Category: The NewsMaker

  • Tough times for ex-Imo Deputy Gov

    Tough times for ex-Imo Deputy Gov

    The immediate past Deputy Governor of Imo State, Gerald Irona, is in the eye of the storm. It remains unclear if his arrest was politically motivated or if security operatives acted based on independent findings.

    In an attempt to absolve itself from the issue, however, the Hope Uzodimma-led state government has distanced itself from the arrest of Irona. Notwitstanding, Kissinger Ikeokwu, legal adviser of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), said Irona’s ordeal was politically motivated.

    Acting swiftly, the police pressed charges against Irona on three counts bordering on treason, illegal possession of state government property and for making utterances capable of causing public disturbance.

    The state government had exonerated the governor of the state, Hope Uzodimma, saying that it doesn’t interfere with the affairs of the police but Irona’s spokesperson and the state chapter of the PDP, in separate statements claimed that Irona’s arrest was masterminded by the state government.

    In a gestapo style, Irona, who was the deputy governor of Imo State between May 29, 2019 and January 14, 2020, under Emeka Ihedioha, was arrested in his house by the police.

    A Magistrates’ court in Owerri, remanded Irona in prison custody despite efforts to get his bail. The presiding magistrate, C. N Ezerioha, after hearing the prosecution counsel and defence counsel, ordered that Irona be remanded at the Owerri Correctional Centre.

    Ezerioha said that the court does not have the jurisdiction to hear the matter. Counsel for the ex-deputy governor, S.I Imo, had immediately after he was arraigned moved a motion that Irona be granted bail on self-recognition.

    Imo said that if the ex-deputy governor could not be granted bail on self-recognition, a state lawmaker, Frank Ugboma, representing Oguta State constituency was willing to take him on bail.

    But the lead prosecutor, Sunday Ogbuji, opposed the bail application, saying that the Magistrate lacked jurisdiction to hear the matter. Apart from that, the lead prosecutor said one of the charges preferred on the Irona bothered on felony.

    Ogbuji said only a judge of a high court could grant Irona bail. After hearing both parties, the magistrate ordered that the ex-deputy governor be reminded in prison.

    In her ruling, the magistrate agreed with the prosecution counsel that she lacked the jurisdiction to entertain the matter or grant the accused bail.

    The judge while ordering that Irona be remanded at the Owerri Correctional Centre, said that the prosecution counsel should make all documents available to the defence counsel to enable them take the next legal action. She also ordered that the case file be transferred to the Department of Public Prosecution.

    The three-count read “that you Hon Gerald Irona sometime in January 2020, at Owerri in the Owerri magistrate district, did conspire with others now at large, to commit felony to wit: treason and thereby committed an offence punishable under section 37(2) of the criminal code, cap c 38, law of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 2004, as applicable in Imo state.

    “That you Hon Gerald Irona sometime in January 2020, at Owerri in the Owerri magistrate district, did make several utterances to the effect that you will make Imo state ungovernable and immediately afterwards hoodlums levied several attacks on Imo State with intent to intimidate or overawe the governor of Imo State and thereby committed an offence punishable under section 37 of the criminal code, cap, c 38, law of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 2004, as applicable in Imo state.

    “That you Hon Gerald Irona on the 15th day of January, 2020, at Owerri in the Owerri magistrate district, do convert to your own use two Land Cruiser jeeps (V8 and V6) and one Toyota Hilux vehicle valued four hundred and Ninety-three million naira property of Imo state government thereby committed an offence punishable under section 390 ( 9) of the criminal code, cap c 38, laws of the federal Republic of Nigeria, 2004, as applicable in Imo state.”

  • Tinubu: President-elect against all odds

    Tinubu: President-elect against all odds

    Bola Ahmed Tinubu has earned his dream: He is President-elect, Federal Republic of Nigeria. Against all odds, he triumphed at the February 25 polls.

    But his victory was no walk in the park. It was fashioned through armistice and fissured friendships. It was sired through sleepless nights with mortal foes. And though he never shuddered from the dire rouge of rationed goodwill and irrational contempt, the man aptly titled Jagan Borgu and Asiwaju of Yoruba land understood that he was in for the battle of his life.

    For the new President-elect, his date with destiny sprouted amid wild and coordinated obstacles: the pronounced perfidy of friends, and desertion by his trusted lieutenants and associates within his party. Add all these to the seeming indifference of the presidency at taming hindrances cast in his path by the ruling party’s bungled currency redesign cum naira swap policy and you have a perfect recipe for failure.

    But even imperfect will may triumph above perfect odds; however daunting the obstacles on his path, Tinubu made stepping stones of them.

    Born in Lagos on March 29, 1952, to the illustrious Tinubu family of Lagos State, Bola Tinubu schooled at St John’s primary school at Aroloya, Lagos, and continued at the children’s home school in Ibadan, Oyo State. In 1975, he travelled to the United States to further his education. With the support of a doting mother, the Late Abibatu Mogaji, he attended the Richard J. Daley College in Chicago, Illinois, where he made the college’s honours list.

