier ends at the base. The problem we have is when you go acquiring technology all around the world, it becomes a problem to have a standard. Warri Refinery was built by Nuovo Pignone, an Italian company; you go to Kaduna Refinery, it’s another company; Port Harcourt, another; so there is no synergy. Besides, every refinery has continuous maintenance; you don’t wait until it dies out before you start talking about turnaround maintenance. In the US, I worked with Bay City Refinery, and most refineries are built like two hearts; so that when one portion is running, the other is being maintained. That way, there is no time you see a refinery going down the way it does here. And how do you even run a machine to the point that it becomes a liability that you park? Not even your car should be so treated. And when you park your car for about two to three months, you can imagine what will happen to the engine, not to talk of years. If we know what we’re doing, we have no business going through what we’re going through. If a government has four refineries and all the four are down, it tells volume of who we are. The Nigerian government in the past has spent money on engineering; I’m a product of that system. I was in University of Benin when I got a scholarship to go study Petroleum Engineering in the US without knowing anybody. That was when things were done on merit. If it was now that the US government says they need people, you’d see one highly placed person sending his son, whether he’s a Dundee United or not. And that does not give the desired result. So now, we are compromised to the extent that we cannot be boastful of the products that we have. All these things have fallen apart. So first and foremost, we must go back and fix our universities properly; and it begins right from the primary school level. Parents must also pay their part because parenting in Nigeria has gone to the floor. We talk about hoodlums here and there; who’s responsible? The parents. Today, these ones who have not gone to school and have not being well trained are busy multiplying children; what do you think will the final product? Today, the average Itshekiri girls that are smart are being married by other tribes.

    How so?

    The girls go to school and come out but the percentage of the boys who go to school is infinitesimal compared to the girls; so they get married to other tribes who have gone to school; and the uneducated get married to the uneducated. What do you think they’re going to produce?

    What would you say amounted for this regression?

    The regression is a result of the value system that has changed. The average Itshekiri man  does not care whether you have money or not; it’s about your integrity. That’s what we grew up to meet as children. But things have changed; and this has affected the value system, such that everything is about money. Even here in Lagos, you go everywhere and see all sorts of people hailing you and shouting ‘Baba! Baba!!.

    How long are you going to do ‘Baba’?

    You’ve singled out parenting as a major cause of our retrogression.

    Yes. In 2007, when I was to be made the Group MD of NNPC; the industry was shaking. I worked for Chevron, and I was one of the few people who refused to go and defend cost with NNPC because I knew what it was. I ran Gulf of Mexico in the US, and I knew how much it cost. But when I came in here, I saw that they were drilling the same oil, similar environment, with cheaper labour cost, at three times the price. So how do I join my company and go to NNPC to defend such a cost? I told the MD, anything about going to defend cost with government, I’m not going; but anything that is about going to defend the technical part of my job, count me in. And throughout my working career, I refused to go.

    And that didn’t threaten your work and career?

    Well, one of the things I did was make sure I’m an engineer through and through. So you cannot fault me technically. You can fault me by saying I’m not a good company man because I didn’t support these kind of things; and I didn’t care about that. And I used to tell them that all of us cannot be MD, and that there was no way Chevron was going to make a Nigerian MD in my time. As an Engineering Supervisor, the financial authority I had was as good as what a deputy MD in the company now has. If I said I needed this number of engineers to be trained, I never cared where they came from, I simply put my signature to their names. And once it gets to the Human resources, they never needed to get any clearance; they just approve and sent them. That was how we were able to train up some engineers. My target then was ‘let us work hard to domesticate the industry’. So this refinery thing that we are talking about is a disgrace, because it is not rocket science. It is what we can do. But will the government allow the right people there. You want somebody to do a job but rather than employ the right person, you start considering a senator’s son. So the job does not get done. Why, because you cannot give what you don’t have.

    That’s really bleak, are you saying there is no hope for our refineries?

    Well go to the refineries and see what is going on. They contracted the revamping to some foreign company. Last month I led a team of the Society of Petroleum Engineers to Warri Refinery to see the level of work done. What our people don’t know is that in any engineering field, outside or inside, there is always a point, where you need the manufacturing company. Usually, they’d put one small thing that would go bad and you would have to call them. You are supposed to put a Nigerian to mark the contractors who come to work there. That person is like an apprentice who takes a close look at what they are doing for possible takeover in the future. I did that for Chevron when they brought people in for a turnkey project. After commissioning, they were to be there for five years to run the place, so as  the project supervisor I made a u-turn and picked some engineers and technicians and matched them two to each Whiteman as they brought the project for installation. Under six months, I set all the oyinbo operators free, because I no longer needed them. But there was a joker on that platform; we had  four pumps to pump water from the sea, which we treated and injected into the reservoir to increase pressure to produce; each of those big pumps are down there, with the motor on top. Between the motor and the pump and the water is a two pair plastic put together, screwed on either side that keeps turning. They had calculated that every three or four months that plastic would  wear out and need replacement; and each of those plastics cost about 25 thousand dollars. They gave us a lot of supplies when they came in, but they already figured, by their calculation, how long they would last us. Eventually those coupling got finished; but before they finished, I had told my people, ‘what is this? It’s a plastic holding the top and bottom’. So I flew down to the place, got thick rubbers, two pairs, drilled holes in them on both ends, put them together and fitted them. The one we did, for one year, didn’t share. Guess what! They started calling from their office that this particular stock was supposed to have been replaced and that if we didn’t replace them, it would damage the machine, bla ba bla. I told them we didn’t need it. They were calculating 25,000 dollars four times in a year, but I killed it off. So we had the rubber in our warehouse and it was cheaper. The place is still running till today.

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    And there was no backlash?

