Tag: Afe Babalola

  • How Afe Babalola agreed to withdraw suit against Farotimi

    How Afe Babalola agreed to withdraw suit against Farotimi

    In a dramatic turn of events, eminent lawyer and founder of Afe Babalola University, Ado-Ekiti (ABUAD), Chief Afe Babalola, SAN, has agreed to withdraw criminal defamation charges against a human rights activist and lawyer, Dele Farotimi.

    The decision was facilitated by prominent Yoruba monarchs, including Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Ogunwusi, who appealed to Babalola to drop the charges.

    Babalola had initially rejected appeals from notable Nigerians, including former President Olusegun Obasanjo and Bishop Matthew Kukah, but agreed to withdraw the charges after the plea of the traditional rulers.

    Farotimi was facing criminal defamation and cybercrime charges at an Ekiti State Magistrates’ Court and Federal High Court, Ado-Ekiti, over allegations in his book: ‘Nigeria and its Criminal Justice System’, which accused Babalola of influencing Supreme Court judges.

    However, the case took a dramatic turn when prominent Yoruba monarchs led by Oba Ogunwusi intervened. The traditional rulers had seen the defamation case as a threat to the unity and stability of the Yoruba nation, and had decided to act.

    Read Also: Afe Babalola and Dele Farotimi: on justice, just society and the Nigerian state

    In a closed door meeting with Babalola on Sunday midnight at ABUAD’s White Rock in Ado-Ekiti, which lasted for four hours, the monarchs appealed to him to withdraw the defamation case against Farotimi.

    A source privy to the meeting said the monarchs told Babalola that the case was causing tension and division among Nigerians, and that it was in the best interest of the country for it to be withdrawn.

    Oba Ogunwusi, who spoke on behalf of the Yoruba monarchs, shortly after the meeting, described the deliberation as very successful, saying the legal icon had agreed to forgive and withdraw the defamation case against Farotimi.

    The first-class monarch hailed the legal icon for building his integrity over the years, noting that his reputation remained untarnished.

    “We are coming together as a race to take this thing from you. Baba, you have told the world and they have heard you clearly. We can see that you have fought every battle to sustain that name you have built.

    “Nobody can undermine your name. You have proved to the world that this is what you stand for. We are very proud of you. It’s a lesson for us as a race. We want to appeal and also use our race to instruct you. It is not your wish, but we are taking it because of the race.

    ‘’Baba, we want to appeal and also use our race to instruct you. Dele Farotimi is your son, you may not know him, we give birth to different children in this world, some are tough, some are soft, some are hard.

    “Why we are here is our ethos as a race and we cannot take anything that is so hard for you. We are using the race because our elders too have spoken. Combining traditional institutions is what we are using to take this from you,” Oba Ogunwusi said.

  • JUST IN: Babalola withdraws charges against Farotimi

    JUST IN: Babalola withdraws charges against Farotimi

    The founder of Afe Babalola University Ado Ekiti, Aare Afe Babalola, SAN, has accepted to withdraw charges against Human Rights Activist and kawyer, Dele Farotimi who is facing criminal defamation charges. 

    This followed the appeal by foremost Yoruba Monarchs, including the Ooni of Ife Oba Adeyeye Oguwusi and other prominent Ekiti monarchs. They pleaded with legal icon to drop the charges during a meeting with him at ABUAD campus.

    Other prominent monarchs present at the parley were the Ewi of Ado Ekiti, Oba Rufus Adejuyigbe, the Ogoga of Ikere, Oba Adejimi Adu, the Oloye of Oloye Ekiti, Ajero of Ijero Ekiti, Olojudo of Ido Ekiti, among others. 

    Farotimi is facing criminal defamation and cybercrime charges in an Ekiti State Magistrates’ Court and the Federal High Court, Ado Ekiti.

    The defamation charge stems from the allegations in Farotimi’s book  entitled “Nigeria and its criminal justice system” that accused Babalola of influencing Supreme Court judges.