    He subsequently transferred to the Chicago State University, Illinois, graduating with honours in 1979 and earning a Bachelor’s Degree in Business Administration (Accounting and Management).

    As an undergraduate, Tinubu was honoured with the Outstanding Student’s Award, The University Scholar’s Award and the Certificate of Merit in Accounting and Finance.

    In his first year at Chicago State University, Tinubu was given the rare privilege of teaching other students of his faculty in remedial classes. Tinubu was awarded the prestigious Summa Cum Laude for scoring 3.54 out of a possible 4.0 GP. Upon graduation with honours and several awards, he worked for major blue chip companies including US-based Arthur Anderson, Deloitte Haskins and Sells (now called Deloitte Haskins and Touche) and GTE Service Corporation – the largest communication and utility company in the United States.

    At Deloitte Haskins and Sells, Tinubu broadened his experience by participating in the auditing and management consultancy services of General Motors, First National Bank of Chicago, Procter and Gamble, International Harvester, GEC and other Fortune 500 firms.

    On his return to Nigeria and with his international experience in Financial Management, Tinubu joined Mobil Producing, Nigeria, as a Senior Auditor and he retired as the company’s Treasurer.

    Driven by his charitable nature, Tinubu saw communal service at the grassroots as a veritable tool for political and social development hence he spearheaded several charitable projects for community development in Lagos. And as a leader of the Primrose Group, a political action organisation, he pushed for progressive changes in the politics of the state.

    Eventually, he opted for public service in exchange for his lucrative job at Mobil. Tinubu ventured into mainstream politics as a founding member of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP) and in 1992, he was elected as the Senator representing the Lagos West Senatorial District.

    At the National Assembly, he distinguished himself as the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Banking, Finance, Appropriation and Currency – a foremost committee of the Senate.

    With the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election and the consequent military takeover by Late Gen. Sani Abacha, Tinubu became a founding member of the pro-democracy group, the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), which for several years, battled the military for the soul of Nigeria.

    Tinubu suffered several arrests and detention, and constant threats to his life forcing him to flee the country in 1994. He, however, joined NADECO abroad to continue the agitation for a restoration of democratic governance in the country.

    After the death of Gen. Abacha in 1998, he returned from exile to be part of a proposed national reconciliation and development process. With the return to civilian rule, in 1999, he contested the Lagos State governorship seat and won thus commencing his two-term public service as an Executive Governor of Lagos on the platform of the Alliance for Democracy (AD).

    Between 1999 and 2007, Tinubu received several awards for excellent service. These include Best Governor in Nigeria (2000) by the Nigerian-Belgian Chamber of Commerce; Best Practices Prize in improving the living environment (2002), awarded by the Federal Ministry of Works and the UN-Habitat Group; Best Computerized Government in Nigeria Award by the Computer Association of Nigeria (2000).

    In 2003, he emerged as the only re-elected governor of the Alliance Democracy (AD), who survived the People’s Democratic Party (PDP)’s strategic takeover of the southwestern states. This set him on regular collisions with the PDP government, led by ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo – especially over his creation of additional 37 Local Council Development Areas for Lagos.

    A Supreme Court judgment in his favour stated that Obasanjo’s federal government should release the seized statutory allocation of the Lagos State Local Government funds but Obasanjo declined.

    During his eight-year tenure as governor, Tinubu invested heavily in housing and education programmes, providing free education in all public primary and secondary schools including payment of WAEC/NECO fees as well as all internal examination fees to ensure that indigent children do not drop out of school. He also initiated new road construction, required to meet the needs of the fast-growing population of the state. He also re-engineered Lagos’ fiscal regime from a monthly internally generated revenue (IGR) of N600m to about N10 billion per month.

    Tinubu was actively involved in the creation of the Action Congress (AC) political party as a recourse to the decimated Alliance for Democracy (AD). Within a few months, he transformed this new party into a credible opposition to the PDP in the country.

    Having bestrode the political scene, like a colossus for three decades, grooming proteges and leaders including two-term Lagos governor and incumbent Minister of Works, Babatunde Fashola, Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, two-term Osun governor and incumbent Minister of Interior, Rauf Aregbesola, his politics culminated in pursuit of his presidential ambition.

    So doing, Tinubu banked on his experience in the public and private sectors.

    The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) was another attestation to his political savvy. He wooed the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) led by Dr Ogbonnaya Onu, the Congress for Political Change (CPC) led by Muhammadu Buhari, and his ACN, to form the APC thus thwarting the PDP’s boast to stay in power for at least 60 years.

    In 2015, the APC won the presidential elections with its flagbearer, President Muhammadu Buhari, thus ending the PDP’s 16-year rule. The party reenacted the feat in 2019 after which permutations about Tinubu’s presidential ambition attained greater resonance.