    None, it was my project; theirs was to set it up; thereafter it’s my property. When you put a chain on my neck and  decide to retain the chain, it’s my problem. Every engineer who is well trained must have done civil, mechanical engineering, all the small pieces in the first two years; even as a petroleum engineer, all those things will come handy at some point; when somebody brings something to you, with your residual knowledge, you should be able to question it, unless you just got the degree without really imbibing the rudiments. However, some of us went out to study engineering because we want to be engineers. So if you talk of electrical setting, I can contend with anybody, same with civil, mechanical…, to repair cars, turbine engine; I had to dirty my hands. I told myself I’m going to be a petroleum engineer, these are some of the basic things I need. And that’s why my company when they have big projects, they tell me, ‘Go and man this project’ – whether mechanical, electrical or whatever, my knowledge can challenge whatever you’re doing. So you give Warri Refinery that has sat down ten years to Dawood to fix, meanwhile, you that is giving the contract only has marginal knowledge on it; and that’s how you have a yoyo situation, because the people giving out the job to this company are not thorough, the companies themselves taking the job are not truthful. All they want is the money. In the end, it is garbage in garbage out.

    You’re saying it’s a difficult situation even now?

    Yes it is. By the time we finished, they said it would be ready by September ending; I said there is no way. That refinery cannot run; maybe in December it will be manageable. You won’t believe that refinery was set up to have carbon black petrochemical site, you have a kerosene site for jet fuel for aircraft and normal kerosene. Those units have never worked since they built that refinery. The petrochemical site never worked one day;  and the petrochemical site is to get chemicals out of it, such as carbon black, so that you can manufacture tyres, plastics. What that means is that they import the thing they use in making all the plastics you see all over Nigeria. Some they bring them in ready-made and cut to the size or shape they want.

    We are at a point where subsidy removal has become a big issue, is it really the way to go?

    About four, five years ago, TVC, Channels TV interviewed me about this subsidy thing, and the question I kept asking was ‘who is subsidising who?’ Because the importers of the products are on one hand, the DPR people who approves and say ‘this is a quality product, this is the volume that really came in’ are on the other hand; the NNPC are on their own as well. So if somebody comes and says he’s bringing in 300million litres of petrol, the  DPR is supposed to go out there and take the sample for test. Even that particular sample is supposed to have been tested and approved from the refinery were it is coming from. Is it Nigerian spec? Somebody says he is bringing 300million litres, meanwhile he’s bringing only 100 million. The DPR people know that the volume he’s bringing in is not 300milion but they close their eyes. So you’re paying subsidy on 300milliuon litres for 100milion litres. That’s what has been happening. In addition, when this 100million comes in, the regulators say the price is X, that price; but when it crosses the border to another country, it becomes times 2. The DPR people are supposed to follow the tanker to ensure it is delivered at the right place, but once the price is right, they put it on the road and take it to the border, escorted by the same Nigerian police or army, who are supposed to stop such a thing in the first place. The custom people also look the other way, thereby creating scarcity at home and allowing the prices to shoot up. They create scarcity and then sell at higher prices. If they hear that petrol is going to be 1000 naira next week, they close down their station, no fuel. It is the DPR that should go there with their long stick to ascertain, but would they do it? No, because those marketers would go to them in the office, give them ten million, and tell them ‘don’t go to this and this filling stations. That’s why you see all of them in NNPC and DPR driving cars outside their income. Same with the permanent secretaries. No permanent secretary earns half or one third of my salary when I was working, but they have a lot of buildings in Ikoyi and Abuja. Who’s questioning them? So really, it’s the corruption that was driving the subsidy regime.

    Let’s talk about the Dangote/NNPC/ crude oil supply imbroglio; what do you think is the problem?

    First and foremost, Dangote has no right to start saying the IOCs refused to give him crude. To start with, that is wrong. When you want to do a project like that, your source of crude for X number of years must have been keyed down with solid agreement. You also ought to have settled the matter of the people that are going to take the product from you. You put that together and come up with the economic plan of the project. If it does not jive, you don’t start. So a situation where you think you can build it and suddenly arm-twist the oil companies to say they are not giving you crude does not make sense. Nigerians don’t understand what is going on.

    What are the advantages if we begin to refine here?

    If we refine here, the cost of transportation of the refined product down to Nigeria is off. Te cost of transportation of the crude from here abroad is also taken off; and these are major costs. And if we begin to sell the refined product out, we make more money than when we sell just the crude. It doesn’t even make any economic sense to sell crude out, because it is more beneficial to refine the product and sell out. All the countries around Nigeria need the product; so you refine, sell out and bring in foreign money, thereby increasing our foreign reserve. These countries around us are also nearer.

    There is also this outrage that the refineries have not being working for donkey years, yet the workers are being paid huge salaries?

    That is why we say government has no business in business. If I have a refinery that stops producing anything, would I retain the workers? Of course not. Else I will have to go to the banks to borrow money to pay them. But because it’s government… They killed it; no income is coming, the overhead is fixed, you still have MD, deputy MD, managers, operations this and that; doing what? At best, I’ll call the staff and offer them one third of their salary pending when things would normalise again. And I can bet you that they would all work hard to ensure that things work, so they could start earning their full salary again.

    You claimed in your autobiography, ‘I Dared To Explore,’ that you missed the Group Managing Director of NNPC job to tribalism; do you see it as a personal loss or as a loss to the country?

    It’s never a personal loss. I don’t need the kind of money people need to live. People were telling me, ‘anything they tell you, just say ‘yes’,’  so that you can get the job. But I can’t do such. This face is always going to be this face. In the daytime, it is this face, at night or any other time, it will be this same face. I don’t want to get myself into those type of situations. God created mouth for you, and there is a limit to what your mouth can carry; if it’s too much, it will be discharged. Nigerians have to differentiate between their needs and wants. A country where people go for their wants and not their needs must be in this shape. Somebody who naturally cannot afford a two-bedroom wants to live in a duplex; he’s going to run into a problem.

    So in you Nigeria lost a true Engineer/Administrator who would have impacted the system positively?