    Upon his not guilty plea, the Magistrates’ Court remanded the human right lawyer and later admitted him to N30m bail. The Federal High Court sitting in Ado-Ekiti, also granted him N50m bail.

    Addressing newsmen after a closed- door meeting with Babalola in Ado-Ekiti at the wee hours on Monday, Oba Ogunwusi, said Yoruba leaders and stakeholders were following the event keenly and had to appeal to Aare Babalola to Pardon his son, Farotimi

    He commended Babalola for building his integrity over the years adding that no one could rubbish his name.

    Read Also: Alausa, Afe Babalola, scientists, others for confab

    “We are coming together as a race to take this thing from you. Baba, you have told the world and they have heard you clearly. We can see that you have fought every battle to sustain that name you have built. 

    “Nobody can rubbish your name. You have proven to the world that this is what you stand for. We are very proud of you. It’s a lesson for us as a race. We want to appeal and also use our race to instruct you. It is not your wish but we are taking it because of the race. 

    “Dele Farotimi is your son and you might not know him. Why we are here is our ethos as a race and we cannot take anything that is so hard for you. We are using the race because our elders too have spoken. Combining traditional institutions is what we are using to take this from you,” Oba Ogunwusi added. 

    In his response to the appeal by the monarchs, Babalola said that he had received several letters and calls on the issue, particularly from notable Nigerians including former President, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo and Bishop Kukah but said that he rejected their appeal

    Babalola added that he had nothing to gain in the imprisonment of Farotimi, saying that with Ooni and other monarchs intervention, he had no option but to accede to their request.

    The Elder statesman said that he would instruct his lawyers to discontinue the case before the court. 

    He said: “There is nothing I am going to gain by his imprisonment. If I sue him, there is nothing I will gain from any damages. I am not in quest of more wealth, rather, on how to spend what I have for the benefit of others. The only time I am happy is when I give. 

    “The request is simple. When Olusegun Obasanjo came, I said no, when Rev Mathew Kukah came, I said no. I have their letters here but on this occasion, I say yes.”

  • Afe’s gaffe

    Afe’s gaffe

    Afe Babalola loves controversy, and that is the least quality you expect from the proprietor of a university. Especially when he says things that are not only false, but seem intended to distort and mislead for self-interest. A baba should not make gaffes in public, so much so that the facts can be easily unearthed by his own students. It recalls Fela’s line, “teacher don’t teach me nonsense.”

    He delved into the age limit controversy, and he says universities should be free to admit students at any age.  Many picked apart the bones of the issue when former education minister pegged it at 18. But JAMB under Oloyede says it is now 16 as minimum and it has been so stated in the law since 2013. The old man in Ekiti says we should defy it, and he lies or speaks out of ignorance that it is free in such education powerhouses as United Kingdom, Canada, South Korea, Australia, etc.

    But that is not the case. In fact, some Nigerians in diaspora who are below 16 who could not gain admission at 16, came to Nigerian universities to do one year, so they could secure direct entry in Canada. Nigeria enables backdoor crooks in education.

    Read Also: Troops recover 30,000 litres of stolen products, destroy 13 illegal refineries in Niger Delta 

    “To me, the issue of age is a matter of discretion for the university and let me say that we have been doing it here. We have students who came to ABUAD at 15 and graduated with First class at the age of 19 and we will continue to do it,” Babalola said

    He cited individuals, some of them unknown names like Isaac Bari, Yasha Asley, etc. He also referred to former Oyo State governor Omololu Olunloyo as gaining admission as teenager. This is not true. But the cerebral baba gained admission to the University of St. Andrews in Scotland at the age of 20.

    The old man should check his facts. Many universities traffic in age because it is profitable.  There is a growing illusion that exaggerates the idea of a child prodigy. How many child prodigies invented, or discovered, or disrupted the world for good? Not the Bill Gates, or Warren Buffets or the Tina Turners or the Mandela’s or the Shakespeare’s or Achebe’s. As a writer wrote, “genius is a long patience.”  As Maxime Lagace noted, “hard work combined with patience is a superpower.”