    After months of speculation, Tinubu formally declared his intention to run for the country’s presidency in January 2022. His declaration triggered an avalanche of intrigues as Vice President Osinbajo, who he recommended as President Buhari’s deputy and who had served as Tinubu’s Attorney General and Commissioner of Justice while he was Lagos governor, subsequently declared his intention to contest the nation’s number one seat with him.

    Tinubu rebuffed attempts to disqualify him and impose a consensus candidate, in the person of Senate President Ahmed Lawan, on the APC, insisting that the party stuck to its democratic tenets by holding a primary election.

    Tinubu subsequently polled 1,271 votes to clinch the ticket ahead of former minister of transportation Rotimi Amaechi (316 votes), VP Osinbajo (235 votes) and Senate President Ahmad Lawan (152 votes).

    However, Tinubu’s travails did not end with his emergence as APC’s presidential candidate. Few weeks before the February 25 polls, the Godwin Emefiele-led Central Bank of Nigeria struck with an ill-advised currency redesign and naira swap policy thus creating naira scarcity and inciting the angst of frustrated Nigerians against the ruling party and its presidential candidate.

    The currency redesign policy was clearly interpreted as a ploy to hinder Tinubu’s success at the polls, and he condemned it, calling out his antagonists at a packed rally in Ogun State. The policy subsequently backfired, especially in the north where large segments of the electorate vowed to vote for Tinubu irrespective of the onslaught against him within and outside his party.

    In the most wide-open presidential election Nigeria has seen since 1979, Tinubu polled 8,794,726 votes to defeat 17 other candidates including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar (6,984,520 votes) of the PDP and former Governor Peter Obi (6,101,533 votes) of the Labour Party in the election.

    As he received his Certificate of Return on Wednesday, March 1, Tinubu beamed with the fulfilment of his lifelong dream.

    But in apparent cognisance of the task before him, he promised the youths an improved nation and acknowledged in his acceptance speech that, “there are divisions amongst us that should not exist. Many people are uncertain, angry and hurt; I reach out to every one of you. Let the better aspects of our humanity step forward at this fateful moment. Let us begin to heal and bring calm to our nation.”

    As he gets set for his inauguration on May 29, his major rivals, Atiku and Obi, are spoiling to challenge his victory after spurning his offer of reconciliation.

    Whatever the arguments against his politics, Tinubu looms as ritualized personality, a streamlined pond, and a totem for sloganeering. He is formidable to his foes yet inspiring to loyalists.

    His composure even in the face of unfounded and trumped-up allegations is appreciable. His acceptance speech titled, “Era of Renewed Hope,” for instance, highlights his appreciation of the Nigerian situation and why he must hit the ground running.

    It also highlights his understanding of the prerequisite for being a patriot seeking to serve Nigerians of vast bigotries, intellect, and stripes.

    Nigeria is in a state of war, a frigid blank zone under siege of insecurity, unemployment, and economic depression, to mention a few. 

    Tinubu says he is up to the task.

  • Buhari’s Greek gift

    Buhari’s Greek gift

    When President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration officially ends on May 29, after eight years in power, his legacy would be defined by the policies he implemented to Nigeria’s misery or relish.

    As a ‘former President’ Buhari’s bequest would be defined by how humane his governance style was and what miseries or bounties were triggered by his policies.

    Would history be kind to him? Or would it cruelly reserve for him, a space in the pantheon of Nigeria’s most unpopular leaders?

    Beyond his sparse achievements, President Buhari would be remembered most especially for the glaring shortcomings of his administration and its insensitivity to the masses’ plight. More worrisome is his take-it-or-leave-it-attitude concerning his missteps and draconian policies.

    Observers believe if Buhari is indeed concerned about what people would judge to be his legacy, he ought to be circumspect about his daily decisions as Nigeria’s chief executive. While he may believe that he has saved Nigeria from ruin, many Nigerians view his administration differently.

    Buhari has continued to receive knocks, especially from legal giants over his flagrant disregard for the Supreme court following his approval of the use of old N200 notes while maintaining that the old N500 and N1000 cease to be legal tender.

    In the past few weeks, the bizarre naira redesign policy which has sparked social unrest in some states has been largely criticised by many Nigerians, as it has occasioned hardship in financial transactions.

    The more troubling development is that it appears the Buhari-led administration has lost touch with the reality of things and the dilemma facing the masses.

    The hardships Nigerians have been subjected to in the past few months have been troubling. While the citizenry smarted the inconveniences imposed upon them courtesy shortcomings in the registration procedures at the National Identification Number (NIN) centres and the PVC registration/collection centres, Nigerians, recently have had to endure inexplicable fuel shortages and scarcity of the newly redesigned naira denominations (N200, N500, and N1000).

    Consequently, crises have broken out at several bank facilities, filling stations, and INEC and LGAs offices across the country as the citizenry besiege.

    Nigerians have never had it so bad. From Edo, Delta, Ogun, Lagos, and Kwara to Rivers, Ondo, and Oyo States, there have been protests – some of them have been violent, leading to vandalisation of bank assets.