    As far as I am concerned it would have been a different ballgame. First the 60/40 percent contract Nigeria has with the IOCs is with the assumption that we as Nigerians would own 60 percent while the IOCs, who are the operators, owned 40 percent. So the operator prepare a budget, which they bring to the government to approve. Now imagine that I don’t have the competence to go through that budget to see whether this is acceptable or not. Based on corruption, most of the IOCs would rather go abroad to discuss their budget with the NNPC – usually they go to Houston or London. Usually, it is the NNPC that suggests this, so that when they go, they get estacodes. Meanwhile the oil companies still go ahead to give them accommodation and feeding. So they get to pocket the estacode. In addition, the oil companies give some of the big boys 200,000, 500,000 dollars cash in envelops as gift. Who’s going to pay that money? It’s still part of the operations cost which the IOCs will remove, so they lose nothing. What I’m saying is that if you have 60 percent in a company and somebody owns 40 percent, you as a majority owner should be on top of the game. You should get some people from your side living in that company and working with them, to monitor what is going on.

    Is it a systemic problem or a problem of competence or conspiracy?

    All of the above.

    You were active in the oil sector, are you saying you did not raise people to learn from you and impart your values?

    That’s why I’m telling you that it would have been a show-stopper. I didn’t apply for the job, I just got a text message to send my CV. I had left Chevron and was working as Technical Director at Addax. Later I go another message: Please tell us what it will take to have NNPC operate like Petrobras or Aramco and the likes. So I put four pages. What are the things we needed to do? Because the NNPC as it was, was just a conduit, if you turn it to the likes of Aramcos of this world, then you can get Dubai and things like that. When they read it, it was like, this is it. But those who wanted the job badly were bribing Yar’Adua’s wife ten million, 20 million; then Yar’Adua was like, ‘what is in this job that people want it so badly?’ That was when he now got a British company to do an evaluation of the applications. They had eleven applications; at the end of the day, they came out with a list- I was number one. While all this was going on, I had no inkling; it was at the zero our that I got to know that they had stationed SSS people in my house in Warri, and at Addax Petroleum where I worked in Lagos.

    And why would they do that?

    When the information got out, the MD automatically sensed that this guy could be at risk once the information got out, so he called the security management to contact Panti and make sure they got some security people to keep an eye on me. So they were just hanging around, but they had their brief.  Then I was invited to Abuja; and it was at that point that things started happening. E K Cark came up against my appointment because he thought I had a link with James Ibori and the late Olu of Warri, which was after Daily Independent, which Ibori owned, had come up with a damning front page story that so so so person was the next NNPC GMD and was being sponsored by himself, Uduaghan and the Olu of Warri. Meanwhile I had no link with Ibori. His uncle, Gilbert Iwere, was working in Warri Escravos as a warehouse supervisor and I was there as a superintendent. He worked for somebody who worked for me. So if I went to Gilbert’s house, I would see Uduaghan and Ibori there, and usually they would greet me ‘welcome sir uncle’, and that was it. It was a plot by Ibori to work up Clarke against me and it worked. Ibori actually wanted Mukoro, an Isoko guy, who worked with the NNPC. He knew that if he placed that in the paper, Clarke would take it up and Ijaw people would demonstrate. Clarke thought Ibori had stolen Delta State money, and he was going to put me there to continue stealing Federal Government’s money. So they demonstrated. They then put forward the argument if I was dropped, whoever would replace me must be a Niger-Delta man. EK Clarke then proposed his own man who had placed 8th in the assessment, but Yar’Adua said we cannot leave number one and take number 8; whatever issue you Niger Delta people have, you should go and sort it out, I am going to stick with number one. While this was going on, the Northerners went to him and put forward their own person, and that was how Abubakar Lawal Yar’Adua became GMD after Funsho Kupolukun.

    Why was the conspiracy against you so strong?

    They fear it wouldn’t be business as usual if I got in there. The IOCs were panicking; they were calling all the people they knew around me; some were calling my friends and relatives. They knew what they were doing. The NNPC people also knew what they were doing. How do you feel picking a tea-cup of money and letting go a drum to outsiders? The only person that has worked effectively in that place is Aret Adams. Most of the positive things you see, Aret Adams put them together. If Chief Aret got any money, it would be through charity, maybe somebody just said take for helping us. But for these guys, it’s conditional. Eventually, Hope Harriman went to E K Clarke and asked him, ‘where is the Niger-Delta man with this kind of qualification that you guys are opposing him? So E K Clarke insisted that I come and see him at Kiagbodo, his hometown. We all went- Rear Admiral Kpokpogri, Tunde Smooth, all the Niger Delta young boys joined in a convoy of 45 vehicles; we met EK Clarke. After a lengthy interview, he regretted his action and said it was because he didn’t know me. But the main thing was that this person was being sponsored by Ibori.

    Could you recall the conversation with Clarke on that day?

    He asked if I knew him and I said yes. He asked ‘how?’ So I started by telling him how on return from abroad he stayed on Robert’s Road in a two-bedroom apartment which doubled as his office and residence. I also told him about the girl he was coming to chase at Urhobo College. At that point, he shouted: ‘Indeed you know me. That girl gave me hard time. I asked ‘you want to know more? He said ‘yes’. I said when you were Commissioner of Education, you brought your in-law to be vice-chancellor in the midst of qualified professors from all over the Mid-West, even though he was the least qualified. I told him the students were going to take you on but I salvaged you by sending you a message not to come to the campus. (General laughter) He was shocked.

    You almost missed out on the American scholarship to go study Petroleum Engineering abroad due to your activism in Revolutionaries Radicals.

    Back in 1972, there were lots of things going on, which started making us feel like something had to be done that. When we got independence in 1960, the thought was that we were going to grow up into a great country. So by the time we got to the university and started seeing some of  the manipulations, we started getting worried. But to challenge the wrong things in the university, you must be prepared, because they could use the lecturers to fail you and push you out. You have to be above par and very thorough in what your study. So we decided we were going to be a mouthpiece for people to see the good things and bad things. We fought against the initial concept of the NYSC, preferring the Israelis or American format, where they get one full year military training. That would serve as a good elite reserve of the armed forces for the country. But they were afraid that the number of elite reserve would over time outnumber the regular army and the idea of military coup would not work again. Eventually they adopted the Man O’ war format.