    Just as one of those cited by Afe Babalola said: “I am glad that I did not go to college once I graduated because the years I have spent in that interval have helped me mature. I can say I have discovered myself.” This was Ezeunala Ekene Franklin, who could not get into the University of Lagos at 15 even though he scored 347 in the UTME of 2019. He entered Columbia University at 17.

     “Maturity is earned from training the mind, not from aging?’’ said Babalola, but babies spill milk, adults make them.

  • Afe Babalola and Dele Farotimi: on justice, just society and the Nigerian state

    Afe Babalola and Dele Farotimi: on justice, just society and the Nigerian state

    The feud between elder statesman, Chief Afe Babalola and civil right activist, Mr. Dele Farotimi, is perhaps the most significant discourse that postcolonial Nigerian state has thrown up for the moment, one in a class of those grand defining disputations that sure will gather dust which will take some time to abate. And it is one case that is fraught with all sorts of legal, jurisprudential, moral and political traps and complexities that speak to more than the trivial interventions—leveraged around the David and Goliath motif—that are attending the matter. Those who have been able to go beyond the surface of the case will agree that it goes to the very foundation and founding of the Nigerian society, and the fundamental objective of crafting a good and just society for Nigerians. That the issue revolves around the dispensation of justice immediately alerts us to the deep insinuation about the idea of social justice itself, and how the conception of fairness could be written into the very fabric of the Nigerian society.

    And yet, the complexity of the case is what makes it a case that is too critical for a public servant like me to dabble in. (Un)fortunately, my intellectual maturation, my political science education and my professional endeavor in institutional reform advocacy have prepared me to intervene in this critical matter. I have always been involved with Nigeria, and with reflective thoughts about how to reconstitute her greatness. Three learning encounters with three world-historic icons configured my passion for wanting to see that Nigeria becomes a state we all can be proud of. The first came from my reading of Plato’s Republic. There is a reason that the entire treatise commenced with the question, what is justice? Justice was a fundamental issue in the decline of the ancient Athenian democracy that allowed Socrates to be judicially murdered. The second learning derived from Wole Soyinka’s dense prison memoir, The Man Died. And like most who have read it, Soyinka was troubled by the idea of justice: “For me, justice is the first condition of humanity.” By the time I would be coming to Thomas More’s Utopia, I was already apprised of the connections between my political science education, my professional endeavor as a public servant, and the key elements of institutional reform as a cogent framework for transforming Nigeria.

    From Plato to Soyinka, we have a trajectory of political reflection that takes justice seriously as the basis for organizing a just society. This is part of the intellectual frameworks for my undergraduate and graduate studies at the Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan. In one of those explosive seminar classes that played some fundamental role in my intellectual maturation in the graduate school, I had proposed an argument through a seminar paper titled: “Is a revolution an option to fix Nigeria?” The topic was meant to titillate the collective yearning for revolution that would serve as the ultimate mechanism for social change that will flush off all traces of corruption and degeneration in postcolonial Nigeria. Revolutions seem to possess some allure for the masses because they constitute a framework of justice that the constitutional justice mechanism might not be able to handle.

    However, as Wole Soyinka, Thomas More, Martin Luther and even Galileo Galilei would realize, the need for radicalism is balanced by the force of establishment orthodoxy. The Nigerian predicament has, as a fundamental foundation, lot to do with the connection between governance failure and injustice in terms of the persistent and protracted class strife between the haves and the have-nots, between the rich and the poor, indeed, in the final analysis between the government and the governed. And in the case between Afe Babalola and Dele Farotimi, the issues boil down to the administration of justice and the entire edifices and institutions of social justice and the rule of law in Nigeria. And so, in outlining the key issues involved in the matter, we must be careful enough to read between the lines and the noises of analysts who are eager to queue behind their favored protagonists.

