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  • Who owns the oil? (1)

    There is no controversy as to where Nigeria’s oil belt lies. Niger Delta holds the ace. But that is where the clear line ends. Itsekiri, Ijaw, Urhobo, Ibibio, Efik and Annang have their own tales to tell about who owns the oil or who owns the most oil and, by extension, who contributes the more to the nation’s coffer.

    Different states, such as Bayelsa, Rivers, Akwa Ibom and so on, also have one story or the other to tell about who has more oil and who the golden chick that lays the golden egg is. Bayelsa, for instance, believes the Federal Government has been unfair to it in sharing the proceeds of oil. Its governor, Seriake Dickson, said this much a few weeks back while explaining to his people why he has been unable to pay salaries and allowances in some six months.

    In this rat race, the fact that diversity requires the acceptance of the other side has been long lost. As such, what we have seems to be a society built on clannish virtues. What else can we have when bad blood has pursued mutual peace into a cul-de-sac! And in a situation where ethnic firefights now openly romance self-interest, what else can it birth other than acrimony.

    In this era of unrest in the oil-rich region, the question of who owns the most oil has propped up again. Even though the Ijaw seem to be more vocal in the agitation in the region, the others are insisting that any discourse in search of peace must involve all ethnic stocks in the region. And to add salt to injury, someone from the North not long ago chose to play the Devil’s advocate by claiming the oil in the Niger Delta for his region. I wonder what formula can be used to share Mukoro’s estate and Abdullahi will get the chunk. These are indeed interesting times.

    The oil tale is a complex one. Very complex. The off-shore and on-shore dichotomy is one principle that many in the region will be glad to see dead. It cedes all crude oil on water to the Federal Government. This has ensured that a state like Cross River is not entitled to the 13 per cent derivation fund enjoyed by Bayelsa,  Rivers and others. Cross River used to enjoy it until a Supreme Court ruling ceded all its off-water oil to Akwa Ibom State.

    The oil debate did not start today. It started even before Nigeria took its first step. Whatever grievance made the late Isaac Adaka Boro declare war on Nigeria was laced with the Ijaw’s claim to the ownership of the oil. Whatever made the Urhobo change the name of the Olu of Warri to Olu of Itsekiri had a lot to do with ownership of the land and the oil therein.  Whatever ensured the EPZ in Delta never got off the ground under ex-President Goodluck Jonathan had the oil debate wrapped around its neck. Whatever led to the militarisation of the region cannot be divorced from the quest to declare who owns the oil.

    The debate can also not be divorced from the attitude of an average militant in the Niger Delta to illegal oil bunkering. As far as he is concerned, it is not possible to be accused of stealing what is yours. Like the lead character in Lancelot Imasuen’s “Invasion 1897”, who was tried in court for stealing a Benin bronze in a British Museum, an average Ijaw militant will easily declare that it is wrong to be accused of stealing what one’s forbears bequeathed to one.

    The oil debate gave rise to the 13 per cent derivation and all the interesting rings that have formed about it.

    Between 1999 and 2014, the nine oil-producing states earned N4.19 trillion as derivation. Cross River stopped earning derivation fund in July 2012 having lost its oil wells to Akwa Ibom after a Supreme Court ruling. This means only eight states have been sharing derivation fund since 2012.

    The Federal Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) records show that from May 1999 to July 2014, the six Southsouth states got N2.511tr (about 60 per cent of the total sum).

    Rivers State got N1.03 trillion, the largest chunk of the derivation funds. It was trailed by Akwa Ibom, which earned N910b; Delta received N792.5b, Bayelsa N721.9b; Edo got N47.1b and Cross River N38.7b.

    The three oil-producing states outside the Southsouth got N280.6 billion within the period. Specifically, Ondo got N176.7b; Imo received N57b and Abia was allocated N46.9b.

    What these figures tell us is that Rivers seems to have the most oil. But it is not that simple. For the people, the on-shore/ off-shore dichotomy stole part of their oil and gave it to the Federal Government. Thus, they feel that in deciding who owns the most oil, all the oil in their states, whether on water or on ground, should be considered and that makes getting an answer to who owns the oil more difficult to answer.

    One interesting ring around the oil debate is that leaders of oil communities believe it is wrong for the derivation fund to be paid to state governments. They believe that the money belongs to the oil-bearing communities. What this means is that they do not see the oil in their land as belonging to their states. Their unambiguous position is that the oil belongs to the communities, which bear the environmental side effects and so should get the money. This means states should not claim ownership of oil but communities and ethnic nationalities.

    At a point, Leaders of the oil communities in Niger Delta, under the aegis of Oil and Gas Producing Communities of Nigeria, sent delegations to the Presidency, National Assembly, Revenue Mobilisation, Fiscal and Allocation Commission (RMFAC) and other government agencies. Their mission: campaigning for direct payment of 13 per cent derivation fund to host communities. This development did not go down well with governors. But these leaders argued that it was unconstitutional giving the money to governors, who they accused of misappropriating N7.282 trillion in 13 years. Southsouth leader Chief Edwin Clark once declared as illegal the payment of the derivation fund to state governments.

