Santa Claus is the other name for Father Christmas. However, a whole town is named after Santa himself in Indiana, United States. The town boasts of an award-winning theme park, historical sites and more. United States Bureau Chief OLUKOREDE YISHAU writes about how the town changed its name from Santa Fe to Santa Claus and other interesting details.
Melissa Arnold, the executive director of the Spencer County Visitors Bureau, and Patricia Koch, the founder of the Santa Claus Museum, live in an interesting town named Santa Claus. It is in Indiana, United States. In the town, it is Christmas all the time, especially during the holiday season.
In the town, there is a Santa Claus Christmas celebration in the first three weekends of December for families. Children write letters to Santa and it has a tradition of answering these letters sent from all over the world to Santa Claus.
Arnold and Koch, at a briefing organised by the Foreign Press Centre, said the town offers rich experiences to visitors.
Ms. Koch, who is called the matriarch of the town, said: “My father was Santa Claus from 1930 until 1984, and so I inherited a great love for Santa and a belief in Santa that still lives today and try to follow in his footsteps of bringing joy to children, specifically now – it used to be in Holiday World for many years, and everybody knows that’s a place of great fun and joy for children.”
She continued: “ I founded the Santa Claus Museum and Village, and did that because there’s so much history here. There’s so much history about how the post office was named, how the town was named, who were the first inhabitants, how did the letter-writing start, what’s the story behind all of these things. And I knew that I had lived through them and thought that it was really an obligation for me to try to retain those in some way.
“So, I did do a book called Santa’s Daughter, which has a great deal of history in it, plus getting the original post office building on our grounds from 1856 and the original Protestant church from 1880. And then there’s a wonderful 22-foot – it is not granite, it is a concrete statue of Santa Claus that is from 1935. So we have those three buildings to see, or items, and then we have a museum of documents and stories and pictures of the history of the town and the post office and Santa Claus himself in a Santa Claus outfit and a train station and different things. A really fun place to visit because it’s outside; people can walk around. Children can go up and visit the statue and roll down the hill in the grass, and I love it because it’s just really very wholesome.”
Answering Santa’s letters Ms Koch said the biggest thing she does is to help Santa answer all the letters that children write.
“We receive many, many, many, many, many thousands of letters that come to this town, Santa Claus, Indiana, and we spend many hours answering every one that we can answer – as we can possibly answer – and with many wonderful volunteers. At this moment I have three volunteers over there. We are – we – the letters would not get to the children, so we’re being very specific about answering those that are close. But it is a labour of love for us to do that, and we have answered currently 21,000 letters, and the postage and everything about that is free. Nobody pays a penny for anything. And if you have a chance to talk about us, please ask parents to check their letters and make sure that we have an address. Santa knows where the children are, but the elves don’t always know. So we do need an address,” she said.
The town also welcomes international students. It has a programme in its high school of having students from all over the world. It recently had at least eight students from Spain, Germany, and Norway helping answer letters.
How it became Santa Claus
Koch said the town was originally Santa Fee. “My wonderful grandmother, Apollonia Shew always called it Santa Fee, and I thought that’s what it was. We have the document in our museum that shows very definitely that in 1856, the postmaster from Fulda, Indiana, made an application to what on the document says Washington City, January 8th, 1856, to get a post office in the town of Santa Fee. And that “Santa Fee” is up in the left-hand corner. Somebody wrote somehow, ‘Choose another name than Santa Fe.’ I don’t know if they didn’t see the other E or just decided to not pay attention to it. But there was already a Santa Claus post – there was a Santa Fe post office in Indiana, so they said, you can’t have that name. But that’s – we were Santa Fee.
“But at any rate, somebody wrote “Santa Claus” with a black ink pen with – Santa Claus, and then somebody wrote through that, and then somebody wrote something that looks like “Seedlick” – of course, we wouldn’t be here if we were Seedlick – and then above all of that somebody wrote “Santa Clause” with an E. That person changed our history forever. We have no idea who wrote that.
“But the magic of all that is that it happened January 8th, 1856. And the postmaster who made the application, his name was Nicholaus Fisher. So Nicholaus himself asked that this town be given a post office name of Santa Claus, which I think is magic. So that’s how the town came to be.”
She explained that the letter writing started in 1914, but there is no documentation of that at all.
“We do have documentation from 1930 on, when my father returned from World War I and saw that the postmaster was very busy with children’s letters and all the mail that was coming in. And he had been Santa Claus on his first ship when he was a 19-year-old sailor in Brooklyn Navy Yard and they were looking for somebody to be Santa Claus for a children’s party. And another sailor said, there’s a guy in the engine room that says he’s from Santa Claus, Indiana, so maybe he’ll do it. He did that that day, and he made the vow that if he lived through the war, he would be Santa Claus.
“So when he returned to his native place, he began being Santa Claus, immediately visited the postmaster and saw how busy he was, and he organized the letter writing somewhat in that he took the letters out in big boxes to the local high school, to the two monasteries we have in the area, to American Legion and Veterans of Foreign Wars clubs, and just had them answer letters. It was kind of a just, hey, neighborhood, let’s all help do this.
“That continued on. I started when I was about 12 years old and we would – he would bring letters home and we would answer them at home. And then in 1984, a group of us formed the group called Santa’s Elves, Incorporated, which made us more – we were more organised. We still did it in our homes, but we had certain times when people could do it. We started having some form letters to help because it becomes an almost – you cannot write a letter to 21,000 people and have everybody do it correctly. And so it became more organized in the ’80s. I started when I was 12 years old, which was a long time ago, and then went away for 10 years to nurse, and then came back. So I restarted in the ’60s and at that point took over the legacy of my father, who passed away in ’84. I was Santa’s helper for 54 years.
“So it is a family legacy. Now we do it in the back room of the original post office building with many, many, many wonderful volunteers. The volunteers sign up online now so we know how many people are coming, and we can organize it. We have training, because it has to be done properly. We really respect these children. We’re just so happy that they believe, and we feel that it’s our obligation to get a letter back to them. And so we have a little training to make sure that they do it properly. And we do have four form letters, but each letter is customized with the children’s name, and at the bottom of the letter there is a personal note and a message to the child that pertains to what they wrote. So if they say, “I’ve been trying hard in school,” Santa says, “Keep up the good work in school.” If they say, “I had a fight with my sister this morning,” “Please try to stop fighting with your sister.” We try to say something that they mention in the letter so they know Santa read the letter.
“So it is a labor of love, and we have many volunteers who spend a great deal of time. We start officially the Monday after Thanksgiving, but my family always starts before that. And by the way, we get international letters, and there were 600 letters sent to Chinese – communist Chinese before Thanksgiving so that they would get them by Christmas. We get them from all over the world. And everything, as I said, is free, and given by donation,” Koch said.
Arnold added that some years they answer as many as 35,000. “So it varies greatly from year to year, but it definitely shows that kids are writing, and still are writing letters and sending them in the mail, which we think is incredible,” she said.
She said she has been really impressed this year with how many children have offered in their letters to share a couple of their gifts with children who don’t have.
“ I’m amazed at how many children are saying that, which gives me hope. I think that’s wonderful, worrying about the homeless and children who don’t have as much as we have. I think that’s really great, and I’m happy to see that.
“I think – we will get the letters if they’re mailed to us. My – I make a plea every year. If you’re in Nigeria or wherever, mail them early, because right now we are, like, what, two days – that the Post Office Department – I’m sorry – it’s very slow because we have so – such a huge volume of mail. And on Saturday, it’s just a half day, and Sunday, no day – they’re closed. So we have to get these letters out. And if we don’t get them early, it’s very difficult to get them to the children on time.
“And especially schools – I didn’t even mention how many schools use this as a learning project to teach their children how to write a letter, which is wonderful, and we will get packets of 30, 50 letters from children. And we have to get all those answered, and it takes a great deal of time to do that, and so we need it early when we have volunteers. Of course, these volunteers are people who live here. They also want to be with their families. They want to be traveling. They want to be baking, cooking, having parties. And so right now we’re in crunch time because it’s so close to Christmas – so early, early, early with everything,” Arnold said.
Other towns with similar name
Koch said there are other Christmassy town names. “There is a Santa Claus, Arizona. I’m not sure about Georgia. I think it might be a neighborhood, but our claim to fame is that we are the only town with Santa’s name in the post office. So we have the only Santa Claus post office in the world,” she said.
Experts and stakeholders in the Beauty sector came together to celebrate the outstanding achievements and contributions of individuals and businesses in the sector during the Beauty in the Motherland event.
The two-day event which took place at the Eko Convention Centre brought together trailblazers, innovators, and icons who have shaped the beauty landscape in the region.
A member of the organizing committee, Beatrice Eneh, said the stakeholders felt it’s time for the beauty industry to have a voice and the need to move the beauty industry within the region to the next level.
“Everybody has been doing their part individually and this is just a platform to come together and grow the industry. There is a lot of potential in Africa. We have great days ahead.
When asked about the practical ways to move the industry forward, Eneh who is the CEO and Founder, of Nectar Beauty Hub, said: “The discussion has started; it starts with us collaborating and having a voice together, interface with government parastatals, agencies, and foreign partners to come up with policies, processes and structure that will enable the next generation of the beauty industry coming after us to do better.
“Beauty in the Motherland is saying that there are different styles of beauty in Africa and this conversation has just started and there is more to come. This discussion will be yearly.
Founder, of Amali Cosmetics, Ameera Abraham, who led the discussion on the nail industry also did an overview about the opportunities and challenges sector: “Hands and feet are the most hard-working part of the body, they do a lot of work and they get tired so, there is a huge market for it because people are looking to groom their hands and their feet to support their everyday life. Unfortunately, the nail industry is an underrepresented market, a lot of people don’t understand the importance of it, however, it’s a niche that has worked for me. I’ve had a nail spa for the last 13 years and it’s the first one in Abuja, it’s thriving and has inspired other nail spas in the city, which tells me that there is a market for it.
When asked about her decision to go into the industry, she said: “My decision to go into the beauty industry started when I lost a cousin and it was from grief, every time I went to a beauty establishment and I got treatment, I fell a little better, I could handle the grief better and I thought to myself that if it made me feel better, I should help give people the same level of relief. I was in England at that time and I moved to Abuja then I did my research and discovered there was nothing like what I wanted to do so, I started and here I am 13 years later. At first, it was difficult to get the right people into my team, I had to do a lot of training and it inspired me to write a book, the Full Set after 10 years, teaching people how to run a nail business.
“There has been significant growth in the industry since I started, people are getting training and certification.
Beauty in the Motherland is a platform dedicated to acknowledging and celebrating excellence in the beauty industry. These awards not only recognize outstanding achievements but also inspire others to strive for excellence and innovation within the beauty sector.
The team behind Beauty In The MotherLand consists of Africans with a collective beauty industry experience spanning over ten decades, showcasing a proven understanding of the African Beauty market. They have cultivated close working relationships with leaders and decision-makers in the African Beauty Industry across various regions, government agencies, retailers, manufacturers, distributors, and importers.
Luxury and contemporary wear. Collections in this category for many can be exciting. Interestingly was what was presented by Mar’orlah in her Transcend collection presented at the Africa Fashion and Art Award.
The colorful adire and batik pieces from the brand’s newly launched ready-to-wear line, by Ola-Hassan Mariam, the Creative director and founder of Marorlah and her team leaned to exclusive Ankara prints and Aso-oke featuring bold lines and dots to interpret the theme of the collection.
The fashion and art award, which took place had scores of talented fashion brands parade their creations on the runway at the prestigious Abuja International Hotel.
Noticeable among the lineup was Lagos-based womenswear brand Marorlah, which showcased her vibrant collection aptly titled, TRASCEND. Trascend collection aligns with the brand’s ethos by flaunting a cast of pieces united by the theme of fun, love, joy, and colour.