    Read Also: Defamation debate: Between Afe Babalola and Dele Farotimi

    First things first. Let us remove the surface debris. Indeed, and in this case, the debris points us in the direction to look for the rot within the matter. First, there is the matter of civil defamation and its legal ramifications. And second, there is the issue of the legal and moral protocols involved in dealing with the pursuit of redress by someone who knows and understands the law. Barrister Farotimi has a legal right to seek redress in court. Chief Babalola has a legal right to defend his reputation in court. In raising the specter of legal prosecution against defamation, I see Chief Babalola as being at the forefront of gatekeeping the legal establishment in terms of what is and is not permissible or possible under the law and its conservative tenets. If you are hurt or an injustice has been done to your person, then the best place to seek redress is not the court of public opinion but the constitutional legal establishment. Unfortunately for him, Barrister Farotimi’s book, Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice System, impugned the entire legal and judicial establishment up to its apex institution, the Nigerian Supreme Court. However, does radicalism preclude moral decency? A book could be written and allegations made without the complement of atrocious language. Or maybe the rot in the judicial system, and the need for a revolution preclude any niceties, especially with those who are allegedly at the forefront of perpetuating and protecting the rot. But then, how to prove what we all considered to be the norm in terms of legal prosecution of judicial corruption remains a hanging question?      

    No matter how we look at what we are calling the surface debris, we are redirected deeper and deeper into what lies beneath the surface. The ultimate question is that between Chief Afe Babalola and Barrister Dele Farotimi, what we are asked to contend with is the state of the Nigerian judiciary and the corrupt impediment of social justice, especially for an average Nigerian. What Barrister Dele Farotimi said about the Nigeria judicial system is not new. We are all familiar with the rot within the system. Indeed, this is not the first time an alarm would be raised about what we are all familiar with. Indeed, as far back as 1999, The News magazine carried a most unsalutary headline, “Crooks on the Bench: An Expose on the Rot in the Judiciary.” The magazine headlined the names of 47 judges indicted for judicial corruption. What is new is that Dele Farotimi dared to go so far as to mention specific names, and to confront the big players in the legal establishment. And he did this in a most scurrilous manner targeted at getting maximum traction and attention. It is as if Mr Farotimi, through the public sphere, is throwing the gauntlet to every Nigerian and challenging us on our collective responsibility to clean the Augean stable.

    If Barrister Farotimi cannot prove his allegations in court, it would not mean that his charges are false. It might only imply that the system which is supposed to guarantee justice has become too corruptly dense to achieve its mandate. But there is also the chance that since the entire judicial system cannot be tarred so broadly with the same brush, Farotimi’s allegation might receive a dispassionate hearing that might deliver justice as we expect it. This might be a tall expectation. Nigeria’s postcolonial predicament has inevitable consequences on the capacity of the judicial system to facilitate the delivery of justice. And this failure also complicates the capacity of the Nigerian state to deliver on its social contract to Nigerians. This is what makes the Babalola-Farotimi case too complex to be decided either in the constitutional court or the court of public opinion. The burdens of postcolonial disruptions that the Nigerian judicial system carries are enormous: judicial corruption, miscarriage of judgments, executive lawlessness, delayed trial due to insufficient infrastructure, financial dependence on the executive arm of government

    To outline the fundamental challenges of the judicial system in Nigeria this way is not to give in to cynicism and a deterministic mindset that we might be caught in a vice that is inescapable. It is simply to say that the ongoing uproar between the two dramatis personae demonstrates that the court has been given a chance to reflect on the role that (in)justice plays in the fundamental understanding of the Nigerian postcolonial predicament and the capacity of a democratic system to correct itself. When Chief Afe Babalola and Barrister Dele Farotimi are given their day in court, we will have no choice but to trust that same judicial system to deliver unbiased judgment no matter our misgivings about how objective and untainted that judgment could be. This is just a way of saying that though our judicial system is not perfect; it is still the best that we have.