    One interesting claimant to the ownership of the oil is the Federal Government. Starting with the 1979 Constitution, it got full ownership of the Nigerian territory and the right to decide what compensation to pay for land acquisition, which must “be based on the value of the crops on the land at the time of its acquisition, not on the value of the land itself”. This aided the acquisition of land in Ogoniland and other parts of the region for the use of oil giants without consultation, and payment of negligible compensation.

    The oil debate is also behind the threat by the umbrella body of all youths of Ijaw descent, the Ijaw Youth Council (IYC) Worldwide that unless the ownership structure of oil blocs in the region was rearranged to ensure fairness, attacks on oil platforms would continue. Its embattled president, Udengs Eradiri, told reporters at the Ijaw House, Yenagoa, that the unfair distribution of oil wells was a major cause of the instability in the region.

    Eradiri said: “One of the most salient issues that if not addressed will lead to more crisis is the issue of the oil blocs. President Buhari was one time Petroleum Minister and Head of State in this country. Let us go and do an assessment of that time. The time when criminally they shared our oil blocs was under his watch either as Petroleum Minister or as Head of State. It is in one of those times.

    “Oil blocs were shared to one group. Look at it, either the person (owner of oil bloc) was a former military president or relative of the military president or an in-law to a military president.”

  • Time to rejig the NOA (1)

    Following the massive devastation of the World War II period, there was the urgent need for development. The founding of the United Nations (UN) was expected to fast track this by stimulating relations among sovereign states, especially the North Atlantic Nations and the developing nations, including the new states emerging out of a colonial past.

    During the cold war period the superpowers – the United States and the former Soviet Union – tried to expand their own interests to the developing countries. In fact, the USA was defining development and social change as the replica of its own political-economic system and opening the way for the transnational corporations. At the same time, the developing countries – Nigeria inclusive – saw the ‘welfare state’ model of the North Atlantic Nations as the ultimate goal of development.

    These nations were attracted by the new technology transfer and the model of a centralised state with careful economic planning and centrally directed development bureaucracies for agriculture, education and health as the “most effective strategies” to catch up with those industrialised countries.

    The field of communication was not left out as there was a paradigm shift leading to different theories, one of which is the evolution of communication for development (C4D) which mirrored broader shifts in theories and models of economic and social development. The basic assumption is that there are no countries or communities that function completely autonomously and that are completely self-sufficient, nor are there any nations whose development is exclusively determined by external factors. Every society is dependent in one way or another, both in form and in degree.

    Consequently, communication initiatives adopted a diffusion approach, which uses communication to carry out a transfer of information. This includes large-scale media campaigns, social marketing, dissemination of printed materials, ‘education-entertainment’ and other forms of one-way transmission of information from the sender to the receiver.

    With time, proponents of diffusion theory recognised the limitations of mass media – the way it was being run – in promoting sustained behavioural change. In line with new thinking, it incorporated interpersonal communication: face-to-face communication that can either be one-on-one or in small groups. The objectives are to share information, respond to questions, and motivate specific behavioural practices. The belief is that while mass media allows for the learning of new ideas, interpersonal networks encourage the shift from knowledge to continued practice.

    Communication for development has thus come to be seen as a way to amplify voice, facilitate meaningful participation, and foster social change. The 2006 World Congress on C4D defined it as “a social process based on dialogue using a broad range of tools and methods. It is also about seeking change at different levels including listening, building trust, sharing knowledge and skills, building policies, debating and learning for sustained and meaningful change.” Such two-way, horizontal approaches to communication include public hearings, debates, deliberations and stakeholder consultations, participatory radio and video, community-based theatre and story-telling, and web forums.

    Diffusion and participatory approaches have been increasingly integrated or adopted in parallel in C4D initiatives. Such combinations allow for agencies to reach broad audiences through large scale campaigns, while promoting local community development, empowerment and ownership through participation.

    While the west had known this for long, we only started imbibing them about two decades ago with the establishment of National Orientation Agency (NOA), a parastatal in the federal Ministry of Information and Culture. If an opinion poll is conducted today, I believe most Nigerians would be shocked that an agency like NOA still exists; one can practically conclude that it is “irrelevant” because of its non-impact and the way it has been run in the past.

    What is needed in a new dispensation that I’m advocating is for fresh sets of professionals with vast knowledge of integrated marketing communication – who know what strategic communication is all about – to be brought in to assist this government deliver on its promises to Nigerians. But this cannot be done on the surface; it entails a lot of research to ensure Nigerians are on board all the time.

    So, why am I advocating a paradigm shift? I will explain with my next article, but first let me elaborate the objectives of the NOA which will form the basis of my submission. As Nigerians living in Nigeria, we would be able to discern whether the agency has succeeded in any of the objectives that would be listed.

    The NOA was established by Decree 100 of  August 23, 1993. The Decree merged three significant organs of government, namely: The Public Enlightenment (PE), War Against Indiscipline (WAI), and National Orientation Movement (NOM) Divisions of the then Federal Ministry of Information and Culture with the Directorate for Social Mobilisation, Self-Reliance and Economic Recovery (MAMSER).

    The rationale for the merger was to harmonise and consolidate efforts and resources of the government in the fields of public enlightenment, social mobilisation and value re-orientation. The main objectives of the agency are : to ensure that government programmes and policies are better understood by the public; mobilise favourable public opinion for such programmes and policies; encourage informal education through public enlightenment activities and publications.