Considering the collection’s various colours, the audience witnessed a spray of hues. From vibrant yellows to lush green and classy orange. Each colour did well to play up the designs and the women who wore them. It was a celebration of culture and feminity. The lineup featured bold tones and rich hues including a crop top paired with tier-bottom adorned trousers with rich yellow Ankara prints.
The blend of orange Adire and yellow Ankara makes a high-slit circle skirt paired with a crop top. There was also an emerald green maxi dress with aso-oke accentuating the neckline and sleeve opening which stole the show.
The blend of orange and yellow Ankara also stood out in a criss-cross mini ball dress with a Basque cut highlighting the waistline.
Also creatively put together is a predominantly orange maxi dress featuring a puffy long sleeve and a stuffed strip draped around the bottom.
A cupped corset paired with a maxi-tiered skirt made from the orange adire print is also gorgeous and irresistible.
One other exciting piece that stands out in the collection is a midi tiered skirt paired nicely with a tiny strapped bustier crop top of the same fabric.
Since the discovery of oil in Oloibiri, Bayelsa State, in 1956, Nigeria’s economic development has been intrinsically linked to oil revenue. However, the persisting threat of oil theft and vandalism of crude oil infrastructure has posed a significant challenge to the nation’s prosperity. Recognising the gravity of this issue, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL) took a decisive action by awarding the contract for securing oil pipelines and preventing oil theft to Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited (TSSNL). CHINAKA OKORO reports.
The move to engage TSSNL in safeguarding critical national infrastructure has proven to be a strategic decision, with stakeholders lauding the successes achieved in curtailing oil theft. The effectiveness of TSSNL’s surveillance and security measures has brought about a positive shift in the protection of the nation’s lifeline, prompting calls for the continued involvement of TSSNL in this crucial role.
The battle against oil theft requires not only robust security measures but also sustained commitment and expertise. TSSNL’s track record in mitigating risks associated with oil pipelines has positioned them as a reliable partner in preserving Nigeria’s economic backbone. As stakeholders advocate for the continued collaboration with TSSNL, the imperative of securing oil infrastructure remains at the forefront of efforts to ensure the nation’s sustainable development. In the development process of any society, certain assets contribute to the advancement of society and its people. These assets ensure economic or monetary benefits for the people. These assets could be regarded as operating assets, non-operating assets or leased assets, among others.
Experts have noted that “those possessions or assets that are known as national infrastructure are those facilities, systems, sites, information, people, networks and processes that are necessary for a country to function and upon which daily life depends.”
Critical national infrastructure serves as the backbone of a society, encompassing assets, services, and systems pivotal to economic, political, and social well-being. From schools and hospitals to industries and transportation networks, these elements collectively contribute to a nation’s resilience and prosperity. Among these, Nigeria’s crude oil industry takes centre stage as a crucial component vital to the nation’s economic stability, public health, safety, and security.
Regrettably, the vulnerability of critical infrastructure is heightened by the actions of individuals and groups with destructive motives. Deliberate acts of vandalism, theft, or sabotage pose serious threats to the proper functioning of essential systems, leading to economic losses, compromised security, and potential harm to citizens. In this context, safeguarding critical national infrastructure becomes paramount to maintaining national security and averting widespread disruptions.
Nigeria, being heavily reliant on oil revenue, faces unique challenges in securing its crude oil infrastructure. The concerted efforts of entities like Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited (TSSNL) play a crucial role in defending these vital lifelines. As attacks on critical infrastructure can have far-reaching consequences, protecting these sites becomes an integral aspect of national security strategy.
The ongoing battle against oil theft and vandalism requires a multi-faceted approach, combining advanced security measures, intelligence gathering, and collaboration with local communities. By recognising the intrinsic link between safeguarding critical infrastructure and ensuring the nation’s stability, Nigeria can fortify its defence against those seeking to undermine its economic and social foundations.
Nigeria’s struggle to meet its petroleum quota set by the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) has been a longstanding challenge, primarily attributed to the disruptive actions of non-state actors. These actors often claim marginalisation, neglect, or injustice as reasons for their agitation, leading to recurrent disruptions in oil production. Pipeline vandalism has become an unfortunate and persistent phenomenon, jeopardizing the nation’s economic stability.
Recognising the imperative of safeguarding its critical oil infrastructure, the Nigerian government, under the leadership of Managing Director Mele Kyari of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL), took decisive steps to address these challenges. The initiation of measures to prevent production disruptions and protect oil pipelines marked a strategic move toward fortifying the nation’s economic lifelines.
In this context, the decision to contract out the surveillance of oil pipelines has proven instrumental in mitigating the impact of vandalism. The proactive efforts undertaken by the NNPCL, particularly under Mele Kyari’s leadership, have demonstrated a commitment to defending critical national infrastructure. The importance of sustaining this vigilance cannot be overstated, as oil lifelines remain central to Nigeria’s economic prosperity.
As the battle against vandalism and production disruptions continues, it underscores the need for a comprehensive and collaborative strategy. Advanced security measures, intelligence gathering, and community engagement all play pivotal roles in fortifying the defenses of Nigeria’s vital oil infrastructure. By maintaining this vigilance, the nation can not only protect its economic interests but also ensure the stability and resilience of its energy sector in the face of persistent challenges.
In the past few years, the Mele Kyari-led management of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL) has shown enough know-how in protecting Nigeria’s national wealth as it concerns the war against oil theft and its effects on national security.
Stakeholders such as Eshanakpe Israel popularly known as Akpodoro and Mayor of Urhobo land have been examining the successes of the NNPCL in securing the oil pipeline since contracting the security of the pipeline to Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited (TSSNL) and the entire national security as it concerns the dwindling fortunes of oil thieves in the creeks of the Niger Delta region.
Interested parties, including Akpodoro, have been wondering how the security of the pipelines has become topnotch since Tantita was involved in securing the oil pipelines. Nigerians have been trying to unravel the magic wand applied as an elixir by the management of NNPCL to stem the tide of banditry in the Nigerian territorial waters vis-a-vis the national security situation.
It should be noted that before the Nigerian joint venture partner decided to cede security of the surveillance security contract of oil facilities in the Delta to TSSNL, the country’s wealth plummeted hopelessly as all enemies of the state became interested in illicit oil bunkering; which, ultimately exerted pressure on the national security architecture snowballing into other areas of national insecurity.
For instance, it is been alleged that money from oil theft formed part of what was used to fund banditry and other forms of insurrection in other parts of the country. For several years, the enemies of the state who vandalise oil pipelines and steal the national asset-crude oil- have been deploying the proceeds of their criminal endeavours to wreak havoc on society. It took Kyari’s NNPCL boldness to halt the trend and award the surveillance security contract to Tantita Security Services Limited as Chief Government Ekpemukpolo, also known as Tompolo as its Chief Executive Officer to wage war against political and business elites who seriously engage in oil theft by proxies. Such a development is said to have elicited several restiveness in some parts of the country.
The threat to national security became loudening when the illicit trade in oil theft boomed. Stakeholders alleged that foreign collaborators were recruited massively while the so-called security agencies bribed their way into the Delta region, paid returns to the authorities that posted them and ultimately undermined the security of the country.
Experts in the oil industry had raised the alarm of threats to security through the country’s waterways due to the compromise of national security by those who were paid to secure the wealth of the country. As good luck would have it, TSSNL became the game-changer when it was awarded the contract to secure the oil pipelines and Nigeria’s waterways. Not even the senior oil workers were exempted from the horrid phenomenon that once characterised the oil industry as most of them were alleged to have sponsored protests, overtly and covertly engaged and or aided oil theft vandalism in exchange for money.
Additionally and most importantly is the attitude of boisterous individuals who deliberately paint ethnic colourations in otherwise political confrontations and thereby issue threats to vandalise oil facilities in the creeks over conflict of interests which, of course, can be easily resolved through the intervention of notable political leaders in the country. Observers say the situation exerts much pressure on national security.
Experts in oil matters have said the negative impact of oil theft in Nigeria assumed international proportion as Nigeria became a hub for oil thieves across the globe until the Kyari-led NNPCL decided to recruit TSSNL for the rescue of Nigeria’s oil wealth ostensibly redirecting national security.
To salvage a situation in which the country’s wealth was being plundered through theft, criminalities, sea piracy, vandalism, sabotage, rent-seeking, insecurity and racketeering, the NNPCL brought in the Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited (TSSNL) to rescue the country’s oil wealth the enemies of the state. It is instructive to note that since TSSNL took over the security affairs of the pipelines, it has utterly dwarfed its contemporaries to whom other axes of the contract were awarded; thereby making Tompolo’s security firm the best among the pack It has achieved a whole lot of feats even in the face of sabotage, scandal, propaganda, jealousy and hatred-induced blackmail by some elements within the country’s security apparatus who have been edged out of illicit trade in the oil industry through the activities of TSSNL.
As a result of the commitment to securing Nigeria’s treasure, the country is currently enjoying relative peace on her waterways as TSSNL has pushed away the petroleum products rustlers to whom the oil wealth is a cash cow and bringing about hope in the future of Nigeria. The country’s quota among its peers in the Organisation of Exporting Countries (OPEC) has been steadily on the rise since last year when TSSNL chose to do the right thing having been empowered to so do.
Nigerians are exultant about the security situation in terms of pipeline safety engendered by TSSNL’s activities, even as they have praised the high productivity of the security firm. Again, the national security is near stable while the stability of the country’s wealth is on the increase. The Nuhu Ribadu-led Office of the National Security Adviser (NSA) to the President should maintain the current tempo for a better future.
Considering the success recorded in the security of this critical national infrastructure, critical stakeholders, and indeed, Nigerians have called for continued engagement of TSSNL to carry out surveillance of the oil pipelines. They, therefore maintain that “there is the need for expeditious renewal of the surveillance contract of oil pipeline awarded to Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited (TSSNL).”
Nancy Ladeinde, a communications expert, has discussed her groundbreaking work in strategic communication and sustainability. With a diverse background spanning industry, academia, and research. In this interview, Ladeinde disclosed how she is making a name for herself as an innovative force in the field.
Nancy, you have worked with major brands like Heineken, Procter & Gamble, and Nestle. How has this experience shaped your approach to public relations?
My time in industry has been invaluable. It has given me a practical understanding of the challenges organizations face when communicating with diverse stakeholders. Working with these global brands taught me the importance of crafting messages that resonate across different cultures and platforms. It is not just about what you say, but how you say it and where you say it.
Your master’s thesis focuses on organizational storytelling for sustainability communication. Can you tell us more about this work?
Absolutely. I am examining how Unilever uses storytelling to communicate its sustainability initiatives. In today’s world, where consumers are increasingly environmentally and socially conscious, it is crucial for companies to effectively communicate their efforts in these areas. Storytelling is a powerful tool for this because it can create emotional connections and make complex issues more relatable.
This research in sustainability also earned you the Booth Library Award for Excellence in Student Research and Creativity at Eastern Illinois University. What impact do you hope it will have?
I am honored by the recognition. My goal is to provide both scholars and practitioners with new frameworks for sustainability communication. I believe that by improving how companies communicate their environmental and social initiatives, we can drive greater engagement and action on these critical issues.
You’ve also been teaching public speaking and general communication courses. How does your teaching inform your research and vice versa?
Teaching has been incredibly rewarding. It challenges me to break down complex concepts and present them in accessible ways. This skill directly translates to my work in strategic communication, where clear communication is key. Conversely, my research and industry experience provide real-world examples and cutting-edge insights that I can share with my students.
You were recently admitted to the International Society of Sustainability Professionals (ISSP). What does this mean for your work?
Joining ISSP is exciting because it connects me with a global network of professionals dedicated to advancing sustainable development. It is an opportunity to both learn from others and contribute my own insights. I am particularly looking forward to collaborating on innovative approaches to sustainability communication.
