Tag: 52

  • Man, 52, ‘defiles’ nine-year-old girl

    A 52-year-OLD man, Gabriel Olaniyan, was yesterday arraigned at an Ibadan Chief Magistrates’ Court in Oyo State for allegedly defiling a nine-year-old girl.

    He was arraigned on a one-count charge of having carnal knowledge of the minor.

    The prosecutor, Mrs. Folake Ewe, told the court that the accused, on March 1, about 5 pm, in Alapafon, Ibadan, did have carnal knowledge of the minor.

    She said the offence was contrary to and punishable under Section 218 of the Criminal Code Cap 38 Vol.II Laws of Oyo State of Nigeria 2000.

    The Chief Magistrate, Mrs. N.A.J. Ogunbona, asked the accused why he defiled the minor, wondering whether it was for ritual or he wanted to marry her.

    She asked what the accused used to entice the girl.

    Olaniyan claimed it was a mistake, saying he used N10 biscuit to entice her.

    The victim’s father, simply identified as Mr. Adeleke, told the court that her daughter was returning from a qu’ranic school when Olaniyan accosted and defiled her.

    The chief magistrate condemned those fond of defiling minors, saying they allowed the devil to use them to destroy the society.

    She urged parents and guardians to monitor their children and wards.

    Ogunbona ordered that the accused be remanded in Agodi Prison pending legal advice from the Directorate of Public Prosecution (DPP).

    He adjourned the case till April 5.

  • Woman,  52, is  LASPOTECH fresher

    Woman, 52, is LASPOTECH fresher

    Among the freshers packed into the School of Agriculture Complex of the Lagos State Polytechnic (LASPOTECH), for the matriculation of those admitted for the 2014/2015 academic session Ikorodu, Mrs Juliana Bankole stood out.

    Mrs Bankole She was obviously far older than the other students and more comported.  She sat close to the front, looking calm and contented in the grey and blue matriculation gown.

    Fifty-two-year-old Mrs Bankole has returned to earn a Higher National Diploma (HND) in Computer Science.  She completed her National Diploma (ND) last year.

    Mrs Bankole said she took the decision to gain tertiary qualifications after repeatedly being passed over for promotion as a technician at the Nigerian Natural Development Agency under the Federal Ministry of Science and Technology, where she has now worked for 12 years.

    Prior to coming to LASPOTECH, Mrs Bankole only had her O Levels, which she earned from the Aguda Grammar School, Surulere, Lagos in 1978.

    She said: “In my office I discovered that without additional qualifications there is nobody to promote you.  I discovered that I have the knowledge and experience; I am a technician; I know how to repair radio and other things like that.  They put me in Computer Department, in the server room to monitor all the equipment.  I am there with O Level; there was no promotion.  I discovered that people that are ahead of me they have additional qualifications. That was what motivated me to go to school so that I could get additional qualification so that I will move from that level to a higher level.”

    The mother of three, two of them graduates, said her family supports her decision to study.

    “My children are really happy.  They say ‘Mummy wants to get to a high level.  Even my husband supports me.  He dropped me at Ojota before going his own way,” she said.

    It was not only Mrs Bankole that was excited about matriculating.  Though she did not hang around posing for photographs with friends, the ND freshers admitted for both the full-time and part-time programmes of the institution either posed in groups for photographs, or took to the dance floor after swearing the matriculation oath to celebrate their studentship.

    Joy Olomo, an Agricultural Technology ND student (full-time), said she was ecstatic about scaling the rigorous admission process of the school.

    “I feel so great; so excited to be among the people that are having this kind of celebration.  It was not easy getting into this school.  It is by the grace of God.  My expectation is for me to do well and be a good student,” she said.

    To do well, Joy and other freshers would benefit from the counsel of the Rector, Dr Adbulazeez Lawal, who advised them to abide by the institution’s rules and regulations.

    “To my dear matriculating students once again, I want to charge you always be at the forefront of sustaining the culture of academic excellence for which Lagos State Polytechnic is known.  By taking the matriculation oath today, you are publicly declaring your willingness to accept the terms and obligations of studentship in the polytechnic, which include: compliance with the institution’s dress code approved by the Academic Board; respect for constituted authority; 75 per cent class attendance before qualifying to write semester examinations; commitment to the core values of the polytechnic; non-involvement in acts bordering on examination malpractices or other immorality; non-membership of cult groups or other unregistered clandestine groups; etc.  You can avail yourselves a copy of the Students’ Handbook for an in-depth explanation of these rules,” he said.