    Others include establishing feedback channels to government on all aspects of national life; establish appropriate national framework for educating, orientating and indoctrinating Nigerians towards attitudes, values and culture which project individual’s national pride and positive national image for Nigeria; awaken the consciousness of Nigerians to their responsibilities to the promotion of national unity, citizens commitment to their human rights to build a free, just and progressive society; develop among Nigerians of all ages and sex, social and cultural values and awareness which will inculcate the spirit of patriotism, nationalism, self-discipline and self-reliance.

    The final set of objectives include encouraging the people to actively and freely participate in discussions and decisions on matters affecting their general welfare; promote new sets of attitudes and culture for the attainment of the goals and objectives of a united Nigeria State; ensure and uphold leadership by example; foster respect for constituted authority; and instill in the citizens a sense of loyalty to the fatherland.

    I doubt if there’s anyone out there who would disagree that these are not a fantastic set of objectives. The question to ask is why have they not been achieved? Why didn’t we make progress and why were Nigerians not better informed about the workings of government? The simple answer is professional incapacity.

    The United Nations (UN) realises the critical importance of capacity this which is why it employs the services of key and knowledgeable professionals to manage its interaction with people of diverse cultures and nationalities. Managing information is fundamental toward progress because it a delicate balance between progress and anarchy; It is not “job for the boys.” One of the major reasons for the Rwanda genocide was the poor management of information.

    It is amazing that when the world is moving forward, we are either static or moving backward. I see this happening daily in the way the activities of this government are being communicated; noble objectives but poor communication, all because of dearth of capacity and strategy.

    While the world has imbibed “development communication” – the sharing of knowledge aimed at reaching a consensus for action that takes into account the interests, needs and capacities of all concerned – we are still stuck in the past thinking that once something appears in the newspapers, radio or television it ends there. It does not without tracking mechanisms!

    This form of communication is a social process and should not be left in the hands of unqualified civil servants to handle because communication media are important tools in achieving progress. Beyond this, a well trained professional knows the importance of interpersonal communication which is the hallmark of development communication.

    Since it thrives on feedbacks, it is anchored on examining the relevance of message content, conducting more comparative research, policy research, institutional analysis of development agency coordination and the workings of government. This is often followed by the need to research and develop indigenous models of communication and development through participatory research. In essence, getting the people involved.

  • Public education and the future of Yoruba civilisation (1)

    In order to attain to the goals of economic freedom and prosperity, Nigeria must do certain things as a matter of urgency and priority. It must provide free education (at all levels) and free health facilities for the masses of its citizens.Nigeria should be a secular State … As far as possible, there should be separation of activities between the States on the one hand, and religious bodies on the other.—Obafemi AwolowoThoughts on the Nigerian Constitution
    I rejoice with the biological Obafemi Awolowo family on the 60th anniversary of free education which is today. I also rejoice with ourselves, political offspring of the sage. His vision of quality education and development is the driving force of our government…Governments that seek immortality in the hearts of the people must pattern their policies after Awolowo as we are doing in Oyo State.—AbiolaAjimobi at the 60th anniversary of free education in Western Nigeria.

    Regardless of whatever recommendations come out of the ongoing consultative forum on Oyo State’s attempt to initiate ‘marketization’ of public education, citizens should insist on referendum before the current policy on education is denatured through transfer of public schools to contractors

    The states in Nigeria have certainly been experiencing difficulties in paying their bills since the decline in the price of oil. No further evidence is needed for this than the fact that several states have failed in paying their workers’ salaries in the last six months. The governor of Oyo State recently committed 100% of its federal allocation to payment of workers’ salaries, a sign of problems in meeting other demands in the public service sector.

    Whether a final decision has been taken by the Oyo State government to gradually transfer public schools to contractors or the government is just consulting with stakeholders in respect of the future of public education, it is palpably wrong for the state to advertise for buyers or partners in the state’s provision of public education. And it will also be wrong for any state in Nigeria in general and in the Yoruba region in particular to want to end the tradition of public education, regardless of the size of allocations from federation account or the inefficiency of the current civil service to provide education as it is done in successful countries. For the avoidance of doubt, Oyo State is largely functioning as a self-appointed scapegoat for other Yoruba states that had been nursing programmes of two public school systems: model/mega for the privileged and another set for the underprivileged. Therefore, whatever is wrong with Oyo State’s choice of action in respect of public school applies to other Yoruba states that had established semi-public or semi-private model schools or that are planning to do so.

    Education is a constant driver of the two core elements in Yoruba culture: tolerance and commitment to egalitarianism. In the modern era, Chief Obafemi Awolowo reinforced the Yoruba value of tolerance and egalitarianism through the policy of free public education.In the mid-1950s, Chief Awolowo’s Action Group initiated free primary education scheme by cooperating with pre-existing missionary schoolsto offer free education to citizens of the region. Mission schools then were treated more or less as grants-aided schools. Later in the late 1970s, Awolowo’s Unity Party of Nigeria embarked on a full-fledged public school system through government takeover of primary and secondary faith-based schools.