You’re set to present at two international conferences in 2024 and lead a webinar on organizational storytelling. Can you give us a preview of what you’ll be sharing?
At the conferences, I will be discussing how to navigate cultural contexts for effective sustainability communication and exploring the use of organizational storytelling. The webinar will be more hands-on, providing practical strategies for using storytelling to drive organizational change. I am excited to engage with global audiences on these topics.
How do you see your work influencing the future of public relations?
I believe we’re at a critical juncture in public relations and communication as a whole. As issues like climate change and social justice become increasingly pressing, organizations need to communicate their stance and actions effectively. My work aims to provide frameworks for doing this in authentic, engaging ways. I hope to contribute to a shift towards more purpose-driven, storytelling-based approaches in PR.
Finally, what advice would you give to aspiring professionals?
Stay curious and adaptable. The communication landscape is constantly evolving, so it is crucial to keep learning. Also, don’t underestimate the power of storytelling. Whether you’re crafting a social media post or a corporate sustainability report, a compelling narrative can make all the difference.
As our interview concludes, it is clear that Nancy Ladeinde is not just participating in the field of public relations – she is actively shaping its future. Her innovative approach to sustainability communication and organizational storytelling is set to influence how companies engage with stakeholders for years to come. In a world grappling with complex challenges, Ladeinde’s work offers a roadmap for more effective, impactful communication.
Nigerian youths seem frustrated by the socio-economic challenges fuelled by unfulfilled government promises and bad leadership. The country’s university system is not immune to these horrid situations, as most of its members of staff are embracing the japa trend. CHINAKA OKORO writes that worried by this, some Vice-Chancellors, the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) and other stakeholders have expressed concern over the depletion of lecturers in the country’s universities, even as they urged the government to address the situation.
In the yesteryear, the Nigerian education system, especially the tertiary institutions, were pride of place to study and teach in. The university system then attracted some foreign students and lecturers. Most of the institutions were among the best in terms of university rankings, if not globally in Africa. That was then. The situation did change and things went awry.
As a result of the unpleasant situation, Nigerians, especially the youth who seem to have lost hope in the Nigerian system began to ‘flee’ beyond the shores of Nigeria. Not only the youth but also university lecturers who feel dissatisfied with the circumstances, in which they find themselves, joined the japa trend. The youth, professionals and skilled workers in Nigeria, resort to seeking greener pastures in foreign countries. They complained about bad governance, unemployment, unfavourable working conditions, and insecurity in Nigeria, among other factors, as some of the reasons fueling their movements away from their fatherland. In the circumstances, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu recently approved the implementation of 35 per cent and 23 per cent of salary increments for members of staff of federal tertiary institutions.
In a letter issued on September 14, the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of the Salaries, Income and Wages Commission, Mr Ekpo Nta, said the Federal Government had released a circular on the implementation of the adjusted salary structure. The letter was addressed to the Minister of Education, Prof. Tahir Mamman. But this seems to have come late as recent media reports indicate that about 50 per cent of lecturers have resigned from the various universities while more reportedly intend to join the fray.
We have a crisis on our hands, say V-Cs
The Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ilorin, Prof. Wahab Egbewole, blamed the dearth of lecturers on the employment embargo by the Federal Government. He, therefore, pleaded with the Federal Government to lift the embargo to enable the universities to bridge the gap. The gap was caused by some factors, including lecturers seeking greener pastures at home and abroad, retirement and deaths. He urged the authorities to provide the universities with an enabling environment that would discourage the brain drain.
The Vice-Chancellor of Salem University Lokoja, Prof. Alewo Johnson-Akubo described the shortage of lecturers as very unfortunate. He said though universities in the past tried to manage the situation through sabbaticals, now such arrangement has become difficult as the number of lecturers continues to shrink.
Still, on how to ameliorate the situation, the Deputy Vice-Chancellor (Academics) of Yobe State University, Dr Muhammad Lawan, advised the resuscitation of the culture of absorbing first-class graduates as lecturers. Another measure, according to Lawan that could help, is to expand the universities instead of establishing new ones.
Also, the Vice-Chancellor of Federal University Lokoja (FUL), Prof. Olayemi Akinwumi noted that virtually all lecturers in the country’s universities are overstretched as a result of a shortage of lecturers.
“Each time I see what my lecturers are going through to cope with the workload, I feel for them. We used to have lecturers from other universities on sabbatical but IPPIS (the unified payment platform) doesn’t allow that anymore. Sabbatical is a university culture where a lecturer is allowed to go to another university to lecture.
This is not the best time for us, the vice-chancellors. This is because as a V-C, you have no power to employ a cleaner let alone a lecturer. You have to go to Abuja and start begging before you can have one,” he said. The V-C advised that there should be proper funding of the universities and removal of universities from the IPPIS platform, even as he added: “We (the universities) shouldn’t be subjected to civil service rules.”
Quality of degrees is in jeopardy, says ASUU
University lecturers who bear the brunt of the exit of their colleagues are also worried about the impact of this on their workload and academic standards. The Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) Federal University of Lafia (FULafia) chapter states that the shortage of lecturers in the universities is affecting the standard and quality of education negatively.
“It is a fact that many lecturers have left the university system.This exodus is defined by the poor working conditions in the universities. The universities are coping largely because the few lecturers are being overburdened with excess workloads that are academic. In most departments, lecturers are made to teach large classes and more courses to be able to keep the courses running. It is common to find a lecturer teaching at all levels of a department with very poor facilities and very poor working conditions,” the Chairman of ASUU FULafia, Dr Sunday said.
Oraye further said the situation has put undue pressure on their health, which, in the long run, leads to high mortality rates among university lecturers. “During the last NEC meeting of the union held at the Kaduna State University in November, over 100 lecturers were reported to have died between August and November 2023, alone,” he said.
The ASUU Chairman of Modibbo Adama University (MAU), Yola in Adamawa, Dr El-Maude Gambo, advised that 30 per cent of the budget should be allocated to the education sector. He said this would engender the provision of facilities that would discourage lecturers from seeking greener pastures outside the country.
Chairman, ASUU, Federal University of Agriculture Abeokuta (FUNAAB) chapter, Dr Oluwagbemiga Adeleye blamed the shortage of lecturers on government policies and the bad economy. “When there is a ban, you won’t be able to replace lecturers who are no longer in the system. Another reason causing the shortage of lecturers is the negative economic impact on the citizens, which still boils down to government policies,” he said.
Lecturers cry out
The Head of Department of Guidance and Counseling of the University of Ibadan, Prof. Oyesoji Aremu, says the history of migration of lecturers from Nigeria was repeating itself. “In the 1980s, there was a similar scenario. Then it was called brain drain, but currently, it is called japa.
“The japa syndrome, which has been on for a while now, has brought nightmares to the university system. This is because of the high migration of lecturers to Europe, America, Asia and even to some African countries,” he said. He blamed the situation on some factors, adding: “First among these is the working environment in many universities which has dampened the morale of many academics. Another factor is poor remuneration, which is abysmally inhuman and disturbing,” Aremu said. According to him, Nigerian academics are the worst paid globally, a development, he said, has driven lecturers out of the country in mass proportions.
A Senior Lecturer in the Department of Agricultural Extension and Rural Development of the University of Ibadan, Dr Idris Badiru, said the gravity of the shortage varied from one discipline to the other. “Everything has to get to Abuja before anything is done and the coping mechanisms are both institutional and individual. At the institutional level, the workload allocated to the available members of academic staff has simply increased; which means more responsibilities for the individual member of staff,” Badiru said.
A Lecturer in the Department of Business Education of Tai Solarin University of Education (TASUED), Ijebu-Ode, Dr Onatolani Hassan, identified poor welfare and working conditions as some factors responsible for the menace. “Most lecturers are travelling out of the country in pursuit of greener pastures. The salaries of lecturers have not been increased for a long time. The inflation rate is in double digits, eating deep into the income of lecturers, which has remained static while expenses are increasing daily. Lecturers are funding their research; no more grants from expected quarters.There is a heavy workload on the few lecturers you have on the ground,” he said.
A lecturer in the Department of Political Science of the University of Maiduguri, Ibrahim Kachala said the last eight years of the previous administration had wreaked havoc on the university system. Kachala said government policies and nonchalant attitude to public university education in Nigeria had affected the development of tertiary education in the country. He said this situation would worsen in 2024 when most of the professors employed in the 70s would exit the system.
Kachala’s colleague in the Department of Mass Communications, Mr Usman Abdallah said lack of government funding had made the university system to be unsuitable for learning and research.
Another lecturer at the University of Maiduguri, Sheriff Bamus urged that private organisations should utilise the universities for their Research and Development (R and D). “As it is done in other climes, businesses and private organisations should be mandated to utilise the universities for their R and D requirements as part of their corporate social responsibilities.
A Senior Lecturer in the Department of Sociology of the University of Lagos, Dr Adeola Olatunji, says the shortage of manpower is harming teaching, research and community service. This, he said, has made lecturers overburdened with classwork as the student population continues to increase. According to him, with the provision of an enabling environment through improved remuneration and adequate facilities in the country’s universities, fewer Nigerians will travel out for greener pastures.
A Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science of Prince Abubakar Audu University, Ayingba, Kogi State, Dr Ibrahim Nasir said universities were coping with a shortage of lecturers through improvisation. To say that there is a shortage of lecturers in the Nigerian university is an understatement. This is evident in the lecturer-to-student ratio in all the universities. In most cases, you have a ratio of one lecturer to over 2,050 students.
The main reason for this shortage of lecturers in the university system is usually poor remuneration. The take-home salary is grossly inadequate compared to what is obtainable globally,” he said.
Others react
Meanwhile, the National Vice-President of the Committee for the Defence of Human Rights (CDHR), Mr Yinka Folarin said the shortage of lecturers had, in no small measure, impacted negatively on the country’s education system. Folarin said the situation had affected the quality of graduates of Nigeria’s university system.
A former V-C of the University of Ibadan, Prof. Idowu Olayinka reckoned that government policies had made recruitment in public universities nearly impossible since 2015. The problem, he said, was compounded by the introduction of the Integrated Personnel and Payroll Information System (IPPIS) into the operations of federal universities.
Since the discovery of oil in Oloibiri, Bayelsa State, in 1956, Nigeria’s economic development has been intrinsically linked to oil revenue. However, the persisting threat of oil theft and vandalism of crude oil infrastructure has posed a significant challenge to the nation’s prosperity. Recognising the gravity of this issue, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL) took a decisive action by awarding the contract for securing oil pipelines and preventing oil theft to Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited (TSSNL). CHINAKA OKORO reports
The move to engage TSSNL in safeguarding critical national infrastructure has proven to be a strategic decision, with stakeholders lauding the successes achieved in curtailing oil theft. The effectiveness of TSSNL’s surveillance and security measures has brought about a positive shift in the protection of the nation’s lifeline, prompting calls for the continued involvement of TSSNL in this crucial role.
The battle against oil theft requires not only robust security measures but also sustained commitment and expertise. TSSNL’s track record in mitigating risks associated with oil pipelines has positioned them as a reliable partner in preserving Nigeria’s economic backbone. As stakeholders advocate for the continued collaboration with TSSNL, the imperative of securing oil infrastructure remains at the forefront of efforts to ensure the nation’s sustainable development. In the development process of any society, certain assets contribute to the advancement of society and its people. These assets ensure economic or monetary benefits for the people. These assets could be regarded as operating assets, non-operating assets or leased assets, among others.
Experts have noted that “those possessions or assets that are known as national infrastructure are those facilities, systems, sites, information, people, networks and processes that are necessary for a country to function and upon which daily life depends.”
Critical national infrastructure serves as the backbone of a society, encompassing assets, services, and systems pivotal to economic, political, and social well-being. From schools and hospitals to industries and transportation networks, these elements collectively contribute to a nation’s resilience and prosperity. Among these, Nigeria’s crude oil industry takes centre stage as a crucial component vital to the nation’s economic stability, public health, safety, and security.