    Everything appeared well-intentioned until, midway into the currency swap programme, the Godwin Emefiele-led CentralBank of Nigeria (CBN), pronounced a “cashless” policy decision, which placed limits on withdrawals from individual and corporate accounts domiciled in deposit money banks in Nigeria.

    The possibility of watching the ongoing crisis snowball into unimaginable proportions was scary as the citizens protested. Thus the governments of Kaduna, Kogi, and Zamfara states approached the Supreme Court before Nigeria descended into anarchy.

    The governors’ intervention, however, translated to a temporary reprieve as the Federal Government and CBN flagrantly flout the Supreme Court’s February 8 order of interim injunction, restraining both the commercial banks from suspending or ending on February 10, the usage and circulation of now older versions of the N200, N500, and N1000 denominations as legal tender, pending the hearing and determination of the plaintiffs/applicants’ motion on notice for interlocutory injunction.

    The Supreme Court, on Wednesday, February 15, reasserted the ruling following a complaint by the lawyer to Kaduna, Kogi, and Zamfara states, Abdulhakeem Mustapha (SAN), that theFed Govt and its agencies have failed to comply with the order and have allegedly directed the rejection of the old notes.

    Consequently, the local economy and citizenry suffer unimaginable hardships. Amidst expectations that President Muhammadu Buhari would resolve the matter in seven days as he promised in the wake of the crisis, CBN governor, Emefiele, has admitted that the apex bank does not have the capacity to print adequate new naira notes.

    The naira redesign policy has created so much ruckus since it was announced by CBN Governor, Emefiele. Buhari pleaded for seven days to address the issue yet there was no meaningful outcome. He summoned a council of states meeting, and they advised him on how to salvage the situation. Governors also offered ideas on how to make the policy work but it appears Buhari had his own plan.

    The ball has been in Buhari’s court. Nigerians expected him to pacify the masses by showing empathy and suspending the obnoxious implementation of the naira redesign policy, but he failed to do that. Rather when he addressed the nation, there were several nuanced issues in his speech. It lacked empathy and resonated as an unrealistic defense of his ill-advised policy direction. Many allege this could be his greatest undoing. Buhari, while addressing the nation, had said that the old N500 and N1,000 banknotes were no longer legal tender in the country. He, however, said the old N200 note would be legal tender for the next 60 days, till April 10, 2023, while urging Nigerians to deposit their old N500 and 1000 notes with the CBN.

    It’s hard to magnify the significance of President Buhari’s disregard of Supreme Court orders, not just for the operation of the rule of law but also for the effective respect for constitutional rights. Yet, the president is carrying on, irrespective of how citizens are bearing the brunt of a bizarre policy.

    What has irked many so far is why would the president be experimenting with what seems to be a politically motivated monetary policy, that has caused too many citizens sorrow, tears, and blood.

    The new notes are grossly inadequate. Yet, against all wise counsel, Emefiele’s CBN and Buhari-led administration are insisting on phasing out the old naira notes.

    In a direct challenge to the directive of Buhari, some governors including Kaduna State Nasir El-Rufai; Kano governor, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje; Jigawa State governor Abubakar Badaru and others have asked residents of the state to accept the old N500 and N1000 notes as legal tender because they championed the legal battle.

    Recall that El-Rufai in the past days, rather than shy away, had chosen to sound the alarm on the bizarre policy. He had bluntly revealed that some “elements” in the Presidential Villa want its party to lose the February 25 presidential election. His exposè opened floodgates of reactions, and indeed it is becoming clear that the days ahead are bound to be interesting.

    But it thus now appears that El-Rufai’s party, All Progressives Congress (APC), is fighting a twin battle from enemies within, and the opposition, but like the popular Yoruba proverb which says “Bi ikú ilé ò pani, tòde ò lè pani”, loosely translated “If the death at home does not kill, the death outside will not”, El-Rufai’s revelation bells the cat on some shady pipers dictating the discordant tunes within the ruling APC.

    The Speaker of the House of Representatives, Femi Gbajabiamila has also criticised the declaration made by the President. But beyond the immediate action or inaction of Buhari, it is important to do a proper diagnosis as to why Buhari is pushing for the policy which he claims that it would fight corruption and tackle security issues.

    The President as the Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces has an overriding duty to ensure respect for the judiciary and the rule of law, but it is quite appalling that after 20 years of civil rule, the executive seeks to roll back the hands of the clock.

    Has Buhari walked his talk on the “rule of law”, in almost eight years of administration? The fight against corruption has been an important facet of his rhetoric but his disobedience of court orders, and flagrant disregard for court rulings puts into question his commitment to actually ending corruption.

    Buhari may be setting a bad precedent with the gradual erosion of judicial powers and authority and outright disobedience to its judgments and rulings.

  • Beyond Emefiele’s policy misadventure

    Beyond Emefiele’s policy misadventure

    At the start of 2023, Nigerians had hoped that, with a few months to the end of President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, the government would ramp up its efforts to further reduce poverty and stabilise the economy.