    The last words on this reflection on the connection between the ongoing feud between Babalola and Farotimi and Nigeria’s postcolonial predicament must be given to Haile Sellasie, former emperor of Ethiopia: “Throughout history, it has been the inaction of those who could have acted; the indifference of those who should have known better; the silence of the voice of justice when it mattered most; that has made it possible for evil to triumph.” 

    • Prof. Olaopa, is Chairman, Federal Civil Service Commission, Abuja & Professor of Public Administration
    • tolaopa2003@gmail.com
  • LPDC rejects Afe Babalola’s request to debar Farotimi

    LPDC rejects Afe Babalola’s request to debar Farotimi

    The Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee (LPDC) has rejected a request by Chief Afe Babalola’s law firm, Emmanuel Chambers, to revoke the law practising license of lawyer and author, Tomilola Farotimi, also known as Dele Farotimi, over allegations of criminal defamation and professional misconduct.

    A petition submitted by a lawyer from Emmanuel Chambers, Mr. Ola Faro, was presented to the LPDC, claiming that Farotimi, in his book Nigeria and the Criminal Justice System, made defamatory statements against the Supreme Court and the legal profession, and should therefore be disbarred.

    However, the LPDC Chairman, Justice Isaq Usman Bello, stated on Tuesday in Abuja that the petition could not be granted due to jurisdictional limitations.

    The LPDC concluded that it lacked jurisdiction to address complaints about publications and advised aggrieved parties to seek redress in regular courts.

    The book reportedly referenced suit number SC/146/2006 between Major Muritala Gbadamosi Eletu and HRH Oba Tijani Akinloye and others, claiming corruption, bribery, and other unethical practices involving judicial officers and the legal community.

    Read Also: Bail: needlessly lionising Farotimi

    The petition from Emmanuel Chambers accused Farotimi of distorting case facts, disrespecting fellow lawyers, and engaging in actions that obstructed justice for personal gain. Specific grievances included references to a Supreme Court judgment that affected multiple residential estates and subsequent legal proceedings undermining the apex court’s decision.

    The Chambers claimed that Farotimi’s book violated several sections of the Rules of Professional Conduct for Legal Practitioners 2023 and requested that his name be struck off the Roll of Legal Practitioners.

    The LPDC’s report stated: “The publication is an intellectual property and not a conduct or action committed while practicing as a Legal Practitioner. All aggrieved parties who find the publication ‘defamatory’ should ventilate their grievances through the regular courts.”

  • Defamation debate: Between Afe Babalola and Dele Farotimi

    Defamation debate: Between Afe Babalola and Dele Farotimi

    By Yushau A. Shuaib

    In 2019, my son, Gidado Shuaib—News Digest publisher and host of the annual Campus Journalism Awards (CJA)—found himself enmeshed in a defamation case that stemmed from a report he and award-winning journalist Alfred Olufemi, published regarding alleged hemp smoking by workers in a factory owned by a powerful individual.

    This ignited a series of events that culminated in police operatives from Kwara State raiding my home in Abuja under the cover of night, detaining him before escorting him for legal proceedings in Ilorin that was concluded this year 2024.

    Similarly, but in a contrasting scenario, I also became embroiled in a legal battle of my own, filing a ₦500 million defamation lawsuit against freelance journalist Terrence Kuanum whose scathing publication inaccurately depicted me as a supporter of Boko Haram and a proxy for ISWAP fighters in Nigeria.

    His derogatory remarks were in response to my published memo urging the then President Muhammdu Buhari to replace service chiefs who had long overstayed their welcome and impeded career progression of other competent military officers.

    The fallout from Kuanum’s article was severe, tarnishing my professional reputation and exposing me to ridicule and even security threats. As a result, after petitioning all security and intelligence services, I sought a perpetual injunction against further defamatory statements, a public apology and ₦500 million in damages.