    Lawal, whose tenure as Rector ends this year, said the institution has on ground necessary facilities to provide high quality education to the students.

    The students were admitted into the six schools of the institution namely: Schools of Agriculture, Engineering, Environmental Studies, Management and Business Studies, Communication and Liberal Studies, Technology, Pure and Applied Sicences, and the School of Part-Time Studies.

  • Bukola Saraki at 52

    His father was the issue in any political discussion on Kwara State, until he gracefully bowed to the great beyond. Today, Bukola Saraki, scion of the legendary political wizard popularly called Olooye, is still the issue in the politics of Kwara. His father was the issue because none of his opponents could muster half of what he did in terms of political support and followership; none of them could establish and nurture a strong, viable political structure that could determine the pendulum of electoral victory so easily and dramatically as he did in the second republic when by a mere overnight announcement, the vote swung against the ruling NPN and delivered a resounding victory to the hitherto opposition UPN.

    They said so many things against him while he was alive, even though many of those who abused him then are today singing his praises. They criticised his style of consensus politicking which ensured there were no bickering as he led them to the electoral battle-field because it denied them the opportunities of ‘eating’ from post-primaries conflict. They frowned at his penchant for choosing the ‘nobodies’; men and women who by virtue of their poor economic background would never have hoped to become state functionaries, to become officials of state simply because it denied them what they thought was theirs by virtue of their wealth and privileged exposures and opportunities.

    They accused him of abusing humanity because he had a large followership of men and women who understood his philosophy of structured empowerment; men and women whose lives were regularly touched by his deep heart of compassion which made him organise diverse philanthropic activities that gave him the nickname Agoro bogun bolu; the community leader who takes care of both the soldiers at the warfront and the entire populace besieged by enemy forces. None of his opponents could do half of what he did, none of them could give half of what he gave, even when they had in abundance, none of them could go with their followers to half the length he went with his own. None of them could stay with their followers for the length of time he spent with his own; none of them could give detailed attention to their followers as much as Olooye gave his own. He served his people for years without bringing any of his children to benefit from the system. Of course most of his opponents were ‘foreign’ politicians who only came home to paste posters during election time and go back after their losses. In the real sense of it, they had nobody they could call, ‘my people’, as Olooye used to refer to his followers. ý

    They accused the father, and now it is the son, labelled differently as they did his father. It is not  strange though, after all, the Yoruba have a saying that your enemy can never credit you with the killing of a great game. It is amusing but ridiculous. None of those in the opposition, including the failed ones, grants a media interview without mentioning the name, Saraki. None of them can tell of his manifesto without mentioning the federal lawmaker. None could speak to their constituents without telling them they must deal with Saraki. Saraki, is the issue. And yet they say they want to silence a man they keep talking about!

    Like some left his father because he chose the ‘nobodies’ against them, some have also left the son because he followed in the footsteps of his father. They left because of failed personal ambition. They left the same system that made them because they wanted to subdue others of lesser social status. They left because of greed and envy, inpatience and jealousy. Those who parted company with him did so not because of differences in ideology; no, they decided to leave his company because they cannot understand why those who were seen as having no hope to have their names mentioned among the greats of Ilorin, nay Kwara State, could suddenly be catapulted to limelight through the political structure he inherited from his father and which he has made unprecedentedly more inclusive.

    Today, like his father, Saraki  has organised, by popular consensus,  the most peaceful, rancour free primaries at all levels in the state throwing up the people based on equity and justice. It is the only state in Nigeria without the usual political acrimonies and mudslinging. No protest, no defection from the party.

    Yet, the opposition call him all sort of names to appear righteous before the ignorant among their followers and satisfy their paymasters in Abuja.  We say the ‘ignorant’ because we know there are many among their followers who know these emergency critics are fake and are only enduring them to take their own share of the free money they are spending. On the D-Day, they will come to their natural habitats; that we know for sure. It is already manifesting.