    Then they used to rotate the Federal Executive Council meetings among the region; so when they held it in Benin, they were lodged at Palm Royal. Just as it is today, they would go to the universities to carry girls and position them in the rooms as cocottes for the governors, and pay them N3,000 at the end of the day. Back then, a Volkswagen was one thousand naira.  Meanwhile, we were monitoring all these; we had the names of the girls and the amount they were given; so we cartooned them, using their names in disordered format, so they could not prove anything legally. So for weeks, shame would not let the girls come out. They would hold a state dinner for just about 100 persons a d quote N10million, when at that time, a three-course meal at the universities cost only 25k. And we wondered, ‘what were they eating?’ By that 1974, when we summarised what we’d seen since 1972, we came forward with ’25 reasons Gowon Cannot Rule  Nigeria Beyond 1975′. As the scribe, no other person signed that document aside me. So when the scholarship came from the US State Department for me and eight others, they brought us to Lagos, put us in a hotel. They did passport for us; two days later, we all went back there to collect our passports but mine was not give to me. I then waited until they all travelled; the wait continued until one day, Chief OP Edodo, then a commissioner in Bendel State, saw me the hotel restaurant and wondered what a young boy like me was doing in the hotel. I told him, and he now gave me a note to Magnus Eweka, then a Commissioner of Police in Moloney and an old boy of Urhobo College  who saved the situation. I filled the form that I was from OP Edodo and also an old boy of Urhobo College. It turned out that the document about Gowon that I had signed caused me to be blacklisted.  Anyway, Eweka waved it, warned me to stay off such issues and facilitated how I got back my passport.

    You weren’t pleased with your dad because he stopped your elder sister from going to School of Nursing.

    That was one reason. I think he was fraudulent, and as a child, I recognised that. he was fraudulent in the sense that he had three kids: my elder sister, myself and my younger brother. He was paying for me going to Modern School. My mother paid for my sister. My mother’s expectation was that  if she went to school properly, she would be a helper for her and the rest of us. Then you came and said ‘No’, she should get married. Some elders in the neighbourhood came in and helped them reach a compromise. My mum said she had spent money to get this girl through Modern school and she’d been given admission to School of Nursing; and that she wanted her to get that education and come back to help get her younger ones. You said ‘no, that you’d rather marry her out, and be responsible for these people going to school. And then when you succeeded in marrying her out, you never contributed in sending the younger boys to school. That was fraud. Even at that age, I had developed a phobia for dishonesty. Then, we already had the Professor Alele Williams. My mum never went to school, my dad went to school, he was chief clerical officer at PWD, so he should have a better understanding of education than a illiterate woman.

    Tell us of your journey up the ladder from your scholarship years in the US.

    Following my admission into the University of Benin, we went on holidays in 1974, came back in January to the news that the US State Department had given nine of us a scholarship to go and study Petroleum Engineering. The federal government needed petroleum engineers, since petroleum had become the mainstay of the nation’s economy. The idea was to have us come back and practise or teach in the universities. Then A&M University was the number one university in the world in Petroleum Engineering; still is; so as we were graduating, I had eight oil companies offering me jobs. I took a job with Gulf Oil  in Houston. Because I’d had plans to go do my masters, after three months, I offered to resign to go and do my Masters; but they said, ‘No; go ahead and do the masters, we’ll be paying you fulltime. We’ll also pay your school fees.’ So I crashed the masters in twelve months. Then the United Nations gave me scholarship to go for PhD in Mathematics, because my minor while doing my masters was in Math. But I said I didn’t need a PhD. Later, they said they needed a senior reservoir engineer in Nigeria and if I would go. I said ‘why not?’ So, I was transferred to Nigeria as an expatriate. However,  once Nigerians found out I was not an American citizen, they started cutting off all the expatriate entitlements,  even insisted I went for youth corps; all sorts of frustrating stuff and tribalism. But the people over there had told me, ‘If you don’t like the job, come back;’ it got to  point that I said ‘hell no!’ But my mum was like ‘the place you’re going some people made it so, stay here and do your own.’ They gave me a house in Okunola Martins in Ikoyi and a week later, a bunch of armed robbers came in 2 o cock in the night; so I applied to be transferred to Warri and I was transferred to Escravos. I started adjusting, then they transferred me back to Lagos. I was in Lagos for some years, and then I was transferred to Port Harcourt, and then back to the US for three years. All these under Gulf Oil and Chevron. Gulf was the company I joined, then Chevron bought it over during a merger. I used to be the council chairman, Society of Petroleum Engineers in Nigeria in 1999 when Rilwan Lukman was Minister of Petroleum. I was at Chevron for 28 years

    You are chief executive officer of GACMOCK; tell us about GACMOCK.

    Gackmock Nigeria Limited is a petroleum or oil industry consulting outfit, purely on reservoir engineering, drilling, production, economics and teaching. If you have engineers to train on specific areas, we’ll do it for you. If we go to your office to do a project for you, we’ll take your own engineers to be involved, so that as we do it, they are able to learn it. And we do it in your office with your machine and computer, so that your own people can pick it up and use it to learn and modify and do whatever they want with it. The intention is still geared towards that idea of domesticating the industry. Get Nigerians to do the job.

  • Commuters grapple with high transport fares amid fuel

    Commuters grapple with high transport fares amid fuel

    Buchi Wisdom

    The bustling city of Lagos is experiencing a wave of frustration and economic strain as residents and commuters struggle to cope with unprecedented rise in fuel prices. Over the past weeks, the cost of transportation has surged significantly, with fares doubling or even tripling in some cases, following a steep rise in the price of petrol.

    This price hike has left Lagosians reeling as they try to navigate daily routines, manage household budgets and maintain their livelihoods.