Regrettably, the vulnerability of critical infrastructure is heightened by the actions of individuals and groups with destructive motives. Deliberate acts of vandalism, theft, or sabotage pose serious threats to the proper functioning of essential systems, leading to economic losses, compromised security, and potential harm to citizens. In this context, safeguarding critical national infrastructure becomes paramount to maintaining national security and averting widespread disruptions.
Nigeria, being heavily reliant on oil revenue, faces unique challenges in securing its crude oil infrastructure. The concerted efforts of entities like Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited (TSSNL) play a crucial role in defending these vital lifelines. As attacks on critical infrastructure can have far-reaching consequences, protecting these sites becomes an integral aspect of national security strategy.
The ongoing battle against oil theft and vandalism requires a multi-faceted approach, combining advanced security measures, intelligence gathering, and collaboration with local communities. By recognising the intrinsic link between safeguarding critical infrastructure and ensuring the nation’s stability, Nigeria can fortify its defence against those seeking to undermine its economic and social foundations.
Nigeria’s struggle to meet its petroleum quota set by the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) has been a longstanding challenge, primarily attributed to the disruptive actions of non-state actors. These actors often claim marginalisation, neglect, or injustice as reasons for their agitation, leading to recurrent disruptions in oil production. Pipeline vandalism has become an unfortunate and persistent phenomenon, jeopardizing the nation’s economic stability.
Recognising the imperative of safeguarding its critical oil infrastructure, the Nigerian government, under the leadership of Managing Director Mele Kyari of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL), took decisive steps to address these challenges. The initiation of measures to prevent production disruptions and protect oil pipelines marked a strategic move toward fortifying the nation’s economic lifelines.
In this context, the decision to contract out the surveillance of oil pipelines has proven instrumental in mitigating the impact of vandalism. The proactive efforts undertaken by the NNPCL, particularly under Mele Kyari’s leadership, have demonstrated a commitment to defending critical national infrastructure. The importance of sustaining this vigilance cannot be overstated, as oil lifelines remain central to Nigeria’s economic prosperity.
As the battle against vandalism and production disruptions continues, it underscores the need for a comprehensive and collaborative strategy. Advanced security measures, intelligence gathering, and community engagement all play pivotal roles in fortifying the defenses of Nigeria’s vital oil infrastructure. By maintaining this vigilance, the nation can not only protect its economic interests but also ensure the stability and resilience of its energy sector in the face of persistent challenges.
In the past few years, the Mele Kyari-led management of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL) has shown enough know-how in protecting Nigeria’s national wealth as it concerns the war against oil theft and its effects on national security.
Stakeholders such as Eshanakpe Israel popularly known as Akpodoro and Mayor of Urhobo land have been examining the successes of the NNPCL in securing the oil pipeline since contracting the security of the pipeline to Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited (TSSNL) and the entire national security as it concerns the dwindling fortunes of oil thieves in the creeks of the Niger Delta region.
Interested parties, including Akpodoro, have been wondering how the security of the pipelines has become topnotch since Tantita was involved in securing the oil pipelines. Nigerians have been trying to unravel the magic wand applied as an elixir by the management of NNPCL to stem the tide of banditry in the Nigerian territorial waters vis-a-vis the national security situation.
It should be noted that before the Nigerian joint venture partner decided to cede security of the surveillance security contract of oil facilities in the Delta to TSSNL, the country’s wealth plummeted hopelessly as all enemies of the state became interested in illicit oil bunkering; which, ultimately exerted pressure on the national security architecture snowballing into other areas of national insecurity.
For instance, it is been alleged that money from oil theft formed part of what was used to fund banditry and other forms of insurrection in other parts of the country. For several years, the enemies of the state who vandalise oil pipelines and steal the national asset-crude oil- have been deploying the proceeds of their criminal endeavours to wreak havoc on society. It took Kyari’s NNPCL boldness to halt the trend and award the surveillance security contract to Tantita Security Services Limited as Chief Government Ekpemukpolo, also known as Tompolo as its Chief Executive Officer to wage war against political and business elites who seriously engage in oil theft by proxies. Such a development is said to have elicited several restiveness in some parts of the country.
The threat to national security became loudening when the illicit trade in oil theft boomed. Stakeholders alleged that foreign collaborators were recruited massively while the so-called security agencies bribed their way into the Delta region, paid returns to the authorities that posted them and ultimately undermined the security of the country.
Experts in the oil industry had raised the alarm of threats to security through the country’s waterways due to the compromise of national security by those who were paid to secure the wealth of the country. As good luck would have it, TSSNL became the game-changer when it was awarded the contract to secure the oil pipelines and Nigeria’s waterways. Not even the senior oil workers were exempted from the horrid phenomenon that once characterised the oil industry as most of them were alleged to have sponsored protests, overtly and covertly engaged and or aided oil theft vandalism in exchange for money.
Additionally and most importantly is the attitude of boisterous individuals who deliberately paint ethnic colourations in otherwise political confrontations and thereby issue threats to vandalise oil facilities in the creeks over conflict of interests which, of course, can be easily resolved through the intervention of notable political leaders in the country. Observers say the situation exerts much pressure on national security.
Experts in oil matters have said the negative impact of oil theft in Nigeria assumed international proportion as Nigeria became a hub for oil thieves across the globe until the Kyari-led NNPCL decided to recruit TSSNL for the rescue of Nigeria’s oil wealth ostensibly redirecting national security.
To salvage a situation in which the country’s wealth was being plundered through theft, criminalities, sea piracy, vandalism, sabotage, rent-seeking, insecurity and racketeering, the NNPCL brought in the Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited (TSSNL) to rescue the country’s oil wealth the enemies of the state. It is instructive to note that since TSSNL took over the security affairs of the pipelines, it has utterly dwarfed its contemporaries to whom other axes of the contract were awarded; thereby making Tompolo’s security firm the best among the pack It has achieved a whole lot of feats even in the face of sabotage, scandal, propaganda, jealousy and hatred-induced blackmail by some elements within the country’s security apparatus who have been edged out of illicit trade in the oil industry through the activities of TSSNL.
As a result of the commitment to securing Nigeria’s treasure, the country is currently enjoying relative peace on her waterways as TSSNL has pushed away the petroleum products rustlers to whom the oil wealth is a cash cow and bringing about hope in the future of Nigeria. The country’s quota among its peers in the Organisation of Exporting Countries (OPEC) has been steadily on the rise since last year when TSSNL chose to do the right thing having been empowered to so do.
Nigerians are exultant about the security situation in terms of pipeline safety engendered by TSSNL’s activities, even as they have praised the high productivity of the security firm. Again, the national security is near stable while the stability of the country’s wealth is on the increase. The Nuhu Ribadu-led Office of the National Security Adviser (NSA) to the President should maintain the current tempo for a better future.
Considering the success recorded in the security of this critical national infrastructure, critical stakeholders, and indeed, Nigerians have called for continued engagement of TSSNL to carry out surveillance of the oil pipelines. They, therefore maintain that “there is the need for expeditious renewal of the surveillance contract of oil pipeline awarded to Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited (TSSNL).”
QUOTE
Considering the success recorded in the security of this critical national infrastructure, critical stakeholders, and indeed, Nigerians have called for continued engagement of TSSNL to carry out surveillance of the oil pipelines. They, therefore maintain that there is the need for expeditious renewal of the surveillance contract of oil pipelines awarded to Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited (TSSNL).
Who blinks first? That is the question demanding an answer as an octogenarian gynecologist, Dr. Albert Ndulue, engages NICON Trustees in battle for the ownership of a piece of land situated at Alma Beach Estate, Ikate, Lagos.
The 84-year-old surgeon had recently cried out to the public over an alleged move by NICON Trustees Limited to take over his landed property. He accused the company of demolishing his property, on account of which he is seeking N1 billion as compensation.
Among other allegations, Ndulue also said he had been subjected to all manner of mental torture, trauma and injustice as a result of the unending onslaught against his property at Plot 8, Block 24, Alma Estate, Lekki, Eti-Osa, Lagos.
But the Receiver Managers of NICON Trustees Limited, Abah Onah, faulted Ndulue’s claims, describing it as “blatant falsehood, lies, malicious propaganda and blackmail by an 84- year- -old against NICON Trustees and the Nigeria Police to supplant valid court judgments.”
In the statement titled: ‘Re: Demolition of Property by NICON Trustees, Onah said rather than tell the true story, the 84- 84-year-old went on an expedition of twisted narratives, blackmail, and propaganda to justify his continued defiance of the judgments of courts.
Reacting to Ndulue’s claim that he acquired the disputed property in 1991, Onah insisted that there was nothing genuine about Dr. Ndulue’s claim. Rather, he said, the octogenarian started laying claim to the land through what he described as a “phony arrangement vide an invalid Deed of Assignment entered between him and a debtor company, Alma Beach Estate Limited, dated 5th March 2006 and a purported survey plan dated 18th October 2006, long after the Receiver had taken over the charged assets in 2002.
“I challenge Dr Ndulue to produce any document entitling him to the land prior to 2002 when the assets crystallized, Onah said.
The NiCON Trustees receiver manager said it was not until between 2003 and 2016 that Dr Ndulue began to lay claim to the charged assets when their predecessor in the title – the debtor company – held down the Receivership in litigation for 13 years by court “action which was eventually resolved in favour of the Receiver in Appeal No. CA/L/365/2004 in 2016”.
Onah said Dr. Ndulue would rather not mention such a landmark judgment because it would puncture his “sickening lies”.
Armed with the said Court of Appeal judgment, the Receiver got a Federal High Court Order in 2017 in suit FHC/ CS/L/1242/2017 which was executed and the entire charged plots of land including the piece being claimed by Dr. Ndulue was recovered by the Deputy Sheriff of the Federal High Court on November 13th, 2017 and the “Receiver was put in possession.
“The Certificate of Execution of 13/11/2017 is attached as Annexure 3. It is important to state here that on 13th November 2017 when the land was handed to me, the Receiver, it was vacant land without any development thereon.*
Onah wondered why the octogenarian did not tell the public that he challenged the takeover by the Receiver in court and lost the challenge by a ruling dated 9th January 2018 in Suit No. FHC/ CS/L/1242/2017.
Onah also faulted Ndulue for not disclosing to the public that after this particular parcel of land was sold by the Receiver and the owner/purchaser had built a one-story building on the land, “himself and his son went with thugs to attack the building in the dead of the night in 2019 and demolished the completed one-story structure.”
According to Onah, in an attempt to get the land, Ndulue filed a suit at the High Court in Suit No. LD/2767/GCMW/2018 against the Receiver for declaration of title.
“How convenient was it to forget to mention this? This matter raged in court for five years within which Dr Ndulue found confidence to grab the asset and began to deal adversely with it.
“Again, under the law, in 2023, the court ruled against Dr. Albert Ndulue. Attached herewith is the judgment. The law is trite that the owner of the land is the owner of everything on it.”
The Nation gathered that while the face-off was ongoing, the matter was brought before the Inspector General of Police (IGP), who ordered an investigation into the activities of Dr Ndulue and others.
“The interim report returned an indictment of fraud, trespass, and violence,” claimed Onah.
He added: “Dr Albert Ndulue continued to use imported armed men to attack the assigned owner of the land. This caused the Assignee to go to court against Ndulue and the Receiver.
“Interim and interlocutory injunctions were issued against Dr Albert Ndulue, but because he had no regard for the law, he continued his attacks on the owner.
“With countless allegations and investigative reports on him, the legal department of Zone 2 Police Command concluded to charge him and his lawyer in court.
“On getting a whiff of this, they began to blackmail the AIG, Zone 2, calling him and everyone names.