    None of them has done anything new to empower the people following them; whatever they are doing now is what Saraki, the father started and which Saraki, the son has continued doing unabated. And even at that, why did it have to take their breaking away for them to start helping people when all along that has been the mantra of their leader? In their days with him, they hid their wealth and pretended there was nothing on them but now that they have rebelled, they are spending money to entice the same people they had told they were poor by following Saraki.

    What do they take the people for? Fools? Do they think they will not ask questions as to where they suddenly got the money “they are sharing”? Kwarans  know the truth. They know the opposition lied to them and are still deceiving them simply because they want their votes.

    Some of them are making their political debut but already imposing their dummies and children at the expense of those who have laboured hard for heir party, yet they accused Saraki of imposition. He never imposed his children who are as qualified, if not more qualified, on the people. What do they take the people for? Money mongers? Okay, time will tell.

    There are many issues to face instead of abusing Bukola Saraki. The Ilorin-Kabba Road is there. Ajase-Ipo/Offa road is there. The abandoned/ half done Asa Dam channelization is there. The dwindling financial fortunes of our country under an apparently inept administration is there. And of course, the over 250 kidnapped girls, not to talk of several others who have since been abducted since the start of the ‘419’ ceasefire, are still in the hands of our enemies. Shouldn’t their plight be a matter for discourse on the politics of 2015?

    As you celebrate yet another birthday today, I facilitate with you, Dr Abubakar Bukola Saraki, political strategist plenipotentiary and worthy ambassador of Kwara State, for being a man of the moment. Congratulations and happy birthday, Distinguished Senator.

    • Oba writes from Iloriný

  • A sleeping giant at 52

    A sleeping giant at 52

    SIR: Can a man be a toddler at 52? This was the question that confronted Nigerians as the nation marked 52 years of independence on Monday. Though this is the longest run of civil rule since the enthronement of democratic rule in May 1999, many ills still bedevil the sleeping giant of Africa 13 years on.

    With an inept leadership, Nigeria, the seventh largest oil-producing nation in the world, massive corruption, insecurity, poor infrastructure, a dilapidating education and health system, have combined to leave Nigerians seeking redemption from their self-inflicted woes through several unorthodox means.

    Nigeria has seen over 30 years of military regimes and a total of 21 years of civilian administrations. And while a total of eight soldiers had ruled the country, civilian administrations had produced only six leaders. Interestingly, while the military rulers-General Aguiyi-Ironsi, Yakubu Gowon, Muritala Muhammad, Olusegun Obansanjo, Muhammad Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida, Sanni Abacha and Abdul Salam Abubakar-were believed not have impacted much on the growth of the country, Nigerians have not ceased to bemoan the reality of their faring badly under democratic administrations. But for brief glimpses of hope demonstrated in the short-lived first republic manned mostly by nationalist figures, neither the administrations of Alhaji Shehu Shagari from 1979 to 1983, nor the eight years of Obasanjo as president brought progress and positive change to the country. The four years of President Umaru Yar’Adua was marked by its slow pace. The incumbent President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan’s one year plus in the saddle holds no promise of improvement, with Boko Haram in North causing untimely death to many Nigerians.

    It has been canvassed over time that the problem of the nation lies in bad leadership. With the exception of Nigeria’s first generation leaders in the class of the late Dr Nnamdi Azikwe, Obafemi Awolowo, Sir Ahamdu Bello and their band of independence fighters, nearly all that had subsequently held leadership positions, especially in the political realm, had been found wanting.

    There must be electoral reform in other to usher in stability in the polity. Economic development cannot be divorced from political stability. Nigerians must be allowed to choose their leaders. Nigerian leaders are being imposed on electorate. Government and National Assembly must have to partner to ensure that electoral reform works.

     

    • Ademola Orunbon

    suz.breeze@gmail.com

     

  • Nigeria at 52

    Nigeria at 52

    To anyone in the business of public comment, one uncomfortable burden must be the duty to constantly answer to the question of whether Nigeria is headed in the right direction at every turn. Like the cliché goes – as it was in the past, so it was yesterday, so it would be tomorrow – and evermore. Like the proverbial bad coin that keep showing up at intervals, the question of the nation’s destination would again pop up at the occasion of its 52th independence anniversary.