    From Sango Ota to Oshodi, a once manageable trip that cost commuters ₦800 now demands ₦1,500. Similarly, the fare from Maryland to Mile 2 has jumped from ₦1,000 to ₦1,500.

    Long-distance journeys are not spared either. The cost of interstate travel has risen sharply, with a trip from Lagos to Abuja now costing ₦30,000, up from ₦18,000. Those on the island also have their own fair share of the hike. A trip from Ajah to Oshodi which once cost between ₦800 and ₦1000 is now between ₦1500 and ₦2000.

    Commuters heading to Ibadan are paying double, with fares spiking from ₦1,500 to ₦3,000. These escalations have placed an enormous burden on residents, already stretched thin by economic challenges.

    For many, the rising transport costs have forced difficult choices. Some residents are unable to afford the daily commute to work or school, while others are cutting back on essential expenses like food and healthcare just to keep moving.

    Benjamin Okoro, a civil servant in Lagos, shared his frustrations, saying: “I cannot understand how a country can function without affordable fuel. Everything is getting more expensive every day; ₦5,000 can’t even buy anything reasonable in the market anymore.

    “The little salary I earn is completely swallowed by transportation. The government needs to fix things.”

    His sentiment echoes across the city, with James Ekundayo, another resident, painting an even bleaker picture: “It is like the government wants us all to stay at home. Food is hard to find.  Providing for a family is a challenge, and surviving as an individual is even harder. Things need to change.”

    Worsening scarcity and economic impact

    Read Also: Omoni Oboli: I used to trade my scripts for roles

    The hike in fuel price has coincided with worsening fuel scarcity in Lagos, causing chaos at filling stations and leaving motorists and commuters in a state of uncertainty.

    Long queues have become the norm at petrol stations, with many outlets running dry, forcing motorists to resort to black market options where prices are inflated beyond reason.

    Independent marketers, selling petrol at higher rates than the state-owned Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), have contributed to the confusion, with prices fluctuating between N900 and N1,100 per litre.

    Some black market operators have been reported selling fuel for as high as N1,500 per litre.

    John, a Lagos bus driver, expressed his frustrations, saying: “I haven’t gone to work for some time now because I can’t afford the black market price, and the filling stations are empty.”

    His story is just one among many, as the fuel crisis continues to disrupt livelihoods.

    Another commuter, waiting at a bus stop in Oshodi, lamented the spiraling costs: “I spend almost double on transport now. It’s affecting everything; food prices, market prices, everything is going up. How are we supposed to cope?”

    Businesses struggling to survive

    The fuel crisis has ripple effects far beyond transport fares. Traders and businesses are being hit hard as supply chains falter and production costs soar.

    Sarah Johnson, a market trader in Lagos, voiced her concern over the looming impact on essential commodities.

    “This increase will drive up the cost of essential goods that were just beginning to stabilise.

    “Transportation costs will rise, making it more difficult for consumers to afford basic goods,” she warned.

    The Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI) has raised the alarm about the broader economic impact. According to Dr. Chinyere Almona, Director-General of LCCI, the steep fuel price increase could trigger another wave of inflation, reversing the slight easing seen in recent months.

    “The cost of doing business will skyrocket, prices of goods will rise, and some firms may shut down due to low demand in the face of weakening consumer purchasing power. This will be followed by job losses,” Almona explained.

    For businesses that rely heavily on fuel, such as logistics companies, manufacturers and traders, the outlook is grim.

    The high cost of transporting goods within and across states has resulted in higher prices for consumers, exacerbating the already challenging financial environment for ordinary Nigerians.

    Many firms are being forced to adjust their operations, with some considering downsizing to stay afloat.

    Calls for government intervention

    As the situation escalates, there are growing calls for government intervention. Motorists, commuters and business owners are appealing to the Bola Tinubu administration to address the underlying causes of the fuel price hike and implement measures to reduce its burden on citizens.

    Jonny Odeh, a Lagos motorist, expressed concern that if the current trajectory continues, the country could face severe social unrest. “If transportation and living costs continue to rise, many Nigerians may not survive the next election cycle,” he said.

    The Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN) acknowledged the difficulties posed by the current pricing structure, explaining that independent marketers have no control over the cost of petrol.

    IPMAN officials pointed out that the NNPCL, now a limited company, can only regulate its own retail outlets, leaving other operators free to set prices based on market conditions. This lack of pricing uniformity has contributed to the confusion at fuel stations and the disparity in costs across the city.

    However, experts like Dr. Almona warn that completely removing the fuel subsidy, as the government appears to be moving towards, could exacerbate the already severe economic challenges Nigerians face. She emphasised the need for a delicate balance between fiscal responsibility and minimising the economic impact on citizens.

    Social and human costs

    Beyond the economic implications, the rising fuel costs are taking a toll on the social fabric of Lagos. Families, already struggling to manage household budgets, are feeling the strain of higher transportation costs and food prices.

    Grace Eze, a mother of three, shared her concerns about how the crisis is affecting her household.

    She said: “I noticed today that traders are already planning to raise their prices due to the fuel increase. My family relies on my spouse’s income alone, and this price hike will place additional strain on our budget,” she said.

    With more individuals unable to afford transportation, there is growing fear that many Lagosians will be unable to continue working, further aggravating the unemployment crisis.

    In a city where survival depends on daily movement and activity, these disruptions have left residents feeling cornered, unsure of how long they can continue to endure.

  • River Niger, collapsed bridge put Delta community under threat

    River Niger, collapsed bridge put Delta community under threat

    •Bridge not on our priority list, says Delta govt

    Asaba Ase, a coastal community on the bank of River Niger, faces an existential threat on two fronts: rapid erosion of its shoreline by the relentless advancement of River Niger and the collapse of a bridge that hampers evacuation of farm produce from the agrarian community.

    While the intense gnawing of its shoreline by the slow moving and muddy-looking River Niger constitutes a frightening prospect, a yet more pressing challenge to its inhabitants, particularly subsistence farmers and fishermen, is the collapse of the only bridge that links it with the outside world.