    But it appears the masses may have to endure the unpleasant economic condition for a longer period. When Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor Godwin Emefiele, announced plans to redesign some denominations of the naira last year, hardly anyone envisaged it would bring untold hardship.

    While Nigerians are still faced with the worst petrol crisis with chaotic queues sprawled across various roads, the scarcity of the newly designed naira has worsened things. Many filling stations across the country have either closed or have been operating intermittent schedules, often selling at higher prices (between N280 and N550).

    To many observers, the Emefiele-led CBN appears to be running the worst currency redesign in the country’s history. Emefiele, who began his tenure in 2014, may have lost the support of patriotic and serious Nigerians who are irked over the unpleasant policy. Many believe the CBN seems to have lost its direction under its current governor.

    Following his failed bid to circumvent the constitution and contest for the presidential seat while still retaining his seat at the CBN, Emefiele, went to court by proxy to challenge his exclusion from the race. However, he continued as CBN governor after failing at the court.

    With his recent policy misadventure, allegedly targeted at preventing candidates from vote-buying, the CBN governor has, no doubt, made himself a shadow candidate in the 2023 presidential race.

    The decision by the Emefiele-led CBN to introduce the redesigned N200, N500, and N1,000 banknotes into the financial system was reportedly informed by the activities of certain members of the public who were hoarding banknotes – findings showed that over 85 percent of the circulating currency was outside the banks, claimed the CBN.

    But the policy has been largely criticised by many Nigerians as it has occasioned hardship in financial transactions. Observers have also argued the time frame given for the policy to lapse is insufficient. Sadly, cash-strapped Nigerians have been toiling day and night to withdraw money from ATMs across the country.

    The latest decision has sparked social unrest in some states, and indeed further unrest is likely ahead if socioeconomic conditions remain challenging for the masses. The new notes are unavailable, but Emefiele blamed banks for the scarcity. Banks equally claimed that the CBN had not supplied a sufficient quantity of the redesigned notes to meet demand.

    While city dwellers lament their inability to get the new notes, the situation is even direr for rural dwellers across the country who have fewer channels to access the redesigned currencies. Consequently, large segments of the citizenry have been impoverished.

    Some commentators lamented that at the Point of Sales (POS) parallel market, the Naira to Naira exchange rate has assumed different dimensions. Many are paying 10 percent or more on every withdrawal.

    Against the backdrop of the crisis, Emefiele recently bowed to pressure and appeared before the Federal House of Representatives. He was asked to reconsider the apex bank’s stand on the deadline for currency swapping in view of the inadequacies surrounding the availability of the new currencies.

    The scarcity of the new naira notes has, however, taken a worse dimension as some currency racketeers have taken advantage of the situation to exploit Nigerians desperately seeking to obtain the currencies. This situation was made worse by the refusal of banks to allow over-the-counter withdrawals in line with the CBN directives, but the CBN has rescinded its decision allowing over-the-counter withdrawal of only N20, 000.

    There is no gainsaying the scarcity of currency notes has left critical sectors vulnerable. These sectors, on a daily basis, contribute significantly to the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP).

    Many financial service vendors aka POS operators have taken to hoarding the new notes and reselling them at excessive rates; one notable culprit is the so-called social influencer, Simisola Gold.

    During the week, the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) in Nigeria arrested Gold for allegedly offering new naira notes for sale on social media.

    While the scarcity persists, President Buhari has approved the CBN’s request — a seven-day grace period — for the extension of the deadline for swapping old Naira notes for the redesigned ones.

    However, the Minister of Finance, Budget and National Planning, Zainab Ahmed, has argued that the current hardships, though temporal, are required to stifle corruption and gradually transition into a cashless economy.

    Meanwhile, the governors told the President that while they agreed that his decision on the currency redesign was good and that they were fully in support, its execution had been botched and their constituents were becoming increasingly upset.

  • Fidet Okhiria-led NRC trains as bandits’ targets

    Fidet Okhiria-led NRC trains as bandits’ targets

    Last Saturday’s attack on the Igueben train station in Edo State by gun-wielding  kidnappers could not have come at a worse  time  for many Nigerians who are already fear stricken about their safety whether at home, work place, on the highway, on the streets, name it.

    Kidnappers keep popping up anywhere and at any time, looking for their next victims.

    Until the 28 March 2022 attack on the Abuja-Kaduna train by gunmen, a lot of commuters had seen rail transportation as safe and convenient.

    But that does not seem to be correct any longer with the abduction of passengers waiting at the Igueben station to board the train to Warri. According to the Nigerian Railway Corporation (NRC), a handful of persons got whisked away, while many got injured trying to scamper for safety.

    This Edo train attack happened just 10 months after the unfortunate attack on the Abuja-Kaduna train in Kaduna State, and also happening less than two months before the general elections in the country. In 2022, dozens of passengers were abducted by armed persons and several persons were killed in the attack.