    The belief in the ideology that government’s primary responsibility is the welfare of citizens drove the consistency in the commitment of governments under Awolowo’s political parties to provision of public education, to the extent that even after Chief Awolowo and Chief Akintola had parted ways, Chief Akintola still kept to the policy of free education in the region while he was a member of a national party that did not believe in universal primary education.Even during and shortly after the civil war when Nigeria was not very liquid, Generals Adeyinka Adebayo and OluwoleRotimi, governors of the region at that time did everything to sustain provision of free public education in the region. The purpose of this longish return to history of policy on education is to remind those currently governing the region that whatever advantage that must have come to the Yoruba today happened because of two interventions: ideology of social welfare by past rulers under thick and thin in the years before petroleum revenue and the acceptance of that philosophy of governance by civil servants.

    Therefore, convening a special consultative forum to discuss attempts to sell or rent public schools to private business or transfer management of public schools to contractors is an unimaginative way to address the myriad problems facing public education in the region. Regardless of whatever recommendations come out of the ongoing consultative forum on Oyo State’s attempt to initiate ‘marketization’ of public education, citizens should insist on referendum before the current policy on education is denatured through transfer of public schools to contractors.

    The desire to improve the quality of education given to citizens in Oyo State is an excellent gesture, but the way to achieve qualitative education in Oyo or any other states in Nigeria is not for the state to abandon its own responsibility in providing equal opportunity of access of citizens to public schools that provide the same service to all students. Private schools are already providing an alternative to public education at a cost that excludes majority of the population. By attempting to transfer or share ownership of schools with the business sector, Oyo State is putting at risk the access of its citizens to education, as there is no business in Nigeria—secular or spiritual—that is likely to go into any enterprise without expecting profit. Before the advent of public primary and secondary schools in the Yoruba region, the so-called faith-driven schools—Christian or Islamic—did not provide free education. It was the denial of access to citizens without adequate resources to pay tuition charged in such schools that made the Action Group under Awolowo to initiate free primary education. It is, therefore, naïve to expect that making secondary education a PPP venture is going to improve quality without frustrating access.  Improving quality of education and providing access to such education are not necessarily mutually exclusive. What is Oyo State likely to gain by selling 30 secondary schools out of over 600 in the state to the private sector? And what are the criteria behind selection of the 31 schools to be passed to contractors?

    In addition, history has shown all over the world that the best way to provide a secular education in a country housing multiple faiths is to make provision of education the responsibility of government. While every citizen should always be free to have and express his or her own religious belief, selling public schools to missionaries puts secular education at a great risk. Thrivingin a modern society requires that citizens are not subjected to religious indoctrination or radicalization in the course of receiving education for the purpose of living in a modern society. Transferring control of public schools to propagators of any religious belief is tantamount to returning to the primitive or pre-modern system of tying learning to specific religious faiths.

    The decision to start transferring ownership of schools to private business unveils doubt on the part of political leaders of their role in modern governance.The claim by Oyo State’s spokesman that the objective of the state is to transfer public schools to expert managers for the purpose of providing qualitative education is puerile in the context ofa state that had run public school system for more than half a century. Does this policy suggest the government’s commitment to run two parallel public school systems: oneby contractors with capacity to provide qualitative educationin collaboration with the government and another set owned solely by government but without capacity to provide qualitative education?

    The problems facing education in Oyo and other states in the 21st century cannot be reduced to managerialism. To say that the government is not competent enough to manage public schools is in fact an indictment of government itself. With the ongoing dialogue in Ibadan on how to manage public schools,Oyo State is asking the wrong questions about how to provide qualitative education or creating a solution to a problem that has not been identified.

    • To be continued

     

  • PTI matriculates 1,507

    A total of 1,507 took the matriculation oath of the Petroleum Training Institute (PTI), Effurun in Delta State for the 2015/2016 academic session.

    The Principal/Chief Executive of the institution, Mr. Avuakporeta Orukele, said they were the ones admitted out of the 6,413 who applied to pursue National Diploma ND) and Higher National Diploma (HND) and certificate programmes.

    Orukele the new students to surpass the high academic standard set by their predecessors in the 40-year-old institution.

    He said: “It is my hope that as you are all gathered here this morning, you all will also assemble here for the convocation at the end of your career. However, this cannot be achieved by a mere wishful “Amen”.

    “According to Shalee Alexis, ‘Success does not come by wishing and hoping but hard work, smart work and enthusiasm’. You must work very hard to attain it ,” he said.

     

  • A corper’s escapades (1)

    ‘My boy, you can lust after anything in life- money, cars, women, properties, food- but never, ever lust after another man’s wife!’ (advice from my father at age 16)

    ***

    MAYBE, if I had listened to my father, I would be a free man today. Not hiding like a common fugitive in a foreign country with an uncertain future and a present filled with fear. Fear for my life as there is a price on my head from a vicious, wicked man who wants me dead.

    Now, what have I done that someone would desire my head? Good question. It was lust or rather love (as romance writers would put it) that is to blame for my travails…

    ***

    My troubles began a few years ago when I was posted to a small town for my National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) programme. When I found out the state where I was to spend the next one year of my life, I became very sad.

    You see, I’m a city boy born and bred. Apart from the holiday periods as a child when my siblings and I had gone to the village to stay with our grandmother, I’ve lived in Lagos most of my life. So, the thought of staying outside the big city, in the countryside for that matter filled me with dread.