    Simply put, without the Ase Bridge, Asaba Ase’s socio-economic survival is slim.

    Aside the above major threats to its existence, the community also lacks electricity, viable primary health care, potable water and education. Its only primary school functions only during the dry season.

    Situated on the confluence of River Niger and River Ase, the community benefits from the perennial inundation of its farmlands by River Niger, which deposits rich alluvial materials that nourish its soil, resulting in bountiful harvests of yams, plantains, sweet potatoes, pepper, groundnuts, vegetables and fish.

    Consequently, over the years, Asaba Ase Market has grown into a thriving economic hub, attracting traders from 25 neighbouring coastal communities, and traders from Bayelsa and Rivers states and far beyond.

    Despite its illustrious past as host to international conglomerates like John Holt, Thomas Welch and United African Company (UAC) since 1920, Asaba Ase has regressed, with only relics of warehouses as a sad reminder to the key roles it played in their respective commercial successes.

    The only passage into the community is the bridge over Ase creek, which collapsed in 2012 in the aftermath of the floods that devastated many parts of the country, including Delta State.

    In 13 years since the bridge collapsed, no assistance has come from the federal or the state government, despite repeated pleas by its hapless inhabitants.

    And with no assistance from Delta State Government in sight, the community had to resort to self-help by constructing an 80-ft long wooden bridge derisively referred to as “Pako Bridge” by locals.

    Lamenting the neglect of Asaba-Ase by successive governments, a former PDP councilor for Ward 15 and Chairman, National Union of Road Transport Union (NURTW) Ndokwa Branch ‘B’, Prince Newworld Odoni, appealed to the Delta State Government to come to their aid and save them from extinction.

    Odoni urged the state government to keep the promise made to community leaders last year to prioritise the rebuilding of the bridge, adding that the collapsed bridge is negatively impacting on the local economy.

    He said farmers have been compelled to trade their wares over two separate market days to enable them dispose of farm produce easily. According to him, should all the neighbouring farmers converge on Asaba Ase on the main market day, many farmers will suffer huge losses due to poor patronage.

    His words: “In the past, this market extended from the waterfront to the bus stop; a distance of over 200 metres. But due to coastal erosion and the collapsed bridge, the market has shrunk in size.

    “With the current condition of the bridge, only motorcycles, tricycles and light vehicles are allowed to use the bridge.

    “Also, the farmers decided to trade on two separate days with three days interval to ensure that produce are sold easily. One set of farmers will sell on “Ogede” market day while the other set will come on “Orie” market day, which is three days after.

    “Today, which is “Ogede”, is for farmers from Rivers and Bayelsa states while “Orie” is for farmers from Delta state.”

    He said patronage from neighbouring communities have dwindled considerably since 2012 when the bridge collapsed.

    “When the bridge was good, we had over 500 motorcycles, 1,000 tricycles and 500 heavy duty trucks coming into Asaba Ase on market days. But today, motorcycles are in the region of 100 while tricycles are about 300.

    “All the heavy vehicles are parked before the wooden bridge because they are disallowed from driving over the bridge.”

    The President General, Asaba Ase community, Mr Godfrey Anagbogu, lamented the financial strain on residents in ensuring that the wooden bridge remains functional. Anagbogu, corroborating the views of other residents, admitted that without communal efforts to restore the bridge, the community would have gone into extinction.

    On the issue of coastal erosion that plagued the community, Anagbogu alleged that a kilometer-long embankment contract awarded to a top politician was abandoned.

    He said the jetty in the community awarded during ex-Gov James Ibori administration was not properly constructed, stressing that commuters were unable to disembark from speedboats during low tide.

    Pointing at the crumbling shoreline, Anagbogu said: “My grandmother had a shop where she sold palm oil and fish and yams. But the row of shops has long been submerged by the steady advancement of the River Niger.

    “I fear the entire market will also be submerged if government does not act fast to construct an embankment to protect the shoreline.”

    He said every household in the community paid a yearly levy of between N15,000 and N20,000 to build and maintain the wooden bridge. He added that in the last 13 years, about N234 million has been contributed to making the bridge functional.

    His words: “We cannot place a finger on why we have been left to suffer like this. Since this bridge collapsed during the floods of 2012, despite our best efforts, we have been unable to get government to reconstruct it. This is most disappointing.

    “I have made several trips to Asaba and Abuja to meet with relevant authorities to fix the bridge but to no avail. We are really suffering here.

    Read Also: Omoni Oboli: I used to trade my scripts for roles

    “Imagine a situation where household are compelled to pay N20,000 yearly to rebuild the bridge. The levy is compulsory and non-negotiable. My people pay with tears.

    “It is most disheartening to see the elderly pay this levy. But they pay because of the strategic importance of the bridge to their economic wellbeing.

    “Due to the strong water current of River Ase, we have to rebuild every year. Things are getting harder by the day for us. We appeal to Governor Sheriff Oborevwori to come to our aid.

    “Last year, our frustration reached a head when we confronted the PDP campaign train during the 2023 governorship campaign, refusing them entry into our community to solicit for votes.

    “The PDP made a promise that if they won, the bridge would be made a priority project.

    “But it is 16 months since Governor Oborevwori assumed power and we have not heard anything from them.”

    Mrs Rachael Umolu, a woman leader, said at the community’s primary school, teaching is often disrupted as teachers abandon their duty post due to rising flood waters.

    Mr Dennis Utiome, an electronics shop owner in the market, expressed sadness at the alleged neglect by the state government, adding that without a bridge, the social and economic survival of the people is threatened.

    He said: “Last year, during the governorship campaign, we confronted the PDP campaign team. We stopped them from entering our community and they promised that if they won, the bridge would be reconstructed.

    “Till this moment, we have not heard from them. They didn’t show up throughout the dry season and not even now. So, things are very bad for us.

    “Other communities that have roads have taken the market from us because of the bad state of the bridge. Today is a market day but the market is scanty.”