    Let me state that ritual of self-score that keeps producing what most Nigerians have come to regard as spurious verdicts – which suggest that the nation is finally getting things right – is nothing unusual. As uncomfortable as that ritual of outlandish self-assessment is, and which successive administrations have entertained themselves to at the expense of the long-suffering citizens, it does serves one important function of letting citizen into the mind of the leader – if only to allow them measure how far detached the leadership is from their reality.

    Take yesterday’s address by President Goodluck Jonathan with its beautiful presentation of the economy as one finally revving in full throttle: an economy which in the last two years has maintained a sustained path of growth with the real Gross Domestic Product averaging 7.1 percent.

    Until yesterday, I actually thought that we had gone beyond such meaningless statistics. After the spurious growth of the last decade that neither delivered jobs nor spread prosperity, I thought the adumbrations ought to have been tempered by the frightening reality of joblessness and rising poverty in the land. In vain did I search for recognition for the troubling, but long recognised fact.

    Now, I understand: the path would point in the direction of an underachieving presidency!

    From the power situation, to the economy; from job creation to security, the President insisted that he has his hands firmly on the handle. Unfortunately, the citizens who have borne the brunt of the failed policies of the administration couldn’t be sure.

    It seems not too long ago that the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) drew our attention to the yawning disconnect between the growth and the incidence of poverty. I recall the bureau summarising the trend this way in February: “In 2004, Nigeria’s relative poverty measurement stood at 54.4 per cent but increased to 69 per cent or 112.518 million Nigerians in 2010″.

    The statistician would observe in summary that “It remains a paradox… that despite the fact that the Nigerian economy is growing, the proportion of Nigerians living in poverty is increasing every year.”

    Did the President offer proof to show that the trend has changed? He didn’t. He needn’t. Nigerians know that things have grown worse, not better!

    Let’s move swiftly to the President’s claim of performance in the real sector. In the President’s own words: “we have improved on our investment environment; more corporate bodies are investing in the Nigerian economy. Our Investment Climate Reform Programme has helped to attract over N6.8 trillion local and foreign direct investment commitments”.

    Was it entirely surprising that the President would not see his score-card as complete without touting Nigeria’s emerging status as the preferred destination for investment in the continent? Hear the President: “the nation’s share of total FDI flows into the continent is in excess of 20 per cent”. Really? Where?

    There are of course the add-ons which he threw in; the registration of close to 7, 000 companies within the second quarter of the year alone; the 249-odd new members enrolled in the manufacturers’ club – the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) as at July this year. All these – the President seems to have reasoned – were proof enough of the economy in full flight.

    If Nigerians expected the administration to be forthcoming on the specifics of jobs created through the trillion-naira FDI, they got none. Rather, it was sufficient for the President to claim that millions of job opportunities are being created for the youth and the general population – in public works, in the local content initiative in the oil and Gas sector and the agricultural transformation programme of his administration!

    Now, there must be something extraordinary in the federal government’s professed love for FDI at a time when no finger is being lifted to help the few indigenous companies. The result is that many of them have bitten since the dust. Does the love of FDI reflect our typical preference for dispensing our charities abroad?

    Now, FDI is good. Often touted as a measure of international confidence in the national economy, it is admittedly a sign that some things are being done right. The problem however is the fetish being made of the so-called FDIs.

    Coincidentally, as this is being written, I have a report quoting the Nigerian Association of Chambers of Commerce, Industry Mines and Agriculture (NACCIMA) as stating that no fewer than 800 indigenous companies closed shop between 2009 and 2011 due to harsh operating business environment. While it seems unlikely that those in the list would be among the 249 which the President’s hyperactive MAN recently enrolled on their membership register, the President did no more than gloss over the issue of the harsh operating environment which has rendered manufacturing business a nightmare.

    For instance, nowhere did I hear the President address the question of easier access to credit; the unconscionably steep interest rates; the poor transportation infrastructure all of which constitute significant cost elements in manufacturing, but which with proper attention from government would keep the economy roaring.