    In both circumstances, Barrister Yunus Abdulsalam, who was recently inducted as a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), represented us. These personal encounters have imparted invaluable insights into the complex legal quagmire that Chief Afe Babalola and Dele Farotimi currently navigate in their own defamation dispute.

    Remaining silent in the face of defamation under the guise of gentility is a fool’s errand. Defamation, legally defined as the communication of a false statement that harms an individual’s reputation, can lead to significant losses in honor, business prospects, or social standing.

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    The pivotal elements of defamation include the existence of a false statement, its publication to at least one third party, and demonstrable reputational, financial, or emotional harm, all exacerbated by the defendant’s fault and malicious intent.

    Amid the recent contentious atmosphere surrounding Farotimi’s arrest, misinformation ran rampant on social media and in the press. Unfounded claims insinuated that Tony Elumelu, Chairman of UBA, orchestrated Farotimi’s arrest, while others accused the Bola Tinubu government of weaponizing law enforcement to stifle dissent.

    Disturbingly, many legal professionals, human rights advocates, and journalists neglected to provide objective clarity during this tumultuous time, instead contributing to a climate rife with confusion and misinformation.

    Soon enough, it was disclosed that Chief Afe Babalola was the plaintiff suing Farotimi for defamation. Even before this fact became public knowledge, Babalola—who was born on October 30, 1929—had weathered a storm of critique and scorn from individuals oblivious to or willfully ignorant of the legal ramifications surrounding the matter.

    His credentials are noteworthy; a degree in Economics from the University of London before qualifying as a lawyer in 1963 and starting his law firm in 1965. From establishing Afe Babalola University, Ado-Ekiti (ABUAD) to earning accolades as the Best Pro-Chancellor of Nigerian Universities during his tenure at the University of Lagos, Babalola embodies a legacy of legal expertise, philanthropy, and educational reform.

    On the other hand, Dele Farotimi, born on April 27, 1968, studied at Lagos State University (LASU), where he served as President of the Student Union during the 1994/1995 academic year, later being called to the Nigerian bar in 1999. A lawyer, seasoned public speaker, and human rights activist, Farotimi is a member of the Citizens’ Rally Against Oppression (RAMINBA).

    He is recognized for his unwavering commitment to social justice and systemic reform, criticizing the current political structure and the 1999 Constitution, which he argues perpetuates systemic corruption. His literary works, including “Do Not Die in Their War” and “Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice System,” challenge citizens to confront and address corrupt practices.

    The allegations at the center of the Babalola-Farotimi controversy are serious. Reports indicate that Farotimi accused Babalola of corrupt activities related to allegedly manipulating Supreme Court decisions in a 2013 land dispute favoring Babalola’s client. This incited Babalola to sue for criminal defamation, culminating in a 16-count charge against Farotimi and his subsequent arrest.

    It is both amusing and lamentable how politicians, activists, and social media influencers, including certain editors, have disrespected Chief Afe Babalola with scathing criticisms and condemnations. The media onslaught, often fueled by misinformation and inflammatory rhetoric, starkly contradicts the principles of justice.

    As Afe Babalola approaches his 100th birthday, surrounded by great-grandchildren, he does not deserve the relentless vitriol and humiliation unleashed by social media trolls—individuals who sadly lack an appreciation for history, decorum, and the cultural values that dictate respect for elders.

    What is even more worrying is that some legal practitioners have joined the chorus of criticism against one of Nigeria’s most esteemed lawyers. It is perplexing that legal professionals often overlook fundamental legal principles and the consequences of their actions in the public sphere. Consider the recent statements from senior lawyers and executive members of the newly inaugurated Mazi Afam Osigwe-led Nigerian Bar Association (NBA).