    Hon. Nnamdi Ezechi, the member representing Ndokwa/Ukwuani federal constituency at green chambers of the National Assembly, in a telephone interview, expressed optimism that the collapsed bridge would be fixed in no distant time.

    He said he recently had fruitful discussions with Senator George Akume, Secretary to the Federal Government (SGF) on finding ways to draw from the ecological fund to fix the collapsed bridge.

    He was, however, uncertain when work would start on the bridge.

    Despite the promise made to community leaders in the heat of 2023 governorship election, the Delta State government has said it has no funds to prosecute the Asaba Ase Bridge’s reconstruction.

    The Delta State Commissioner for Highway and Urban Roads, Mr. Reuben Izeze, said the state lacked the resources to tackle the broken bridge, adding that it is not a priority project.

    His words: “Delta State Government will not fund the reconstruction of Asaba Ase Bridge because there is no money available.

    “The state government has picked Beneku Bridge in the same Ndokwa East LGA. It is not a matter of the people suffering or not, it is a matter of opportunity cost because we have chosen the Beneku Bridge over Asaba Ase.

    “The government just does not have the funds for the bridge. Don’t they have a representative in the House of Assembly? What is he doing to draw attention to the plight of his people? It would appear he doesn’t know what he is doing there.

    “If your people in high places don’t draw attention to your plight, you will not get projects attracted to your community. Besides, there are lots of uncompleted projects scattered around the state begging for attention, yet you are bringing Asaba Ase bridge problem.

    “There is no money for that project.”

  • Midnight tragedy: Maiduguri residents recall ordeal in flood disaster that claimed many lives

    Midnight tragedy: Maiduguri residents recall ordeal in flood disaster that claimed many lives

    • Survivor: My neighbours died because they were too old to run
    • Death toll can’t be ascertained until water level recedes – Displaced person
    • Traders count losses, cry for help

    The respite enjoyed by Borno residents from Boko Haram onslaught was shattered on Tuesday as a catastrophic flood swept through the Maiduguri metropolis, leaving many dead and property worth hundreds of millions destroyed. More than one million people were reckoned to have been displaced by the devastating incident reportedly caused by the collapse of the Alau Dam in the state. INNOCENT DURU reports that the unusal incident will linger in the people’s memory.

    When  Sadai Usman, a trader in the Maiduguri metropolis, closed his shop at the end of business on Monday, it was in the hope that he would return the next day to continue from where he stopped.

    On his way home, he received calls from his business partners who asked him to supply them bags of rice, flour, sugar and other items the next day. An elated Usman assured them that their requests would be granted first thing in the morning.

    He was so certain that he would be at his business place the next morning that he left a huge chunk of the money he made for the day in his shop.

    As fate decided, however, his plans for the next day were shattered by a disastrous flood that ravaged the metropolis  and perished all he had laboured for overnight.  

    Reliving his ordeal in an interview with our correspondent, Usman, who is now taken refuge in the displaced persons’ camp in Bukassi, said: “The flood affected my shop. I sell flour, sugar and rice, and they were all destroyed.

    “There is no need for me to go and see my shop, knowing that sugar, flour and rice are not friends with water.”

    Usman estimated that “the items I lost were worth more than N6 million. There were 22 bags of flour, 18 bags of rice and nine and a half bags of sugar. I also had cash in the shop. I don’t know if I will still see it when I go back later.”

    But for mother luck, Usman and his household would also have lost their lives in the incident as they were fast asleep when tragedy struck.  

    Explaining how they escaped, he said: “I was sleeping in my house that fateful night.  At one point, a neighbour knocked on my door and asked if I was not aware of what was happening in the area, and I said no. 

    “He asked me to come out and see what was going on. My family members and I ran out of the house with only the clothes we had on us.

    “I didn’t take a pin from the house as we all ran away with the neighbour that came to call our attention to the danger in the neighbourhood.”

    Usman continued:

     “If you go to our area now, you would see many dead bodies. I counted more than 10 and I knew some of them: Baba Musa,  Ba Modu and Ba Isah and Ibrahim Hassan. The flood water killed them. They were old people so they could not run.

    “As the water was coming,  they said they would watch and see if it would go back.  It was while waiting that the water ran over them.”

    Contrary to reports that the incident was caused by Alau Dam collapse, Usman said: “The water was not from Nigeria; it was from Cameroon. This is not any kind of water we know in Maiduguri. It is not water from yhe Alau Dam.

    “It has affected farmlands. Nobody could take anything from their farmlands.

    “If you see the farmlands, they are all covered by flood water.”

    It was a mixed feeling of thanksgiving and sadness for Yagumsu, an embattled mother who is now hibernating in the Bukassi IDP camp with her children.  She is sad that she lost goods worth hundreds of thousands to the flood but thankful that the incident did not claim their lives.

    “I am a businesswoman. I sell garri,” she told our correspondent, looking very groggy with sleep.

    “I had some of my wares in the house and some in the shop. The flood destroyed all the goods in the house.  The goods I lost to the flood were worth more than N400,000,” she said. 

    Recalling her experience, the distraught mother said: “Between 11pm and 12am, the water started coming. By 2 am the volume became too high that we ran away. 

    “When I went there today (Wednesday), I could not find a way to enter my house. The water did not cover my roof but it destroyed everything I had in the house.”

    Asked about the situation in the IDP camp, she said: “There are too many mosquitoes in the camp.  We are managing with mosquito coils. 

    “We don’t have a mat or mattress. We just got something to lie down on.”

    Dispirited by the conditions in the camp, she expressed hope that normalcy would soon return for them to go back home.

    Asked what she will do if she got home and found that her building had been damaged by the flood, she retorted: “When we get home and find out that the building has been damaged, we will leave the place and move to another place.”

    With the situation of things, she said, “there is no hope of our children going to school for now. They can’t go anywhere.”

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    Another survivor, Liman Mustapha, was also yet to overcome the shock the incident caused him and his family.

    His words: “I was sleeping in the house with my family members when trouble began. 

    “We started seeing the water early in the night after our Maghreb prayer.