    Not while there was something to boast about in the modest improvement in the power supply situation, the arrival of the Presidential cassava bread, the Presidential rice which promises to keep Thailand rice permanently outside our shores. Oh; I nearly forgot the dozen-plus contracts to revive the railways!

    Finally, does it count for anything that the Presidential Change of Guards –part of the independence ceremonies – was again held within the fortresses of the Villa?

    Does it equally matter that the place of the once bright and colourful Eagle Square as host to national events have since faded into distant memories?

    Talk about the dread of the Boko Haram being the beginning of Presidential wisdom.

    Here is to Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala

    At a forum in Awka, the Anambra State capital sometime in August 2011, you spoke of the plan by the Goodluck Jonathan administration to overhaul the mortgage system. Then, you rightly identified the absence of the mortgage institution as one of the key drivers of corruption in the public service. I thought the idea was spot on.

    It seems easy to imagine that a good number of the public servants under pressure to steal public funds in order to be able to put a roof over their heads would be less pressured to do if they access to relatively affordable mortgage.

    Well, it’s been more than a year since you let us into the plan. Do we need to wait till 2020 for the plan to materialise?

     

  • Forging a national identity

    Forging a national identity

    Tomorrow, Nigeria will be 52. It will be time to ask who she is and what she stands for. Except those who rule the country, who think that by simply declaring that she has an identity and cannot therefore fragment, most of us know she is afflicted by midlife crisis. British colonialists superintended the marriage between Northern and Southern Nigeria. But they were unable to give her an identity before she became independent in 1960. For reasons we will not go into here today, it is not surprising that France was more successful than Britain in imbuing her former colonies with a more tangible sense of national identity. If Nigeria appears to be undone today, wracked by religious, ethnic and social conflicts, the problem is more likely located in the absence of an identity than simply because it experiences economic difficulties, hypocritical attachment to religion, selfish and unintelligent leadership, and uninspiring and short-sighted constitution.

    I was fortunate to grow up under a father whose mind was often made up, and made up in the right direction. He never really sat me down to teach me in the fashion Alexander the Great was tutored by Aristotle, but both through his writings – he was an editor and columnist – and his progressive worldview, I learnt the virtues of altruism, patriotism and strength of character. He had a strong moral sense that was not attenuated by worldly pleasures. He was not averse to philandering, and had even tried more than once to inculcate in me a healthy suspicion of the opposite sex bordering on the misogynistic, which pearl he said he polished in his years of turbulent relationship with women. He also drank, perhaps a little more than could be described as the social drinker, but he was seldom so far gone as not to recall what he did or said. He ruefully did away with the bottle only when his creaking pancreas, which never stopped working, protested vigorously.

    But this piece today is neither about my dad nor about me. I only offer myself as a practical example to illustrate how and why it is crucial for a nation to acquire an identity necessary to abjure the hedonism that weakens national resolve. I distilled my worldview eclectically from my dad’s lifestyle and unsystematic philosophy, and honed this worldview after introducing myself to the lives of great statesmen. It enabled me to discover myself when I was barely out of my teens. That self-discovery has not only helped me to keep my head in the Kiplingian sense, it also helped me to endure life’s vicissitudes, shape my reluctance to be beholden to unprincipled interests while sometimes being a supporter of enlightened absolutism, and give me a strength of character that makes me ready to sacrifice anything, anybody, including my life, for the principles and values that I have dedicated my life to.

    A few weeks ago, I tried to communicate to my readers the herculean task I took upon myself to inculcate in my children the noble principles I thought anyone able to call his soul his own should embrace. I could not initiate that effort if I did not believe in something or if my principles were so fluid they could be bought or influenced by degrading considerations. I think the same thing goes for a nation. Nigeria could never hope to make something of its children if it does not believe in or stand for anything. Nigeria is passing through middle age and transiting to old age without the redeeming benefit of standing up for anything truly noble. Worse, it is making that transition without having had a leader who could personify that noble longing for greatness.