“As we write this, the Police are on his trail to bring him and his cohorts to book
Onah therefore said rather than whipping up public sentiment, Ndulue should “ventilate his claim in court and claim damages and be at liberty to appeal all the Judgments of the various courts against him and refrain from maligning the Receiver and the Nigeria Police in the media.
However, while NICON Trustees continued to fault the claims of the octogenarian, Ndulue insisted that he would pursue his case to the logical conclusion.
Speaking to The Nation, he insisted that the piece of land belonged to him.
When our correspondent confronted him with the claims of NICON Trustees, he said: “I don’t know whether it is false that the Alma Beach in 1991 advertised that they got a big plot of land from the Elegushi Family and they were going to build an estate there, and they invited people to apply for different estates. Is that false?
“I saw the advert and I went to the office to make sure that the company exists, that Alma Beach exists, and I found out that they existed and I indicated that I was interested in buying a plot. I paid N750,000 for the plot and eventually, they gave me a plot.”
According to Ndulue, he thought everything was okay until 1996 when he wanted to perfect the title of the plot.
“I went to them, and they said Alma Beach had been taken over by Babalakin, and Babalakin was the person that would give me the document with which I would go to Lagos State to perfect the title,” he said.
He added, however, that he never bargained for what confronted him when he got to Babalakin, whom he said he had never met before.
He said: “I didn’t know him before, but the way he behaved to me was funny. He didn’t know me, but Alma Beach said to me that they gave him my name as one of the first people who paid for the plot; and that they should cooperate with me by signing Form 1C for me.
“But he said he would give me N2 million. I said I’m not asking you for money; give me my document, let me go and perfect the title with the Lagos State Government.”
He said that when his request was not acceded to, he asked his lawyer to go to court since he had the document to back up his claim.
“I have all the documents with which I paid and all that. I went to court eventually. We were in court for five years. Fortunately, Justice Ojikutu looked at the document I got from Alma Beach and said they should give me my plot and documents.
“This thing I’m telling you was written as a consent judgment. I got this land by the consent judgment of the court. I went on to apply to Lagos State and paid quite a lot of money.
“In 2011, they gave me my Governor’s Consent. All this time, I never heard about NICON Trustees. Never. I didn’t know that the company existed.
“After I had perfected my document, I went on to draw a building plan. The building plan was approved by the Lagos State Government in 2014. I went and built a compound wall on the plot. Nobody talked to me, nobody showed up.
“After I had walled it around, I started preparing to build, because one thing about the plot of land, if you don’t take physical presence somebody else can go and build and you will be in trouble.”
Thinking that everything was settled, he said in 2017, he mobilised a contractor from Anambra State and was getting ready to build where the workers were going to stay. Unfortunately, another round of trouble reared its head. On his gate was placed an interim order claiming that the land belongs to NICON Trustees.
“It never made a hell of sense to me. I know there is NICON Insurance; I didn’t know about NICON Trustees even though I was a doctor at NICON Insurance. I never saw anyone from NICON Trustees, I never knew it existed.
“I asked my lawyer to go and find out for me about NICON Trustees and the interim order of Justice Obiozor. He found out and it was reported to me that there was an interim order; that they were in court.
“I said go and find out the court and the case; I want to join because my plot is said to be part of the order. While I was trying to join the suit, that interim order was dismissed.
“Whosoever told you that I was telling lies, ask him whether an interim order was not dismissed by Justice Faji. Of course an interim order was dismissed. NICON Trustees went on appeal, and the Appeal Court upheld the judgment of Justice Faji and went ahead to throw out the interim order.
“I thought it was all over and continued with the arrangement to start building, but another set of harassment began. They said that they lent money to Alma Beach, N40 million, and Alma Beach said if they were not able to pay, they should take 150 plots of the 2,200 plots they had in Alma Beach; that my own plot was one of the plots they said they should take.”
The octogenarian wondered why he should pay for sins he knew nothing about. Hence he decided to seek another legal reprieve to stop NICON Trustees from trespassing on his land.
“I challenged them to come to the court and show them their title document, and I would also bring my title document and show the judge. If he says my own title document is fake, they can take the land. That was all.
“I said stop trespassing on my land and going to steal materials I use in building. Bring your title document to the court, I will bring mine, and let the judge as a neutral somebody look at these title documents and say which one of them is correct. If your own is correct, I will leave the land for you. What am I looking for? I already have a house I’m living in.
“But do you know the answer? I went to court in 2018. Do you know what they have been arguing upon since 2018? They said I have a preliminary objection to my suit. And what is the preliminary objection? That I have no right to sue and that the court has no right to hear it because I’m not part of the debenture. That is what they have been arguing on since 2018.
So what is the way out of this crisis?
The octogenarian is seeking to know who ordered the demolition of his house. “They should give me the reason for the permission they gave them to demolish my house,” Ndulue said.
He disclosed that two days before his house was demolished, policemen were sent to arrest his workers and security at the site. “They arrested my security men, scared them and told them that they should never be found on that plot again.”
Contrary to the claim that policemen are looking for him, he said he had visited the police not just once, saying the argument does not hold water.
“When I went to Zone 2, the AIG there didn’t give me an audience. He walked me out. The AIG was so hostile. But due to the intervention of someone, he decided to listen to us. When he listened and found the kind of people they are, he stopped listening to them a bit.
“Later, the case was transferred to Alagbon. Again they went and arrested my security men, beat them up. They beat them into a pulp and took them to Alagbon Close. I went there and bailed them, and they continued demolishing,” he said.
Tale of Nigerian politicians who rode into prominence on their fathers’ influence
Hitherto, they were unknown. But because of the political influence of their biological parents and the relevance of their families in the polity, they are becoming emerging power brokers. Deputy Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU writes on the activities of a special breed of politicians who are products of dynasties, tightening their grip on power.
Born to Rule’ was the slogan adopted by Sokoto, the Seat of the Caliphate. Due to public outcry, especially from the South, it was changed.
But now, the tagline has a wider connotation and application in the polity.
It is not only the household of Usman Dan Fodio that is itching to preserve its latent claim to power in the bid to loom large and remain relevant for life. The wider polity is apparently mimicking the old technocratic order.
The Nigerian politics has thrown up certain young stars from notable lineages now bestriding the partisan space with the aim of projecting themselves as children of legends.
For many on the slippery political field, a family background capable of selling their candidature is a treasured asset. The political class is becoming used to the idea that parental reputation may continue to play a significant role in advancing the political careers of upstarts, despite the limitation of experience.
At the disposal of the privileged wards who are the beneficiaries of cumulative goodwill are grace of uncanny connection and formidable influence.
In addition, they are insulated from the peculiar stress of political job hunt and assured of relatively easier route to power.
By and large, certain families see politics as a vocation, if not an outright occupation. Such households are gradually transformed into pseudo-political dynasties. In fact, public consciousness is filled with the past awesome feats of their illustrious progeni tors and their outstanding records of dignified community service remain in people’s consciousness as the rationale for instant enlistment of their offspring into political leadership space.
Such reliance on durable family reputation and name recognition is a feature of contemporary political life. It has made or marred the careers of kith and kin from time immemorial.
Observers point out that across the 36 states, elder statesmen, old political warhorses, party leaders and elders are on the same path. They are perfecting plans for the actualisation of the political ambition of their biological children in their lifetime.
Analysts also attest to a deliberate political tutelage packaged by aging political megastars who steer their children into community and practical statecraft under their roof.
Like their counterparts in other countries, the heirs-apparent to the political throne of godfathers are emerging across the states of the federation. Savouring the fruits of their parents’ labour, they are positioned as brides of the future; nurtured by the same code of conduct which accounts for the flourishing political careers of their parents.
It is further rationalised in political circles and party caucuses that the aged parents have paid their dues, and their offspring, though neophytes in politics, should be protected from political injury. It is the baseline for a sense of entitlement for the wards who believe in the validity of inheritable political capital.
References are made to the heroic labours of the past, including moments of detention, harassment by opponents and military oppression, deprivations and colossal electoral defeats through rigging, and deference to party supremacy and discipline.
The often advertised exploits also extend to building time-tested formidable structures, oiling of political machinery with financial resources, and in sisting on principle at delicate periods when their contemporaries were swayed by temptations and tremors.
As former governors, senators, ministers, commissioners, local government chairman and party stalwarts, they have built solid structures, which were sustained by patronage, strong commitment to principles and values, and leadership by example.
All these, observers agree, brighten the chances of gerontocrats, who are eager to establish a pattern of political inheritance by raising their loyal and trusted wards in their political image.
Leading lights who are on the last lap of life’s race believe that their influence should not dim at the twilight of their existence, and after journeying down their graves. Powerful, highly connected and politically influential, they are the brains behind the earth-moving actions and calculations culminating into the distribution of electoral opportunities.
The bright side of godfatherism is the substitution of self with kith and kin. Many godfathers have learnt their lessons in political sponsorship, thus retracing their steps from their penchant for raising godsons who later refuse to become stooges.
The puppet godson is now viewed as a pretender in a pre-election period as he is suddenly transformed by power, which also equips him to look the benefactor in the face and challenge the basis for the expectation of political returns on assumption of office.
Thus, political juggernauts, who are constrained by geriatric issues and are, therefore, unfit to jostle for positions, put their children forward. With the party structure and machinery effectively in their pockets, as it were, it is usually a smooth sail for their wards, the hitherto untested hands.
“That was why Sola Saraki put forward his son, Bukola, for governor in Kwara. It was the same reason Adedibu of Ibadan made his son, Kabiru, a senator in Oyo State,” said Oluyemi Ayodele, a political science teacher at the Ekiti State University (EKSU) in Ado-Ekiti.
Time may also be favourable to their ambitions. It is not just a question of lobbying for jobs for the boys. As the states become more complex to govern and government activities increase, filling the vacancies created to meet the challenge of governance is as compelling as filling them with competent hands.
The gerontocrats, who played significant roles in installing the state chief executives and other elected officers, are prescient and meticulous in their political calculations. They put forth the best of their blood; competent children who are qualified for political appointments. Thus, the beneficiaries are also prided as egg heads, armed with sound education, glittering for their intellectual fitness, blazing with vigour and determination to excel like their parents. Political analysts believe that their political careers are an extension of the careers and influence of their parents on whose backs they rode to public office.
But, rivals, even within the same fold and outside, are enveloped by envy. They decry the privileged gerontocrats as well entrenched, dominant, and strategically placed political barons, kleptomanic controllers of city politics and resources who are unwilling to yield their advantageous positions to able lieutenants outside their roof.
It is not peculiar to Nigeria. In many other climes, prominent families have been associated with the hunt for power. They include the Bush and the Kennedy families of the United States, Ghandi of India, Bhuto of Pakistan, Kenyata of Kenya, Eyadema of Togo, and Mobutu Sese-Seko of Congo.
In the United States, while John Kennedy was a serving president, his younger brother, Robert, served as Attorney-General and Edward was a senator.
Former President Bill Clinton’s wife, Hillary, became a senator and later Secretary of State (or Foreign Minister).
In India, the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty was dominant for a long time. Jawaharlal Nehru was the first prime minister. His daughter, Indira, was the first female prime minister in the country. After her assassination, she was succeeded by her son, Rajiv, also assassinated. Rajiv’s wife, Sonia, also became prime minister in 2004.
Projecting children of legends
In Nigeria, observers believe that the exploits of certain elder statesmen were public relations implements for their offspring. References have been made to the projection of Ogedengbe Macaulay, son of the father of Nigerian nationalism, Herbert Macaulay; Oluwole Awolowo, son of the first Premier of the old Western Region, Chief Obafemi Awolowo; Greg Mbadiwe, son of Dr. Kingsley Mbadiwe, fondly called ‘Man of Timber and Caliber’ by admirers; Yomi and Bimbo Akintola, children of the late Western Regional Premier Ladoke Akintola; Udo Udoma, son of a former federal legislator and jurist, Udo Udoma; Simeon Tarka of Second Republic House of Representatives, son of Senator Joseph Tarka; Mathew Mbu Jr., son of former Federal Minister of Labour, Chief Mathew Mbu; Jumoke Akinjide, former Minister of State, Federal Capital Territory (FCT) and daughter of First and Second Republic minis ter, Chief Richard Akinjide; Jumoke Anifowose, daughter of former Ondo State governor, Chief Adekunle Ajasin, and Muyiwa, son of the slain Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Chief Bola Ige.