    But since, one cannot influence posting (unless your parents are top people in society and have influence or ‘long leg’), you go where the almighty Federal government sends you to.

    “I don’t understand why you are grumbling,” said my father when he heard where I was to serve. “I served in Sokoto State in 1979; in fact, I was posted to a border town close to Niger Republic, a sandy place with few trees like a desert yet I survived. You young people these days are spoilt and lazy!” he added.

    Since I knew my father, a lecturer in the university, would not lift a finger to get me reposted to my city of choice, Lagos or Port-Harcourt, I had no option but to pack my bag and head to the orientation camp. At the end of orientation, held in the capital of the State, I was sent to Adura  for my place of primary assignment. That was where I met Folashade. And my story begins…

    The country life

    Adura turned out to be a semi urban community, undecided whether to be part of the modern world or remain in olden times. You know the type of town with one main street or road passing through the centre with buildings flanking it on both sides? That’s Adura for you.

    I was to teach at one of the two secondary schools in the community, situated in the same premises with the Anglican church.

    I had arrived the school with Ebuka, a fellow Corper whom I met and bonded with at the orientation camp. We were both kitted out in the NYSC uniform- a white T shirt on khaki trousers with boots.

    After welcoming us to the school, the Principal, a middle aged man named Babson, later showed us our accommodation at the Corpers lodge. It was a small bungalow with about seven rooms with outdoor bathroom and toilet facilities.

    “Ol’ boy! Na real village we dey so!” I said in pidgin English after checking out the basic facilities in the lodge.

    “What were you expecting? The Sheraton Hotel?” said Ebuka sarcastically.

    With the enthusiasm of youth, we settled down in our new environment and with time, began to enjoy our stay. Life in the community was a totally different world from what I was used to.

    Most of the people were rural folks whose main occupation was farming, hunting, fishing in the river nearby and mat weaving.

    These activities occupied their time during the day till they returned home in the evening. Some of the men would later gather at one of the few drinking joints or bars in the town to unwind and hear the latest gist circulating.

    The most popular of these was Iya Akin’s Bar. It was nothing fancy- just an open structure roofed with raffia palm under which were arranged some wooden tables and benches. What drew most of her customers to the bar was her palm-wine.

    It was always fresh, foamy and delicious; straight from the palm tree not the sour, diluted variety you get in cities like Lagos and Ibadan.

    Besides the drinks which included beer, stout and other beverages, she sold a variety of delicacies like spiced snails, bushmeat, fried chicken and fresh fish pepper soup. The later was my favourite which I often washed down with my favourite bottle of beer.

    With time, my friends and I became regulars at Iya Akin’s bar. It was where we socialised with the townsfolk. Most of them treated us with a lot of respect because of our education and exposure to the outside world.

    Anyway, it was at through that bar that I came in contact with the lady that would lead to so much trouble for me.

    Ebuka and I were at bar one evening, having fun when two men came to us. They were dressed in identical ankara outfits, with one of them holding what looked like a staff of office. I noticed that most of the customers greeted the men in a deferential manner.

    The taller of the two, who had some tribal marks on his face addressed us.

    “Who among you is the youth corper teaching English at the Secondary school?” he enquired.

    I studied him briefly then said:

    “Who wants to know?”

    “The Baale. He wants an audience with him,” he said promptly.

    Ebuka and I exchanged glances.

    “I’m Francis. The English teacher. Is there any problem?”” I queried, wondering what was going on.

    The man shook his head and smiled a little.

    “Don’t be afraid. The Baale doesn’t bite. You’ll find out when we get there,” the man stated reassuringly.

    As Ebuka and I followed the men to the Baale’s residence, some distance away at the other end of town, I kept wondering what was in store for us…

    What did the Baale want with Francis? Details next week!

    Names have been changed to protect the identities of the characters in the story.

     

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  • Making of an African giant (1)

    Making of an African giant (1)

    It is tough being a Nigerian. It is even tougher believing in Nigeria. I have a colleague who said he cannot “forgive Nigeria” for letting his late father die on his wheelchair in one of our teaching hospitals because of “lack of bed space.”

    How, for instance, would widows of Nigerian soldiers killed by terrorists be feeling now following allegation of diversion of funds meant for the purchase of arms for their late husbands to effectively defend themselves in the fight against Boko Haram? How would family members of hundreds that die on our terrible roads feel each time they hear of diversion of contracts funds for fixing these roads? One way or another, “Nigeria” has hurt, and still hurting many of her citizens.

    In the midst of all these however, I remain optimistic that things can still change. It is also gratifying that I’m not alone in my optimism as majority now feel we all need to do the right things to ensure our dear Nigeria finally joins the comity of real nations where justice and equity reign supreme.

    When I wrote a two part series on books (November 5th and 12th 2015), I received series of emails and text messages. Of all the messages I received, one stood out. Dr. Dan Mou, an accomplished political scientist and public servant with a firm grasp of national security and public policy sent me a short message which I ran in the second part.

    While commending me for the five books I featured, he inquired if I have come across his new book: “Making of an African Giant: State, Politics and Public Policy in Nigeria” which was published just a month before I wrote the article. I said no. He challenged me to order copies of the two volume book and let him know my thoughts. Though he didn’t say it, I guess he would’ve wondered – just like other readers – why I did not feature any book written by a Nigerian author in the articles.