    Many of the kidnapped victims were later released after paying ransom to the kidnappers while others were released after negotiations between the government and the abductors.

    While many adopted train service as the best, safest and more affordable means of transportation, they are gradually losing the trust in the safety of rail services. The clandestine mission of the Edo train attack caught many by surprise.

    The Edo train attack throws up many questions about the essence of government, and more specifically, about the prioritisation of Nigerians safety, especially commuting through the rail services.

    To sum it up, all these train attacks are indeed pointing to a disastrous fact that it is bad enough that the criminal gang or gunmen are showing superior intelligence than our security agencies to earn the commanding position.

    It is even more unfortunate that terrorists are becoming more daring and brazen by the day. The fear generated by the dastardly act at Edo train station still remains a dilemma.

    The ordeal of kidnapping leave victims agitated and traumatised at the end of the day. These attacks have been increasing in frequency, intensity, and citizens’ lives and rail assets are in peril.

    Some Nigerians wonder what measures the Fidet Okhiria-led management of the Nigerian Railway Corporation (NRC) has in place to ensure the security of train passengers.

    He was first appointed as the helmsman of NRC in 2016, Okhiria got his appointment renewed by President Buhari in 2020 for another term of four years.

    Okhiria has faced scathing criticisms, over alleged failings of the corporation in its critical roles to guarantee safe rail transit.

    Okhiria who hails from Iruekpen Ekpoma in Edo State, started his journey with the NRC as a pupil engineer and rose to the positon of Director Mechanical/Electrical/Signal and Telecommunication.

    But sadly, under his watch, the facilities and rail tracks of NRC have come under attacks in recent times. The NRC has recorded various instances of vandalism of its rail tracks.

    For Ohkiria, he argued that the attacks in the railway system were deliberate attacks, noting that security cannot be 100 per cent guaranteed, adding that even the United States of America still have challenges of security.

    The Abuja-Kaduna rail was shut down for eight months to enable security operatives to carry out investigations, yet no one has been arrested in connection to the crime.

    Many Nigerians are indeed tired and really want to know why security agencies are always “on top of the situation,” only after the attackers have wreaked havoc on their innocent victims.

    The NRC owes Nigerians the constitutional duty of security and welfare. The NRC needs to reinforce assurances on safety and security using the rail services. It makes no economic sense that potential passengers are too perplexed to board due to safety concerns.

    Importantly, security agencies have to re-double their efforts toward its prime responsibility of ensuring the security of lives and property.

  • Yakubu’s INEC feels the heat

    Yakubu’s INEC feels the heat

    With the 2023 general elections drawing closer, concerns about the spate of insecurity across the country and the impact it could have on the peaceful conduct of elections, have tended to spark anxiety across the land.

    The Mahmood Yakubu-led Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) had warned that the rising security situation in parts of the country was not good enough and was capable of threatening the elections.

    The development, it said, could force postponement of cancellation. But the Federal Government swiftly responded with an assurance that the elections would proceed as planned.

    The security challenge, it emphasized, would not stop the polls in any way.

    The assurance by the Federal Government followed concerns raised by stakeholders, civil societies and INEC, following rising cases of insecurity and the attack on the commission’s facilities in some parts of the country.

    INEC said over 40 attacks had been carried out on its offices across 14 states since the 2019 general elections, with the South-east alone recording over 13 attacks.

    Some Nigerians are in agreement with INEC on the threat posed to the conduct of the elections by the security challenge more so when facilities expected to be used by the commission are direct targets of the attacks.

    They insist that the situation indeed calls for serious concerns, and that if not checked could undermine the conduct of free and fair elections.

    This threat of insecurity is a major challenge for the security agencies in particular and not just INEC; they should bring their professional ingenuity to tackle this monstrous challenge. The onus lies on them to protect INEC and its personnel.

    In past elections, the security situation affected the conduct of elections such that there was increased militarisation of some voting units on account of increased violence by unscrupulous people.

    Observers say Yakubu and his team must not give room for manoeuvres by any one or group to undermine the public confidence in the commission’s capacity to deliver.

    As the political atmosphere heightens, INEC and the security agencies should implement effective measures against the elements bent on derailing the exercise. Importantly, security agencies must take extraordinary measures to ensure hitch-free polling.

    While President Buhari has repeatedly pledged to ensure a smooth transition to the next administration, relevant agencies and stakeholders must ensure all hands are on the deck to achieve maximum electoral success.

  • Dokpesi’s cold London reception

    Dokpesi’s cold London reception

    When the founder of DAAR Communications, Raymond Dokpesi left the shores of Nigeria last week for the United Kingdom (UK) he could not have imagined that an arrest was in the offing.

    After all he had been in London many times over in the past and this time around he was part of the entourage of his long-standing friend and presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP),Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, whose Campaign Council he serves as Deputy Director-general (Technical and Systems).