Also, there could be a feeling of entitlement, followed by conflict. At a ceremony in Ibadan, the Oyo State capital, Oluwole Awolowo, a former councillor in Old Apapa Council of Lagos State and ex-member of Lagos State House of Assembly, had canvassed the dynasty route to power, wondering why Nigeria refused to take after India and other Asian countries, which permitted political authority to flow in one family for generations.
Although the same feeling had somehow persisted, the argument was punctured and ignored. When Awo’s last born, Dr. Tokunbo Dosunmu, wanted to contest for governor of Lagos in the Third Republic, she was rebuffed by former Governor Lateef Jakande, a disciple of her father, who said he was not ready to serve father and daughter in quick succession.
However, when Mrs. Modupe Adelaja, daughter of erstwhile Afenifere Leader, Pa Abraham Adesanya, suddenly became a ministerial nominee in 1999, there was a feeling that it was an unsolicited gift for the old fighter.
Before then, her elder brother, Bayo, had made it to Apapa Council in Lagos State, as a Supervisory Councillor. Although he was eminently qualified to aspire, the name ‘Adesanya’ was an added advantage capable of scaring other aspirants.
It is the same prominence that the children of a committed progressive politician, the late Oba Olatunji Hamzat, enjoy in the Centre of Excellence. His household has donated three sons to the polity and they occupy relevant positions.
Two of his children had won House of Representatives primaries in 1999 at Mushin and Ifako-Ijaye constituencies. One was asked to step down as a sacrifice. Apart from installing a federal legislator, other siblings glow in government. Obafemi, a respected scholar, technocrat, and politician, who had served as Commissioner for Science and Technology, and later, Works, as well as minister’s aide, is now deputy governor of Lagos State. His younger brother is a council chairman.
Their background was Hamzat, godfather and biological father, Second Republic House of Assembly member, Transport Commissioner who served meritoriously, Baale of a village in Ogun State, a chieftain of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP), June 12 crusader, Primrose member and Afenifere Justice Forum leader who disagreed with Chief Dapo Sarunmi’s decision to join Chief Ernest Shonekan’s interim contraption, Alliance for Democracy (AD) National Vice Chairman (Southwest), and leader of Lagos State All Progressives Congress (APC) Governance Advisory Council (GAC).
He was a political leader with a class, and until he passed on in 2019, there was no governorship aspirant who did not knock at his door in Ogba ahead of participation in the 2007, 2015, and 2019 polls.
Pa Hamzat’s colleague, Chief Busura Alebiosu, also took steps that will not allow his name to fade away in Lagos politics. President Bola Tinubu fondly calls him the ‘Comrade Capitalist.’ He is the Ijebu-born political leader of Kosofe, held in high esteem by many party faithful. He is also a member of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Governance Advisory Council (GAC) in Lagos State.
A former state lawmaker, Alebiosu understands the language of politics. He is able to manage his political achievements as his Ijebu people manage money. In Ketu, Ikosi, and Kosofe councils, his blood relations and followers occupy important positions, either as secretaries or as vice chairmen. Politically, the unofficial quota was not without justification. Like other leaders, he had toiled day and night to ensure the victory of the party during council polls.
The reward for hard work also came from the state government, which made his son, Dayo, a Special Assistant on Housing. He later became a member of the House of Representatives for eight years. Today, Dayo is also a commissioner in Lagos State.
Before the internal crisis that rocked the Alliance for Democracy (AD) in Lagos State, there was a rapport between the then Governor Tinubu and Ikorodu politician, Alhaji Mufutau Ajisebutu, a former council chairman. Ajisebutu’s son, Bayo, profited from the rosy relationship. He was appointed chairman of Surulere Council.
Like other young men who had the same opportunity – Bola Ilori (Alimoso Council) and Lanre Opadoyin (Mushin), the younger Ajisebutu justified himself and warmed himself into the hearts of party leaders and senior government officials.
When his father and Tinubu parted ways, he supported the former governor’s position on the AD crisis by queuing behind Chief Bisi Akande as the national chairman of the party instead of the late Senator Mojisoluwa Akinfenwa, whom the elder Ajisebutu supported.
Asked to explain his position, Bayo cited principle, saying his father had never made any attempt to foist his opinion on him.
Bayo Ajisebutu was a governorship aspirant and he had another business dear to his heart. He was at the forefront of the crusade for the installation of an Ikorodu indigene as governor in 2007. The dream was not realised.
When Pa Ajisebutu left AD for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), he followed his father. Later, he returned to the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). Today, he is a top civil servant in Lagos State.
Like the elder Ajisebutu, the blood of the late Ganiyu Dawodu ran in the veins of progressive governments in Lagos State. To placate the old politician, who maintained a stiff opposition to Tinubu’s candidature in 1999, his son, Segun, made the list of commissioners.
He was assigned the Sports portfolio. It was reminiscent of the long military era and Second Republic when Ganiyu Dawodu was commissioner.
Before and after independence, Dawodu, nicknamed the ‘god of Lagos politics’ (based on his initials: Ganiyu Olawale Dawodu), was a councillor and later chairman of the famed Lagos City Council, who dislodged the veteran National Convention of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) actors.
Dawodu was the pioneer AD chairman and doubled as Lagos State Afenifere leader. He was apparently shoved aside from the AD leadership to pave the way for Prince Abiodun Ogunleye, eminent accountant and former commissioner, during the 2001 congress.
Dawodu’s activities temporarily drew the curtain on his son’s tenure in the Lagos State Executive Council. As his father became the governorship candidate of Progressive Action Congress (PAC) during the 2003 elections, Segun was in a moral dilemma.
Initially, the Sports Commissioner accompanied his boss, Tinubu, to the re-election campaigns. Later on, he could not stomach the missiles from Tinubu’s mouth directed at his father. Though he reiterated his loyalty to Tinubu, family bond compelled him to resign from the Exco – blood is thicker than water.
But 20 years after, he returned to the same ministry as commissioner under Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu.
In death, Alhaji Mumuni Adio Badmus remains relevant, like his contemporary, the late Afolabi Ege, an Awori leader, whose son is now a member of the Lagos State House of Assembly.
A former state lawmaker, Mrs. Bola Badmus-Olujobi, is the daughter of Badmus, and she has built on her father’s reputation. After the demise of the lawmaker representing Amuwo Odofin State Constituency I, Bola became a replacement. She was backed by party leaders in memory of her father, a grassroots politician, and mobiliser.
The late Badmus was the Information Commissioner in the Mobolaji Johnson administration. He was the Secretary of Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) in Lagos State during the Lateef Jakande era. He was also a commissioner under the Tinubu administration. Due to ill-health, Tinubu changed his portfolio from Education to Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs. He was replaced by the Education Adviser, Dr. Idowu Sobowale. The House of Assembly sought to know from Tinubu what would be the fate of the old politician. It was until they were convinced that he had been given another position in the State Executive Council that they ratified Sobowale’s appointment.
Badmus died in active service. Tinubu, who was abroad, had to return immediately to accord him the last respect.
Bola, his daughter, later became Deputy Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly and, much later, a Woman Leader in the ruling party.
The daughter of Pa Karimu Laka, nicknamed Orelope, a respected leader in Alimoso, Lagos State, Mrs. Tawa Adejoke Orelope-Adefulire, has served as a state lawmaker, Commissioner for Women Affairs, and deputy governor. Currently, she is the Senior Special Assistant on Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to the President, a position she has been holding under former President Muhammadu Buhari.
Iye Ekiti-born Afolabi Fasanmi, also a former Special Assistant and son of the late Senator Ayo Fasanmi, had a moment of opportunity to justify his worth and capability when Tinubu made him the chairman of a panel for the screening of councillorship and chairmanship aspirants during a shadow poll in Lagos. That followed his failure to get the House of Representatives ticket in his Ekiti constituency.
But ahead of the local government primaries, he rallied party elders and leaders to resolve intra-party crisis likely to frustrate the party.
Hakeem Okunola, lawyer-son of the eminent jurist, the late Justice Muri Okunola, rose to fame as Executive Assistant, Land Use and Allocation Committee. Later, he became a Permanent Secretary and Head of Service of Lagos State. A hardworking technocrat, Hakeem is now a Presidential Private Secretary.
The younger Prince Gbolahan Ogunleye, son of Prince Ogunleye, began his political career under the tutelage of his father. He became a Special Assistant under Lanre Balogun, former Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs Commissioner. Later, he served as Executive Secretary of Ikorodu Council. He is now a member of the House of Assembly.
What worked for him also worked for Folarin Coker, former Deputy Chief of Staff and son of the famous jurist, Justice Folarin Coker. From the state licensing office, he became a commissioner.
The projection of children of legends also extended to the royal courts. Traditional rulers were taken into account. Royal support for the Lagos administration was not in vain. Prince Oniru secured an appointment as the Managing Director of Lagos Water Front. Prince Saheed Elegushi of Ikate land became a Personal Assistant to the former governor. He later succeeded his father as monarch. Anofi, his elder brother, served as Home Affairs Com missioner.
Today, the Olowo-Eko of Lagos, Oba Rilwan Akiolu’s son, Moshood, is a member of the House of Representatives, representing the Lagos Island Constituency.
In honour of former Governor Jakande, his son, Deji, got the ticket for the House of Representatives in Somolu Constituency. Another son, Seyi, is serving as vice chairman of Mushin Ojuwoye Council.
Outside Alausa, Ikeja seat of Lagos government, it is believed that the enormous goodwill garnered by the elder statesman, Senator Habib Fashinro, the first Clerk of Lagos City Council, rubbed off on his son, Hakeem, who won an election into the House of Representatives on Lagos Island. A respected Lagosian, the late Fashinro was an associate of the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Although old age denied him the energy and vigour required for politics, Afenifere/AD/AC/ACN leaders perceived him as a moral voice.
A similar honour has been accorded to the GAC leader, Prince Tajudeen Olusi, whose son, Tijani, was elected as Lagos Island Council chairman. Olusi, a Second Republic federal legislator and one-time Trade and Commerce Commissioner in Lagos State, is a respected leader of the APC.
Lagos APC Women Leader, Jumoke Okoya-Thomas, a former member of the House of Representatives, also profited immensely from her father’s connection. The late Chief Molade Okoya-Thomas, an industrialist and Asoju Oba of Lagos, was a staunch supporter of the Tinubu administration.
The Shitta-Bey example:
Another prominent Lagos family that has remained a factor in Lagos politics is Shitta-Bey. Four descendants of the legendary Seriki Musulumi of Lagos have been electoral assets. They are the late Senator Sikiru, the late Alhaji Rasheed, Alhaji Jibola and the late Lateef.
Sikiru, lawyer, and leader of Action Group (AG) Youth Association, was first elected into the House of Representatives in 1964 after a fierce shadow contest between him and the late Adewale Thompson in the old Lagos Constituency. In the Second Republic, he became a senator after another battle with his younger brother, the late Rasheed, who was later pacified with the House of Representatives ticket. Both were elected into the Second Republic National Assembly at the same time.
During the Third Republic, Jibola was elected into the Lagos State House of Assembly. The last born of the family, the late Lateef, whom Senator Sikiru had wanted to become a Permanent Secretary because the family had not produced one, opted out of the civil service and won an election into the House of Assembly to represent Surulere Constituency I.