    I took up the challenge of ordering the books but had to travel to Makurdi and Abuja for personal reasons. I wouldn’t know what propelled Dr. Mou to call me the very night I arrived Abuja – was it providence? I told him the next morning I was in Abuja but will be leaving that morning. “Why didn’t you let me know you’re in Abuja; can we meet?” he asked subtly. I obliged and we met that morning at his residence; and what a meeting it turned out to be!

    I did not only get autographed copies of the book, but a forty five minute ‘lecture’ on public policy and the state of affairs in Nigeria which incidentally is the focus of this excellent and well researched book filled with the authors contribution toward a better and prosperous Nigeria. Nigeria too may have “hurt” this gentleman too, yet I saw the optimism in him that things can change. I was glad I was in familiar territory.

    If not for that chance meeting how would I have known that this was the man that wrote a personal memo to former President Olusegun Obasanjo that led to the establishment of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC)? How would I have also known that he was equally the brain behind a personal memo that led to the establishment of the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs and the Amnesty Programme that brought relative peace to that hitherto restive region?

    Guess what; he and Dr. Rose Abang-Wushishi, a retired AIG of the police who jointly wrote the memo were not even acknowledged when the EFCC was formally established; neither was he in the picture when the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs came into existence.

    There and other private memos he wrote to former Heads of State from Abacha to Jonathan are included in this excellent book that all Nigerians should read. It can be quite painful doing the ‘donkey job’ without being appreciated. In all this, did I detect any hint of bitterness in Dr. Mou? Not at all, he is still contributing his quota to ensure Nigeria gets back on the right track. This is surely one optimistic Nigerian.

    In the book, he wrote that the performance of Nigeria has recently been vehemently criticised as not commensurate with her human and material potentialities. “The hope that Nigeria is, by destiny, the African Giant appears to be fading. Some analysts, seeing this, have blamed it on the character defects of the leadership in Nigeria. They argue that because the leaders are “predatory and corrupt,” they have preoccupied themselves with their interests, which are “primitive accumulation and luxurious lifestyles.” Meanwhile, the rest of the citizens are suffering.”

    Such character defects, he argues, may indeed exist in some of Nigerian leaders. However, these are not the main reasons for their dismal performance regarding the welfare of the citizens. The main problem is that “Nigerian leaders seem to have largely lost control over the state and its policies, which appear to have been captured by the dominant classes and groups—local and international. Nigeria’s main problem is, therefore, a structural one.”

    Nonetheless, the book notes that as the security, economic, political, and social crises intensify, Nigerian leaders, even if it is simply for self-preservation, will be forced by the objective conditions to move against the interests of these dominant classes and groups. It is only then that she can realistically be restored to the possibility of becoming an “African Giant.”

    So what is presently happening in the country? Is this present administration not moving against these dominant classes and groups? It is instructive to note that in the current and frontal attack against corruption I have not read about anyone denying allegation of receiving slush funds as is being revealed almost daily. What I read is that such funds were released for “services” rendered by the said individual or individuals – I stand corrected if there are denials.

    Dr. Mou rightly predicted what we are currently witnessing. He argues that this “was not what had been expected at independence. Post-independence national development plans preambles were based on broad egalitarian precepts, which were often an extension of the nationalistic rhetoric of independence struggle.”

    He went on to elaborate that they included commitment to equal opportunities, poverty eradication, and full employment. Others were protection of human rights and good governance. Agriculture was to receive the highest priority attention since majority of people were involved in it for their livelihood and prosperity.

    These promises fired the imagination of different sections of the population, especially the urban dwellers which it was assumed, stood directly to gain from independence. But what is the critical challenge here? “When it came to fulfilling these promises, it became clear that a gulf separated reality from expectations.”

    Everywhere on the African continent, he argues, there is high level of poverty, unemployment, blatant abuse of human rights, insecurity, poor infrastructure and several other problems. “Nigeria, for one, blessed abundantly with human and natural resources, was expected, and is being widely expected, to be the shining light in Africa. Many have long expected Nigeria to assume her manifest destiny of the ‘Giant of Africa.”

    t is tough being a Nigerian. It is even tougher believing in Nigeria. I have a colleague who said he cannot “forgive Nigeria” for letting his late father die on his wheelchair in one of our teaching hospitals because of “lack of bed space.”

    How, for instance, would widows of Nigerian soldiers killed by terrorists be feeling now following allegation of diversion of funds meant for the purchase of arms for their late husbands to effectively defend themselves in the fight against Boko Haram? How would family members of hundreds that die on our terrible roads feel each time they hear of diversion of contracts funds for fixing these roads? One way or another, “Nigeria” has hurt, and still hurting many of her citizens.

    In the midst of all these however, I remain optimistic that things can still change. It is also gratifying that I’m not alone in my optimism as majority now feel we all need to do the right things to ensure our dear Nigeria finally joins the comity of real nations where justice and equity reign supreme.

    When I wrote a two part series on books (November 5th and 12th 2015), I received series of emails and text messages. Of all the messages I received, one stood out. Dr. Dan Mou, an accomplished political scientist and public servant with a firm grasp of national security and public policy sent me a short message which I ran in the second part.