    As soon as the plane carrying him landed at Heathrow Airport from Frankfurt, agents of the London Metropolitan Police invited him off the plane ahead of other passengers.

    News of his encounter with the police soon went viral.

    He was later released but no official reason was given by the police for the arrest.

    One national newspaper quoted the police as merely saying in an electronic mail that: “On Sunday, 8 January, a 71-year-old man was arrested at Heathrow Airport on suspicion of rape. The arrest relates to an allegation of rape in August 2019. The man has been bailed, pending further enquiries, to a date in early April. Enquiries into the circumstances continue.

    “Please, note that we don’t confirm the identity of any person who has been arrested but not charged.”

    The DAAR Management later said in a statement on Monday that Dokpesi had been released.

    “Dokpesi was delayed at the airport for some hours before his passport was stamped and he was cleared by British Immigration officials for entry into the country,” it said.

    “His visit to the United Kingdom is not unconnected to the invitation of the Peoples Democratic Party presidential candidate Atiku Abubakar by the British government to share perspectives on issues around the 2023 presidential elections.

    “Chief Dokpesi wishes to thank all for their outpour of love, prayers and support following the news of the incident and to reassure them that he is hale and hearty.”

  • Chimamanda Adichie’s tale of two awards

    Chimamanda Adichie’s tale of two awards

    The recent chieftaincy title bagged by award-winning author, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, in her hometown, spurred fusillade of reactions.

    Unarguably, Adichie, is one of the world’s most visible writers. The celebrated author has received global recognition for her works including — Purple Hibiscus, Half of a Yellow Sun, Americanah, and the non-fiction volume titled ‘We Should All Be Feminists’. — which has won numerous awards and prizes.

    Last year, she received the highest honour of Harvard University, the W. E. B. Du Bois Medal. In all, Adichie’s self-made spiral and talent are soaring high in academia and the international arena.

    She is almost as well known for her activism, especially her strong stance on feminism, as she is for her fiction. She occupies a unique position combining several attributes.

    Born in Enugu, she grew up in the academic ambience of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, where her father was a professor and her mother the University’s first female Registrar.

    Adichie, who hails from Abba (family ancestral village), Anambra, recently received the title of ‘Odeluwa Abba’ which loosely translates to ‘The one who writes for the world’ from the traditional ruler of Abba, Igwe L.N. Ezeh.

    In the now-viral pictures, the 45-year-old author and public speaker could be seen dressed in Igbo traditional attire while holding a traditional fan with the inscription “Odeluwa Abba”.

    For Adichie, becoming the first woman in her hometown to be conferred a chieftaincy title will be a source of inspiration for other young girls and women to follow suit.

    Accepting the title, unexpectedly, Adichie stirred the hornet’s nest in some quarters.

    For many observers it was ironic for Adichie to have accepted a traditional chieftaincy title and turned down a national honour from the Federal Government.

    Also, so many other issues, ranging from the positive, to the ridiculous and the absurd dominated the discourse. But prominently, the visceral reaction of Ọlawale Ọlọfọrọ popularly known as Brymo sparked a row on Twitter. He criticised Adichie for rejecting President Buhari’s National Honor and then accepting a chieftaincy title in her birthplace.

    Read Also: Chimamanda proud of being first female chief in hometown

    Brymo’s reaction ignited another sensitive conversation on ethnicity and bigotry with respect to national patriotism. The crux of the matter hinges on why Adichie would reject a national honor which contains worthy winners.

    It would be recalled that in October 2022, she rejected a national award offered to her. Over the years, the Nigerian National Honours Award has remained an instrument for rewarding citizens working hard in different fields of endeavour.

    But Adichie who was to receive the Order of Federal Republic (OFR) award at the ceremony that took place last year, neither attended the event nor accepted the award, conveying her non-acceptance privately.

    She may have towed the line of popular novelist, Chinua Achebe who had in 2004, in a letter to President Obasanjo, turned down an offer to receive a ‘Commander of the Federal Republic.’

    Achebe drew specific attention to his native Anambra State, where “a small clique of renegades, openly boasting its connections in high places, seems determined to turn my homeland into a bankrupt and lawless fiefdom”.

    For Adiche, she appears not too comfortable with the double standard, surrounding the so called national honours. But to observers, her acceptance of her hometown award smells of hypocrisy.

    In 2020, Adichie stirred mixed reactions after she said she didn’t consider herself an ambassador of Nigeria.

    She had argued in an interview saying: “I am an ambassador for myself. I don’t represent Nigeria. There are things about Nigeria I don’t like. But, at the same time, I am very very proud of my Nigerian identity”

    The chieftaincy title bagged by Adichie, may have offered her the opportunity to showcase the rich Igbo culture to the world, but the conversation surrounding her sense of patriotism may not go away soon.

  • Bello Kirfi: Paying the price for ‘disrespecting’ governor

    Bello Kirfi: Paying the price for ‘disrespecting’ governor

    Elder statesman and senior traditional title holder/member of the Bauchi Emirate Council, Alhaji Bello Kirfi, may have become victim of the popular Ghanaian proverb which teaches one how to handle a fly that perches on the scrotum.