Attesting to the political and religious fame of his illustrious family, Lateef acknowledged that he benefitted maximally from family prestige and honour, which gave him leverage and springboard.
He went down memory lane, emerging with what he called “proofs that made politics the food of Shitta-Bey family”. According to him, “politics was family business right from the days of my grandfather”.
Lateef added: “I am talking about the events as far as 1848. My great grandfather was a philanthropist, helper of the helpless, full of compassion for the poor.
“Shitta-Bey’s compound was a haven of political activities and confrontation. Politics runs in the blood of the family. There are families of lawyers, doctors, and accountants. We are a family of politicians, and community service is a career.”
Lateef recalled that his two elder brothers, Sikiru and Rasheed, also supported his political career by giving him tutelage and financial support.
He said: “I was there when my father was campaigning for my brother’s first election in 1964. I was a little boy and my father encouraged him. I under-studied my father when he took him round for campaigns. My father persuaded or coerced his tenants to vote. My father was an unofficial agent of the AG.
“Later, my elder brothers contributed to my sustenance in politics by giving me assistance.”
In his view, “there is the hereditary aspect. We children of Shitta-Bey were taught never to take the backseat; we like to be at the front”.
Lateef Shitta-Bey also said the family endeared itself to the people by showing love, playing deep roles in Islam and propagating its beliefs in competition and equal opportunities for all.
He added: “People in my constituency voted for me, not because I am good-looking but because I came from the right family.”
Instructive, the Shitta-Beys have always operated in popular and people-oriented parties-AG, UPN, SDP, AD, ACN and APC. When Senator Sikiru veered into the NPN, his constituents frowned at it. When Lateef left ACN, his senatorial bid collapsed.
In Surulere, the family name and popularity also initially played a role in the political career of Hakeem Gbajabiamila, former Housing Commissioner, and Femi Gbajabiamila, former House of Representatives Speaker, who is now the Chief of Staff to the President.
Family connection and political socialisation:
The relationship between family connection and political fame has remained a feature of politics. While Apena Kaoli Olusanya, an APC leader from Ikorodu Division, served as Agriculture Commissioner between 1999 and 2007 in Lagos State, his daughter, Abisola, now occupies the same position. The son of Cardinal James Odunmbaku, his colleague in the Lagos APC-GAC, David, is the chairman of Ojodu Council. Moyosore Ogunlewe, a lawyer-son of another APC-GAC member, Senator Seye Ogunlewe, rode to power as Kosofe Council chairman on the back of his father.
Also, Tunbosun, the intellectually sound and hardworking son of the eminent journalist and Solid Minerals Minister, Dr. Oladele Alake, who served as Commissioner for Information and Strategy during the same period, is Commissioner for Science and Technology. Also, Babajide, the son of Senator Musiliu Obanikoro was elected into the National Assembly. Sultan, son of the late Prince Ademola Adeniji-Adele, a former commissioner, was elected into the House of Assembly. Folajimi, son of former Information and Culture Minister, Layiwola Mohammed, was a two-term lawmaker in the House of Assembly.
It is the same trend in other states. For example, in Ogun State, Olumide, the son of former Governor Olusegun Osoba, made it to the House of Representatives; like Gboyega, son of former Governor Ade Adefarati of Ondo State; Dapo, son of former Governor Lam Adesina of Oyo State, and Olamijuwonlo, son of former Governor Adebayo Alao-Akala.
Early exposure to politics and governance also motivated children of veteran politicians to have interest in the game. There were reports of children of some governors who were officially or unofficially co-opted into governance structures, particularly in Osun State in the days of former Governors Rauf Aregbesola and Gboyega Oyetola. Aregbesola’s son, Kabiru, came up with some initiatives that impacted governance. Oyetola’s son, Femi, was like an aide to his father. It is the same pattern in Ondo State under Governor Rotimi Akeredolu, where his son is actively involved in running the state.
As some families grew in fame, they saw the need for the acquisition of power. Politics became a family vocation, an avenue for service and route to influence and affluence.
When the Colonial Governor of Nigeria, David Cameron, during a chat, alerted the Ooni of Ife, the late Oba Adesoji Aderemi, to the possibility of the systematic displacement of traditional rulers by the emerging class of nationalist politicians after independence, the eminent monarch admitted the fact. But he told the governor that when the time comes, his educated children and grandchildren would be part of the ruling elite.
Oba Aderemi’s prediction came true. His daughter, Mrs. Tejumade Alakija, became the first Head of Service in old Oyo State; another son became a commissioner. His grandson, Babajide Omoworare, became a senator representing Ife/Ijesa District.
In the old Northern Region, political leaders and monarchs exercised foresight. As coups were dethroning legitimate authorities in Egypt and Sudan, northern Nigerians put on their thinking caps. They reasoned that the military would become the alternative power centre in Africa. To maintain their political influence, the northern aristocrats enlisted their children into the Army.
As soldiers sacked them during military interventions that drew the curtains on the First Republic, their wards became part of the ruling military elite.
In the Southeast, the children of Igwe Nwodo, who served as Minister of Local Government in the old Eastern Region, later became more prominent in politics. Joe, his eldest son, was a presidential candidate; Ekwesilieze, a former governor of Enugu State, was a National Secretary of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP); and John Nnia became Minister of Information under the Abdulsalami Abubakar military regime.
Two children of Alhaji Musa Yar’Adua, First Republic Minister of Lagos Affairs, made impact. Major General Shehu Yar’Adua, former Chief of Staff Supreme Headquarters, set up the most formidable political structure through the defunct Peoples Democratic Movement (PDM). His younger brother, Umaru, former governor of Katsina State, became President and died in active service.
Even in death, the name of President-elect Moshood Abiola, winner of the annulled June 12, 1993 presidential election, still evokes a good memory. His daughter, Lola Edewor, represented Apapa Constituency of Lagos State in the House of Representatives between 1999 and 2007 before relocating to Ogun State to play politics. Her younger sister, Hafsat Costello, was a special adviser to former Ogun State Governor Ibikunle Amosu. Also, his younger brother, Kola, was a Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) presidential candidate in the last general election.
While serving as president, Olusegun Obasanjo’s daughter, Dr. Iyabo Bello, became Ogun State Commissioner for Health, and later the senator representing Ogun Central. She was Chairman of Health Committee.
Second Republic Senate Leader, Dr. Saraki, ensured that his son, Bukola, became governor of Kwara State while his daughter, Gbemisola, was elected into the House of Representatives, and later, the Senate. Indeed, the Kwara kingpin wanted Gbemisola to succeed his brother. But Bukola disagreed and, politically, the patriarch was grief-stricken. Bukola later became Senate President and PDP presidential aspirant.
In Zamfara State, the Shinkafi siblings made waves. Umaru, former Director of the dreaded National Security Organisation (NSO) – the forerunner of today’s Department of State Services (DSS) – and Internal Affairs Minister, was a vice presidential candidate of AD in 1999. His younger brother, Aliyu, a former deputy governor, succeeded Governor Sani Yerima in 2007.
Wives of statesmen who know their onions have also entered politics and made impact. Examples are Senators Daisy Danjuma, spouse of one-time Defence Minister Gen. Yakubu Danjuma, and Mrs. Margarey Okadigbo, wife of the charismatic Senate President Dr. Chuba Okadigbo, who served as senators. Their election coincided with the intense agitations for gender inclusion in politics.
The wive of former Yobe State governor, Senator Bukar Abba Ibrahim, Khadija, was a member of the House of Representatives. She later became Minister of State for Foreign Affairs under President Muhammadu Buhari.
In Lagos State, Senator Oluremi, teacher and philanthropist-wife of Tinubu, became a three-term senator for Lagos Central. Tinubu’s in-law, Oyetunde Ojo, husband of the Iyaloja of Lagos, Chief Folasade Tinubu-Ojo, became a member of the House of Representatives representing Ekiti Central Constituency 2.
However, Tinubu’s political structure is a wide departure. It is formidable; loved and respected by people because of its philosophy of grooming many competent people for leadership and service to the masses through the pursuit of welfarist programmes.”If progressivism is viewed as a sort of ideology, then, Tinubu’s structure is the closest to the idea,” said Ayodele, who added:”Many products of the camp are reputed for their contributions to good governance.”
Reflecting on Senator Oluremi’s tenure in the National Assembly, her legislative activities, and empowerment programmes, Prince Olusi said the First Lady bestrode her Lagos Central District like a colossus. An Amazon, Oluremi articulated the prime interest of Lagos in the Upper Chamber through her relentless clamour for special status for the former federal capital territory.
Olusi stressed: “Lagos Central has produced many senators – Oba Musendiku Adeniji-Adele, Ajayi Adeyiga, Sikiru Shitta-Bey, Fashinro, Kofoworola Akerele-Bucknor, Tokunbo Afikuyomi, Musiliu Obanikoro, Muniru Muse and Oluremi Tinubu. But Oluremi Tinubu was the best in terms of performance.”
Indisputably, members of the large Tinubu ‘political family’ include actors from the Southwest and beyond, many of whom have no biological link with the Asiwaju of Lagos.
However, the political camp had to contend with internal wrangling during the last electioneering. When the APC National Leader, Tinubu, unfolded his lifetime presidential ambition, two of his disciples-former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo and former Ekiti State Governor Kayode Fayemi-also threw their hats in the ring. While they had the fundamental rights to aspire under the constitution and guidelines of the ruling party, the public largely perceived their ambitions as a challenge to the aspiration of their leader.
To historians, such a scenario is not strange. In 1956, the late economist, Dr. Sam Ikoku, a candidate of AG, contested against his biological father, the legendary educationist, United National Independent Party (UNIP) chieftain and statesman, Chief Alvan Ikoku, in the Eastern Regional House of Assembly election. The younger Ikoku won the poll.
In Imo State, while Chief Rochas Okorocha held sway as governor, his younger sister, Mrs. Ogechi Ololo, a political mobiliser in her own right, was made Commissioner for Happiness and Purpose Fulfillment. That was after serving as the Chief of Staff, Domestic Affairs, in the State Executive Council (Exco).
As Okorocha was about to complete his two terms of eight years, he anointed his son-in-law, Uche Nwosu, as his successor. But the plan to make him governor failed.
In Anambra State, the Uba family has produced Senator Ugochukwu Uba, Senator Andy Uba, and Eselu Chris Uba, a former PDP trustee. They teamed up when interests aligned. On other occasions, they worked at cross-purposes.
In Abia State, the son of former Governor Theodore Orji, Chinedu, was elected into the House of Assembly. He became Speaker.
Also, in Benue State, Mrs. Blessing Onuh, daughter of former Senate President David Mark, became a member of the House of Representatives. Though her father is a PDP leader, she ran on the platform of the APC.
2023 electioneering:
In fact, during the last general election, children of many prominent politicians used the opportunity for self-projection while mobilising for political parties.
Also, more children of party leaders were on the ballot during the governorship and legislative elections.
In Lagos Mainland Constituency, Ajani, son of Pa Monsuru Owolabi, who served in the House of Representatives for 16 years, was re-elected into the House of Assembly.
In Kano State, Senator Rabiu Kwakwanso, former governor and one-time Minister of Defence and presidential candidate of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) in this year’s general election, mobilised for the election of his son in-law, Abba Yusuf, as governor.
In Delta State, Erhiatake Suenu, daughter of former Governor James Ibori, was elected House of Representatives member for Ethiope Constituency. Also, Mariyin, daughter of former Governor Ifeanyi Okowa, won election into the House of Assembly.
In Kaduna North Federal Constituency, Bello, son of former Governor Nosiru El-Rufai, and Adam, son of former Vice President Namadi Sam of, contested for the House of Representatives seat.
In Jigawa, Mustapha, son of former Governor Sule Lamido, was PDP governorship candidate. He lost to the APC flagbearer.
In Cross River, Godswill Edward, former President Goodluck Jonathan’s son-in-law, competed for the governorship ticket in APC. He lost to Governor Bassey Otu.