    Forgive my pessimism, but I often look at Nigeria and wonder whether it will ever amount to anything. What does it stand for? What great thing does it hope to bequeath the world? Without a national ambition which comes out of knowing who we are, what great things could we hope to accomplish? It took approximately 10 years for Alexander the Great to forge a great name for Greece and for himself, names that have endured and still stupefy the world both for the accomplishment of the young Alexander himself and the inability of the rump empire to live up to the glories of its incandescent past. We are familiar with the popular British patriotic song “Rule, Britannia! Britannia, rule the waves,” and its stirring refrain “Britons never shall be slaves.” No historian would underestimate the inspiration and fillip which this patriotic song gave to Britain’s naval strength, its colonial adventures, and its prosecution of World War I and II. Who could also belittle the nationalistic passion Frederick the Great and Otto von Bismarck imbued Germany (Prussia) in the 18th and 19th centuries? Who could ignore the sense of national pride brought to France by both St Joan of Arc, through her independence wars, and Napoleon Bonaparte, through his ground-breaking war tactics and the Napoleonic Code? And who could imagine the Roman Empire, its character, justice system and administrative legacy, without the two Caesars, Julius and Augustus?

    Nigerian rulers may denounce the pessimism of their countrymen and even live in denial of the looming apocalypse. They may continue to affirm the indissolubility of the country and whoop that the country’s unity is non-negotiable. They may even hold out plenty of hope in institutions as ramparts upon which to build a “strong and virile” nation, whatever that means. And they may believe that by and by, the constitution, if tinkered with, may deliver the utopia we crave, in spite of the indiscipline we are noted for. The fact, however, is that the fabric that holds the country together is straining badly, and will sooner or later give way, for it cannot be held together by words but by action, action which we have refused to summon.

    What actions are required to weld the country together and make it flourish? Two options present themselves: either the people join hands together to lift the country; or a leader emerges to lead the charge. Most people have given up on the possibility of a visionary leader emerging, and have therefore reposed faith in the ability of followers to do the job. I entertain no such nonsense. Followers are never capable of creating and sustaining a vision for national identity and greatness. They could never summon the consensus that would bring it about. In the late 1930s, for instance, Britain was amenable to appeasing Hitler’s irredentism. It took Winston Churchill’s bitter challenge to galvanise his country in the opposite direction. France was, after defeat in that same war, resigned to fate; it took the single-mindedness of Charles de Gaulle to convince them otherwise.

    Anywhere, anytime, change is delivered only by the few for the many. Most analysts and south-westerners, for instance, cannot see why it is necessary to fight and defeat Governor Olusegun Mimiko of Ondo State in the October governorship polls. They cannot understand why the region must place premium on leadership character and principles; they cannot understand the urgency of forging a regional identity as a tool for social, political and economic mobilisation in a country lacking a sense of purpose; and they cannot understand the highly intricate and elevated visioning necessary to engender a mini utopia in a national sea of mediocrity. It is given to only a few to understand these issues; they must not fail to try fight the electoral battle because they fear to fail.

    I do not know a great nation with a discernible national identity which did not have visionary leaders at one point or the other in its history. Imagine if the United States had had Chief Olusegun Obasanjo or Robert Mugabe instead of George Washington to lead the war of independence. Could it sustain the tradition of two terms? Would the two African leaders not act as if the country owed them its very life? Imagine also Turkey without Mustafa Kemal Ataturk at the end of World War I. Could the secularism that has underpinned its stability and projected its influence in world and Eurasian/Southeastern European politics have been devised, let alone nurtured for so long? How could the Soviet Union and China have played significantly in the 20th century without Lenin/Stalin and Mao Zedong respectively? What would 20th Century Egypt be without Gamal Abdel Nasser, Israel without David, son of Jesse, and Ghana without Kwame Nkrumah?

    For 52 years, and after about 12 heads of state/presidents, we still don’t know who we are, what we want, and where we should be. The leaders themselves never had a sense of mission or a sense of history. But we won’t know who we are, no matter the hundreds of brilliant individuals we produce annually, until a leader comes along, a deus ex machina to help us forge a common identity either by force of his character, force of arms, or force of ideas. Western Nigeria continues to embrace the progressivism fostered by Chief Obafemi Awolowo; Northern Nigeria still makes the conservatism moulded by Sir Ahmadu Bello its reference point; and Eastern Nigeria oscillates between the liberalism of Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe and the radicalism of Dim Emeka Ojukwu. If no one builds a foundation for Nigeria, the country will not have an identity because it cannot stand on nothing.