    Kirfi, unarguably, is one of the most influential politicians in Bauchi State, but being the proverbial fly, he appears to pose as a serious threat to the political ambition and operations of Governor Bala Mohammed.

    The Emirate Council swiftly stripped him of his traditional title of Wazirin Bauchi and ousted him as a council member

    The Emir of Bauchi, Rilwanu Adamu approved his sacking. The Wazirin Bauchi is a revered title reserved for the Emir’s top administrative adviser and a kingmaker.

    Kirfi’s removal was hinged on what was described as disloyalty and disrespect towards the state governor.

    This is the second time that Kirfi would be sacked as Wazirin Bauchi in five years. He was suspended in 2017. However, on August 5, 2020, he was reinstated. Mohammed reportedly facilitated his reinstatement.

    The octogenarian’s removal irked many, especially the Bauchi State Commissioner for Cooperatives and SMEs Development, Sa’adatu Kirfi, triggering her resignation. Sa’adatu, daughter of the former minister, used her resignation as a form of silent protest.

    Read Also: Buhari lauds Bello on security, projects in Kogi

    Also, the Senior Special Assistant to the Governor on Local Government Affairs, Haruna Guyaba, resigned his appointment. Though the reason for quitting was not mentioned, it’s believed he did so as a result of the sacking of Kirfi, who is his political godfather.

    Down the memory lane, Kirfi served as Minister of State for Foreign Affairs in late President Shehu Shagari’s government and also Minister of Civil Service Matters during the regime of former President Olusegun Obasanjo.

    Whether his sacking was politically-motivated or not, there appears to be a sort of frosty relationship between him and the governor. The relationship between Kirfi and the governor deteriorated after Mohammed was sworn in.

    Kirfi, a top political ally of the presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Atiku Abubakar, had backed the former vice president during the party’s convention.

    The rift between both men became undeniable following the commencement of the campaign for this year’s election.

    How Kirfi will navigate through this tough phase and battle remains a dilemma. For him, there are so many things at stake, his political standing and sundry matters are on the line.

  • Mbaka stages a comeback

    Mbaka stages a comeback

    Guess who is back? In triumphant fashion, the Spiritual Director, Adoration Ministry, Enugu, Rev. Fr. Ejike Mbaka, returned from the monastery after observing suspension from ministerial activities.

    Mbaka was received amid cheers, and wild jubilation from teeming members of his ministry. The jamboree-like funfair re-ignited an uncontrollable euphoria from church members who apparently missed the cleric.

    Now that he is back to the space, few weeks to the 2023 polls, the controversial cleric may be tempted to throw pebbles into already muddied political waters.

    Founded in 1998, the Adoration Ministry led by Mbaka has a strong appeal for thousands of devotees who throng to the place for spiritual healing and special anointing.

    Several attempts to rein in Mbaka’s excesses by the church authorities have failed woefully. Buoyed by the strength of his following and the financial war chest of his ministry, the priest wore the untouchable toga.

    The Diocese of Enugu, to which he belongs, has often disclaimed his remarks as his personal opinion. The Catholic Bishops Conference has also always warned against the promotion of partisan politics in the context of Mass.

    Read Also: Fr Mbaka in US monastery for retreat

    Last year, the Church under the fiery preacher was closed down temporarily and the Diocese banned Mbaka from commenting on political issues after activities in the ministry were suspended.

    The Catholic Bishop of Enugu Diocese, Most Rev. Callistus Onaga, transferred him from chaplaincy to the monastery as part of the disciplinary measures against him. Consequently, Rev. Fr. Anthony Amadi was named to replace him (Mbaka) as the new chaplain of the Adoration Ministry Chaplaincy.

    For the Bishop, he had a long time dealing with Mbaka’s unsavoury comments and moved to show he could bite. His argument was that Mbaka’s sermon’s and utterances were not consistent with the teachings of the Catholic Church.

    The disciplinary measures against Mbaka followed his scathing remarks against Labour Party (LP) presidential candidate, Peter Obi. He, had in June, prophesied that Obi would not win the 2023 presidential election because he is a “stingy man.”

    Last year, he was spotted in a monastery in Los Angeles, United States, where he was said to have gone in continuation of the “disciplinary measure” imposed on him by the church leadership.

    Some observers argue that Mbaka, and his colleagues – men-in-collar  – should stick to their “calling” and stay away from politics.

    Understandably, the influence of religion in Nigeria’s democratic journey cannot be overemphasized and some believe clerics have a huge role to play in using their various pulpit to point out ills of the society.

    Others argue that if every Nigerian generally has political views, and can express them through their different media – singers through their songs, writers through their writings, etc – why are pastors not allowed to express their political opinions from the pulpit?

    Mbaka is one who is completely unfazed by criticism. It remains to be seen whether his recent retreat would temper his excursions into all things political.