    While commending me for the five books I featured, he inquired if I have come across his new book: “Making of an African Giant: State, Politics and Public Policy in Nigeria” which was published just a month before I wrote the article. I said no. He challenged me to order copies of the two volume book and let him know my thoughts. Though he didn’t say it, I guess he would’ve wondered – just like other readers – why I did not feature any book written by a Nigerian author in the articles.

    I took up the challenge of ordering the books but had to travel to Makurdi and Abuja for personal reasons. I wouldn’t know what propelled Dr. Mou to call me the very night I arrived Abuja – was it providence? I told him the next morning I was in Abuja but will be leaving that morning. “Why didn’t you let me know you’re in Abuja; can we meet?” he asked subtly. I obliged and we met that morning at his residence; and what a meeting it turned out to be!

    I did not only get autographed copies of the book, but a forty five minute ‘lecture’ on public policy and the state of affairs in Nigeria which incidentally is the focus of this excellent and well researched book filled with the authors contribution toward a better and prosperous Nigeria. Nigeria too may have “hurt” this gentleman too, yet I saw the optimism in him that things can change. I was glad I was in familiar territory.

    If not for that chance meeting how would I have known that this was the man that wrote a personal memo to former President Olusegun Obasanjo that led to the establishment of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC)? How would I have also known that he was equally the brain behind a personal memo that led to the establishment of the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs and the Amnesty Programme that brought relative peace to that hitherto restive region?

    Guess what; he and Dr. Rose Abang-Wushishi, a retired AIG of the police who jointly wrote the memo were not even acknowledged when the EFCC was formally established; neither was he in the picture when the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs came into existence.

    There and other private memos he wrote to former Heads of State from Abacha to Jonathan are included in this excellent book that all Nigerians should read. It can be quite painful doing the ‘donkey job’ without being appreciated. In all this, did I detect any hint of bitterness in Dr. Mou? Not at all, he is still contributing his quota to ensure Nigeria gets back on the right track. This is surely one optimistic Nigerian.

    In the book, he wrote that the performance of Nigeria has recently been vehemently criticised as not commensurate with her human and material potentialities. “The hope that Nigeria is, by destiny, the African Giant appears to be fading. Some analysts, seeing this, have blamed it on the character defects of the leadership in Nigeria. They argue that because the leaders are “predatory and corrupt,” they have preoccupied themselves with their interests, which are “primitive accumulation and luxurious lifestyles.” Meanwhile, the rest of the citizens are suffering.”

    Such character defects, he argues, may indeed exist in some of Nigerian leaders. However, these are not the main reasons for their dismal performance regarding the welfare of the citizens. The main problem is that “Nigerian leaders seem to have largely lost control over the state and its policies, which appear to have been captured by the dominant classes and groups—local and international. Nigeria’s main problem is, therefore, a structural one.”

    Nonetheless, the book notes that as the security, economic, political, and social crises intensify, Nigerian leaders, even if it is simply for self-preservation, will be forced by the objective conditions to move against the interests of these dominant classes and groups. It is only then that she can realistically be restored to the possibility of becoming an “African Giant.”

    So what is presently happening in the country? Is this present administration not moving against these dominant classes and groups? It is instructive to note that in the current and frontal attack against corruption I have not read about anyone denying allegation of receiving slush funds as is being revealed almost daily. What I read is that such funds were released for “services” rendered by the said individual or individuals – I stand corrected if there are denials.

    Dr. Mou rightly predicted what we are currently witnessing. He argues that this “was not what had been expected at independence. Post-independence national development plans preambles were based on broad egalitarian precepts, which were often an extension of the nationalistic rhetoric of independence struggle.”

    He went on to elaborate that they included commitment to equal opportunities, poverty eradication, and full employment. Others were protection of human rights and good governance. Agriculture was to receive the highest priority attention since majority of people were involved in it for their livelihood and prosperity.

    These promises fired the imagination of different sections of the population, especially the urban dwellers which it was assumed, stood directly to gain from independence. But what is the critical challenge here? “When it came to fulfilling these promises, it became clear that a gulf separated reality from expectations.”

    Everywhere on the African continent, he argues, there is high level of poverty, unemployment, blatant abuse of human rights, insecurity, poor infrastructure and several other problems. “Nigeria, for one, blessed abundantly with human and natural resources, was expected, and is being widely expected, to be the shining light in Africa. Many have long expected Nigeria to assume her manifest destiny of the ‘Giant of Africa.”

  • 1,920 miscreants face trial

    1,920 miscreants face trial

    Lagos State Task Force Agency has prosecuted 1,920 miscreants so far this year, its chairman, Mr Olubukola Abe, has said.

    Abe told reporters in his Alausa, Ikeja office that 2,127 miscreants were initially arrested, adding that 162 were screened and 55 were discharged.

    He said over 1,720 motorcyclists were arrested for plying restricted routes and their machines confiscated.

    The agency’s activities, Abe said, were geared towards ensuring a secure and tidy environment for commerce to thrive.

    Street trading, he said, remained prohibited in the state, noting that it is responsible for most of the heavy traffic in the city.

    He urged motorists to desist from patronising street traders.