    “When the water started coming, we blocked the place it was coming from. But by 2 am, the level had risen too high and we had to run to Shehu’s palace.

    “We slept there and by morning time, the state government came and brought us to the IDP camp.”

    Decrying his ordeal, Liman said: “I only came out wearing the cloth I have on me now and nothing else. I lost everything.

    “I only came out with my wife and children and the only clothes we were wearing.

    “Before we ran out of the house, the water was yet to get to the zinc level.”

    As a man in charge of his own affairs before the incident, Liman is not happy that he is not in his house.  He said: “I was living comfortably with my family before the incident. But here in the camp there are too many mosquitoes.

    “One of my sons is sick. He has fever. It is not good to live in the camp.

    “I don’t have a mattress to sleep on in the camp. Everything was left in the house.

    “I am sleeping on the floor. There is not even a mat.

    “I went to beg for a mat but I had to give it to my family because it’s too small.

    “Mosquitoes are too many in the camp. I couldn’t even sleep yesterday because there was no net. 

    “I ran out of the house without a dime and could not even afford coil to combat the menace of mosquitoes. 

    “I couldn’t sleep at all at night because of mosquito bites.”

    Exhibiting a high sense of optimism, Liman said: “When I leave the camp, I will be going back to my house. Once the flood recedes, I will go back. 

    “I am not scared that the flood can come again. If God brings flood, there is nothing we can do.

    “We thank the government for the money they have given us to buy food.”

    ‘The flood rose above my zinc’

    Another survivor, Abba Jimo, said the flood “rose above my zinc. I went to my house today but I couldn’t get close to my house.

    “The flood water was too much. The environment is a no go area, you can’t ascertain the number of dead people for now. 

    “Everything we had was covered by water.”

    He said he was sleeping in the house when the flood water started rising.

    Jimo said: “We ran away before it could cover our house. It was already entering our house before we ran to the Shehu’s palace at 2am. 

    “The Shehu’s palace was also destroyed by the flood.  The government later came and moved us to this IDP camp. We don’t know how soon we will be living.

    “The flood water pulled down the walls around my building. My room is still there but the wall surrounding it has been grounded. 

    “The school where I work, you cannot even see the zinc. I don’t know where I will be staying after this period. We are waiting for the government. 

    “The governor said he can assist us to rebuild our houses again.

    “The governor came and gave N10,000 to each one of us to buy food for our children. He gave the money to about 8,000 of us. 

    “He said NEMA may come to assist us tomorrow.”

     Victims outside IDP camp share experience

    Findings showed that not all the survivors were evacuated to the IDP camp. Some of them had fled to neighbouring communities to seek refuge in friends’ and relatives’ houses.

    One of them, Umaru Kashim, said: “I have moved to my younger brother’s house. The flood seriously affected me.

    “My four-room apartment is broken down. It is only my wife’s room that is standing. 

    “You can’t even enter the house. We only escaped wearing the clothes we had on us. 

    “But for God’s intervention, I would not have been able to rescue my children. 

    “Even the Emir of Bornu was affected. He packed his family in my presence and left.”

    Asked if people died in his neighbourhood, Umaru said: “You can’t count the number of people who died.

    “A neighour who had a poultry farm lost all his 300 birds. Those rearing rams also suffered the same fate. 

    “But the concern here is about human lives and not those of animals.

    Going down memory lane, he said: “We had  a similar incident in 2004 but this one is worse. It is at Alau Dam that they used to control the river.

    “For some time now, there had been warning that the river was overflowing and that those who were close to it should vacate the area.

    “This had been going on for about a week.”

    Also sharing his experience, Ibrahim  Mohammed Abubarkar, said: “I am at Baga Road after escaping from the deadly incident. But someone has told me that I will be taken to the IDP camp.

    “I lost everything. I didn’t take a single thing out of my house.

    “My family members and I ran out of the house to save our lives from the danger that was at our doorstep. 

    “We were very lucky to have survived. Walahi, we were very lucky. 

    “Neighbours told me that many people died in the flood, but I am not aware of anyone who died.”

    When the flood started, he said, “I saw water entering my bedroom. I quickly alerted my children and told them we should leave the house. They thought that I was joking.

    “Before we realised it, the flood was almost covering us.

    “By the time we got to the road, there was no place for us to cross to the other side. Everywhere was flooded. 

    “I carried my child on my shoulder and held others by their hands. I had to, at a point, leave some in the flood water to cross the other ones to a safe place.

    “It was other people who helped to rescue and bring the others to a safe place.”

    Ibrahim, who works as a teacher and tailor, added that his machine and every other thing he had were left at the mercy of the flood.

    “It is soldiers who have been assisting us,” he said. 

    “We have not been eating well at all. Some people assist us with bread and other small small things. 

    “As I am talking to you now, hunger is seriously dealing with me.” 

    Dahiru Adam, a spare parts dealer, said he had more than 65 engines in his shop submerged.

    According to him “any engine that is soaked with water is a good as condemned.”

    Explaining the cost of the different Honda engines in his shop, he said the lowest of the engines would cost N400,000 while the highest would go for N1.7 million.

    “By the time we heard that the Monday market was taken over by water around 3.00pm, some people had started moving out their goods out of their shops. But it was too late as the water just came in no time and took over the entire area,” Dahiru said.

    Nomso, another Igbo trader at Bank of the North area, said: “My entire shop and those of many other people were swallowed by water. It was a surprise to us how the water travelled so fast to swallow our shops.

    “We were in our houses sleeping when the water took over our entire businesses. We came out the following day only to find that all our shops had been submerged.”

    He said their losses were unquantifiable

    The loss of more than 30 lives is a tragic reminder of the human cost of the disaster. Families are grieving over loved ones who were unable to escape from the rising waters. For many, the psychological impact of losing family members, homes and sources of livelihood is immeasurable.

    The flood waters also brought with it health risks, with concerns rising over potential outbreaks of waterborne diseases such as cholera and typhoid.