In Ekiti State, Joju, son of former Governor Ayodele Fayose, aspired to represent Ekiti Central 1 in the House of Representatives.
In Ogun State, Rasheed, son of the late Senator Buruji Kashamu, got the ticket to run for the Lower Chamber of the National Assembly in Ijebu North Constituency.
In Sokoto State, Sagir, son of former Governor Attahiru Bafarawa, struggled for the PDP governorship ticket. It was the same scenario in Bauchi State where Ahmadu, son of former Governor Adamu Muazu, was in the governorship race. Also, in Adamawa State, Aziz, son of former Governor Muritala Nyako contested for governor on the platform of the African Democratic Congress (ADC).
The son of the former governor of Plateau, Senator Jonah Jang, Pam, was in the race for the House of Representatives. He later stepped down. In Kwara, Mohammed, son of former Governor Abubakar August, ran for governor. He is now a minister of state.
Experts’ views:
To political scientists, political dynasties are not built in a day. The aspirations of offsprings of political warhorses are legal are also. It is not a violation of rights and justice, if their rivals are not excluded from the competitive democratic electoral process.
Also, power, as it is generally agreed, is not served a la carte. According to Appadorai, a political scientist, people struggle and achieve power through competition and antagonism. Therefore, the game is about the survival of the fittest who have the wherewithal, including family background, to wrest uthority, which is legitimate power.
Italian political scientist, Gaetano Mosca, who developed the elite theory and doctrine of political class, stated that “every class displays the tendency to become hereditary, in fact, if not in law, and that even when political positions are open to all, a family tie to those already in power would confer various advantages.”
However, in their work, ‘Political Dynasties,’ published in 2008, Ernest Bo, Pedro Bo and Jason Snyder observed that political dynasties have long been present in democracies, raising concern that inequality in the distribution of political power may reflect imperfections in democratic representation.
That quest for permanent power, according to Robert Michels, a German-born Italian political sociologist, who focussed on the political behaviour of the ‘intellectual elite,’ is consistent with human nature.
In his writings on “The iron law of oligarchy, ” Michels stated that even in democratic organisations, “the leadership, once elected, would entrench itself in power, undermining the democratic principle of a level playing field.”
But, Mosca disagreed that self-perpectuation in power, especially in a civilian setting, is devoid of considerations for personal attributes. In his view, “persistent inequalities in power attainment reflect hereditary inequalities in talents and drive.”
The question then is: ‘do political dynasties exist because some families are somehow politically able or talented than others, or is political power self-perpetuating?’
Mosca stated:”If traits such as talent run in families, this may yield persistent advantages to some families that are not due to their already occupying positions of authority.”
This opinion tallies with the view of Snyder, who submitted that political power may be self-perpetuating, but the presence of political dynasties does not merely reflect differences in ability across families.
Indeed, as it is also true of some African countries ( as exceplified in Eyadema of Togo and Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya), Snyder contented that political strength or “holding power for a longer time increases the probability that one’s heirs can attain political power in the future, regardless of family characteristics, talents and abilities.”
However, Ayodele said what can sustain elective office holders in power is their performance, not how they got there. He described that “performance” as a product of personal effort, competence, capability credibility and integrity, adding that ” family background can then be an added advantage.”
Besides, the electorate holds the ace. As the last electioneering had shown, the voting pattern showed an unprecedented resistance to intimidation and timidity. Voting is a weapon of choice, change, rejection and affirmation of leadership.
The university don maintained that only the dynasty, political structure, camp and party that is tested, trusted, reliable and popular with the people that will carry the day.
“In democracy, voters are now more conscious, more enlightened in Nigeria. If you get to office through your parents and you don’t perform or fulfill your campaign promises, the electorate can reject you in the next election,” he said.
•Says she has no regrets helping man of God starved of sex by wife
Life, they say, is never a bed of roses but a journey full of ups and downs. That much is the story of Esther Nanu, a young girl from Awe Local Government Area, Nasarawa State, who has had her good times but currently faces serious life challenges.
Esther allegedly suffered sexual exploitation from no less a figure than a former pastor of her New Vision Church who, rather than take responsibility for his action, decided to force the baby on another man.
Esther has been left at the receiving end of the intrigue as her planned marriage was aborted by the errant pastor who did not only deflower her but also put her in the family way.
The baby boy from the pregnancy, according to her, is now approaching age seven and would not stop asking for his father. Esther is also under pressure from her father to trace the parents or native community of the man responsible for her pregnancy. Unfortunately, she had lied to her parents that an army officer was responsible for the pregnancy and had been killed in Maiduguri, Borno State while fighting against Boko Haram.
She said: “I had lied to my parents that it was an army officer that impregnated me and that he was killed by Boko Haram when he was transferred to Maiduguri.
“I lied to my parents that I met the soldier that impregnated me in Keffi but few months after our relationship, he was transferred to Maiduguri where he was eventually killed by Boko Haram.
“But in actual sense, it was my pastor who impregnated me and he is the biological father of my baby boy”. She said.
Our correspondent gathered there was a plan by the said pastor to take custody of the boy under the pretext of adoption so that his wife would not know the truth. But Esther’s parents are said not to be comfortable with the arrangement.
Esther said: “My pastor impregnated me. I have a child for him which people are not aware of. I lied that the man who impregnated me died in Maiduguri fighting Boko Haram, just to make my family stop inquiring about the baby’s father.
“But my pastor is the real father of my baby. He is married with five kids, all girls, while I have a son for him.”
‘How we fell in love’
Asked how the relationship started, Esther, a resident of Masaka in Karu Local Government Area, who accused the pastor of turning her into a sex object and warned her never to tell even her closest friend about it, said she had attended the church while the said pastor was in charge.
She said: “Some time in 2016, he approached me with a lustful look, but I told him I was in a relationship and was about to wed. Although my husband to be was a Catholic, every arrangement had been perfected and I was preparing to swift over to join him in the Catholic to commence the wedding process.
But the pastor insisted and I accepted. It was actually difficult for me to understand my decision
“Our first day together was in a hotel in Keffi. He had gone there to book a room before I came, and had earlier that day took me to do some shopping.
“So when I came, he started touching me, and in no time, he pulled my clothes off, and I was already weak because of the shopping we had earlier gone to do.
“Before I realized what was going on, he had started sleeping with me without any protection.
“As time went on, he was creating time for us to meet in one of the hotels in Keffi. And because I schooled in Keffi, I normally told my husband to be that I was trying to assemble some old friends/mates to form committees for the planned wedding.
“We regularly met in Keffi and spent quality time together while my husband to be was working in a private company in Abuja, which was taking much of his time.
“My husband to be was not too good in bed but the pastor was excellent, so I always enjoyed our stay together. That was my biggest attraction to him as against my proposed husband.”
According to her, when the pressure became too much from her parents, she had to confess that there was nothing like an army officer anywhere but Pastor Joseph who impregnated her.
“When my father confronted the pastor, he was ashamed so he moved his family and vanished to an unknown destination. All his telephone lines, she said, were switched off.
“He sold the house where he was staying and left me with the boy while an assistant pastor took over the running of the church. Pastor Joseph is from Osun State, but I have never been there. He has left me with this boy to suffer alone”
Esther added: “I understand that as human beings, we cannot cheat nature. I’m one of the committee members of the church and I do participate actively in the church choir.
“There was this magnet that pulled the pastor and I together. It was like a force.
“One day, he explained to me in the most pathetic way how his wife had starved him of sex for months for reasons he did not consider genuine. So I actually wanted to fill the gap because I am naturally an emotional and considerate person.
“I am very sure that God would not judge me negatively because of my gesture and for yielding to the pastor’s request. I only tried to satisfy a man who was in dire need.
“He was been starved of sex by his wife so I had to leave spirituality behind to get him satisfied, and that led to him impregnating me.
“It all started like a Hollywood movie. The scenes reeled from one point to the other and we had fun in different hotels on regular basis.
“He confessed that I made him feel like a man, and I was proud of myself. Even my proposed husband found it difficult to understand the relationship, because the man is a pastor and no one would suspect that any dirty romance was going on between us.
“When he openly told me that I made him happy, I comforted myself that if I could satisfy another man, then I could satisfy my proposed husband even though he was not as good in bed as the pastor.
“I was not actually patronising my action, but only being responsible about some sensitive sexual matters. Yes, we did and continued until he got me pregnant. My proposed husband suspected and aborted our planned marriage.
“My affair with the pastor remained a secret until he got me pregnant. I requested an abortion, but to my surprise, he declined my suggestion and wanted me to keep the baby.
“I had my reasons for not wanting to keep the baby. The pastor would not marry me while I already had a man who was waiting to marry me.
“We had actually done the introduction and commenced the process for the pride price and wedding when I got pregnant.
“I did not want to jeopardise my dream marriage to my proposed husband who had already commenced preparation at that time, which is why I insisted that I must get rid of the baby.
“But the pastor insisted that his spirit told him the baby would be a boy, and since he only had five girls with his wife, he begged me and I eventually agreed to keep the pregnancy.
“After about nine months, I was delivered of a baby boy and he was happy and still happy that at least the baby boy he had waited for endlessly had become a reality as God finally opened the door through me.”
Asked what their relationship is at the moment, she said: “We still see and have sex. I don’t have feelings for any other man.
“I don’t know what to do. I know we cannot get married because of his position, but my child refers to him as Daddy because that is what we normally call him, and he told his wife that he wants to adopt my son, while my parents want to know the origin of the said army officer so that the man’s family would know that their late son had a son somewhere.
“I am making this revelation not because I completely regret my action of taking full control of a married pastor, but because I have sensed something that is really not going to work for me and the boy in the most positive way.”
Asked why there was no effort between him and the pastor to engage in protected sex, Esther said: “My pastor kept having sex with me without using condom, which resulted into pregnancy. He warned me not to abort it; that his spirit told him it would be a baby boy and he would take full responsibility of the child
“Initially, I didn’t see anything wrong in opening my legs for a pastor who is married with five kids, all girls, because he too is a human being and he has feelings just like any other person.
“Besides there are many cases of pastors ‘toasting’ girls, but I didn’t envisage that the matter would get to this point and turn out like I am hiding the identity of the biological father of my son from my parents.
“But my pastor actually slept with me many times and got me pregnant.
“Despite the fact that the pastor knew that I was preparing for wedding, he insisted on not taking a “no” for an answer. I bought several condoms but he refused to use them until he got me pregnant.”
Pending marriage aborted
Esther expressed disappointment that her pregnancy occurred at the point she was going to get married “and me and my proposed husband were preparing to get our wedding set.
“Suddenly, pregnancy occurred, and I shielded the pastor and blamed it on a non-existent army officer.
“The man who was ready to marry me felt disappointed and left, and I later told my parents that Boko Haram killed the army officer.
Efforts made by our correspondent to reach Pastor Joseph for comments failed as the phone number given to him failed to go through.
Our correspondent, however, met Esther’s father, a retired railway worker, in Lafia, and he said he needed to set the records straight.
He said: “My daughter initially told me that the person that impregnated her was an army officer. I wanted to know the village and state of the said officer, because if you go to the Army Headquarters, you only need to mention his name and when he was transferred to Maiduguri. The records would be there.
“But after much pressure, she changed the narrative and told us it was Pastor Joseph. I went there myself and sought an audience with him. But when I confronted him with it the situation, he denied it; that he would not do a thing like that.
“He was probably afraid that I would expose him and he would be put to shame. He quickly left after selling his property.
“It is actually not a media thing, I will take up the matter with the church, I will get the police involved through a lawyer before I declare him wanted eventually.”
Esther told our correspondent that she never knew that the man would run away and leave her and the boy behind.
“Now his number is not going through. I regret sleeping with my pastor. He has ruined my life by getting me pregnant and disappearing when my father confronted him.”