  • College gets over 1,200 freshers

    Bauchi State College of Agriculture has matriculated 1,263 students.

    The students were urged to be of good conduct.

    The Principal, Muhammad Shehu, told the students that it was not just enough for them to be admitted into the college, but they should be of good character and academic excellence to get the college’s certificates.

    He urged them to make use of the limited facilities in the college for their academic pursuits.

    Shehu said the college, being a monotechnic, did not receive intervention fund from the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFUND), but relied on its internally-generated revenue for its day-to-day functions.

    He said despite the meagre resources, the college executed 30 projects during the one and a half years of its existence, listing them as the renovation of the students’ male hostel, academic staff room complex, building of over half a kilometre long drainage and resuscitation of boreholes, among others.

    The principal enjoined the government to extend a take off grant to the college to ease its operation.

  • 1,500 pupils learn oral hygiene

    Over 1,500 primary school pupils had fun learning about oral hygiene during a programme to mark the 2015 World Oral Health Day at the indoor-sports hall of the University of Lagos.

    The enlightenment programme sponsored by Unilever’s Pepsodent toothpaste brand, featured various fun activities for the pupils drawn from public and private schools from various parts of Lagos State.

    There was a dance competition for two teams, presentation of choreographies and dance drama by schools, as well as a contest by four schools to present the most creative oral health commercial campaign.

    Vice President of the Nigerian Dental Association, Dr Olufunmilayo Ashiwaju presented a lecture on oral health care during which she did a practical demonstration of how the pupils should brush their teeth.  Using the alphabets A-F as mnemonics for the ABC of tooth care, the Consultant Paediatric Dentist, said if the young ones want to smile for life they should: Avoid chewing pencils or anything that isn’t food; Brush twice daily using soft bristled toothbrushes; Change their brushes once in three months; make Dental visits twice annually; Eat fruits and balanced diet and avoid sweets and biscuits; use Flouride toothpaste to strengthen their teeth; and Floss instead of toothpick to pick their teeth.

    Warning the young ones about neglect and wrong habits, she said: “Sugar and bacteria form acid that acts on healthy tooth and decay sets in; then you have holes in your teeth. You mouth can also smell.”

    NDA President, Dr Bode Ijarogbe, was delighted at the scale of celebration to mark this year’s oral health day.  He urged the pupils to teach others what they learnt at the event.

    “When a child is taught how to care for his mouth, he can have influence on peers and his parents,” he said.

    Highlight of the programme was the unveiling of Super Dentists – four dental cartoon characters – by the Minister of Health, Dr Khaliru Alhassan, to drive the culture of a healthy oral lifestyle among children.

    Mr Robert deVreede, Vice President Marketing, Unilever Nigeria said that the firm feels the responsibility being the number one oral care manufacturer in Nigeria.

    “We want to give something back to the Nigerian Public. We have set a global ambition to reach 100 million children by 2020 and 10 million of them are coming from Nigeria. In effect, the number we aiming to reach in Nigeria is the largest in Africa.

    Bunmi Adeniba, Category Manager, Oral Care, Unilever Nigeria said that not only does tooth decay cause children pain and discomfort, but Pepsodent believes that it also risks having an adverse effect on children’s futures, causing them to miss school, potentially damaging their development at school and career prospects.

  • Govt needs 1,584.74Mw to meet power target

    Govt needs 1,584.74Mw to meet power target

    Nearly a week into the New Year, the Nigerian Electricity Supply Industry (NESI) is still 1,584.79 Mega Watts (Mw) away from realising the Federal Government’s 5,000Mw target for last year.

    The Minister of Power, Prof. Chinedu Nebo, however, explained during the 2014 Ministerial Platform in Abuja that the generation of 5,000Mw might not spill beyond this month.

    His words: “Some people are asking about the completion of NIPP. I have mentioned about Alaoji , Gabrian and Omoku. I don’t think they will spill beyond January for achieving 5,000Mw because the gas is already available.”

    But in the Power Statistics posted on the website of the Power Ministry yesterday, it said the Electricity Generation Companies (GENCos) produced  3,415.21 Mw on January 4.

    The Ministry added that of the 3,415.21 Mw, the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN) evacuated 3,314.99Mw to the Electricity Distribution Companies (DISCOs). It stressed that TCN recorded a 100.22Mw wheeling gap.

    There was however no mention of how many Mw the DISCOs were able to distribute to their customers in a market that is characterised by weak transformers/feeders and other challenges.

    The minister had in the last year’s ministerial platform disclosed that some of the companies were rejecting their load allocation.

    This  latest statistics however showed that the GENCOs hit a peak generation of 3,646.80Mw.

    The market highest peak generated power, according to the January 4 statistics was  4,517.6 Mw of December 23, 2012.

    Its peak demand forecast is  12,800Mw.

    In its penultimate power statistics of December 29, the Ministry had said the GENCOs produced  4,112.29Mw from which the TCN  was able to evacuate  4,034.48Mw, which culminated to a wheeling gap of 77.81Mw.

    There was also an energy generation of 4,112.29Mw while the market hit a peak energy generation of 4,389.70Mw on the same December 29.

    Following the statistics, the electricity market transmission soared from  3,314.99Mw to the current 4,034.48Mw, which increased energy sent out by 719.49Mw within a week.