    Without a proper grasp of the Constitution, they hastily justified dubious manoeuvres to displace the Code of Conduct Tribunal Chairman, Danladi Umar, creating an atmosphere of divisiveness rather than justice. Equally perplexing, the NBA’s swift alignment with one party in the Babalola-Farotimi matter also lacked due diligence.

    The ongoing situation underscores the urgent need for legal practitioners, apart from politicians and social media influencers, to undergo training in public relations to navigate the complexities of public discourse better.

    Rather than resorting to unrestrained rhetoric or silence, public commentators—especially legal professionals—could greatly benefit from such training to enhance transparency and public trust. This initiative would improve reputations during crises and promote responsible visibility and thought leadership rather than cheap popularity contests.

    In the context of the Babalola-Farotimi case, the courts must stand as the ultimate authority, not social media. Nigeria is not a banana republic where digital mobs can dictate legal outcomes. By committing ourselves to the legal process, we can attain genuine justice and restore public confidence in our institutions.

    Yushau Shuaib is the author of ‘Award Winning Crisis Communication Strategies’

    Email: yashuaib@yashuaib.com

  • Old man and the siege

    Old man and the siege

    It is a pity that Obidients are dragging all of us into their mess. Afe Babalola, like his benefactor, the Owu chief, are Obidients. Farotimi, a strident megaphone of Obi, is also a chip off the old block. Now, their arteries are blocked with a riot of plaques. That is the plague of the Obidient movement. Their bloodline is in crisis. Everyone knows it except the Obidients themselves. That is the sorry state of that rabble.

    Now, we see an old man and his son fighting in public. Peter Obi runs from pillar to the post in Ekiti to play peacemaker. Obi starts a storm. He must end it. After a meeting, no resolution except the resolution to keep kicking up the dustbowl. A dysfunctional family.

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    The drama has everything in a farce. Father is fighting a son. Son is acting like a brat and father is acting like a fuddy-duddy. Son calls the police, and carts him to town and locks him up. The children are crying, from professor to mechanic about rule of law. Whereas it is they who should talk to themselves about washing their linens in public. They suffer from self-forgetfulness. First, they forget that the battle is in the house. They attribute their son’s fate to a man who has nothing to do with it: the president. He is the one they hate. Even when they err, it is his fault. What a shame.

    To give it respectability, a book is in the tale. But it is more tale-bearing than facts. Farotimi says he has facts but they are in the court who nailed him. Some quibble over why he was in detention. The police add to the grist. The book is a best seller, but it is not Lady Chatterley’s Lover, or Mark Twain’s Huckleberry Finn or To kill a Mocking Bird. This one is trash. No law professor unless an Obidient renegade would teach it except on how not to teach law. But as all farces go, trash must enjoy a pride of place. The old man is under attack, and he must weather the storm from  a ragged mass of hair that leads a rabble

  • Should Afe Babalola have ignored Dele Farotimi?

    Should Afe Babalola have ignored Dele Farotimi?

    In Jonathan Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels, a satirical novel first published in 1726, this is what Gulliver told his master in Lilliput about lawyers in Part 4, Chapter 5: “… there was a society of [people] among us, bred up from their youth in the art of proving, by words multiplied for the purpose, that white is black, and black is white, according as they are paid. To this society all the rest of the people are slaves.” About judges, he said: “Now your honour is to know, that these judges are persons appointed to decide all controversies of property, as well as for the trial of criminals, and picked out from the most dexterous lawyers, who are grown old or lazy; and having been biased all their lives against truth and equity, lie under such a fatal necessity of favouring fraud, perjury, and oppression, that I have known some of them refuse a large bribe from the side where justice lay, rather than injure the faculty, by doing any thing unbecoming their nature or their office.”

    In this fictional world, Gulliver could only have been accused of the negative stereotyping of lawyers and judges. He could also have been accused of being a closed mind incapable of and unwilling to countenance individual differences. But that is not the case with Dele Farotimi, a Nigerian lawyer and activist. He published a book titled Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice System. Aggrieved by what he considered to be the criminal defamation of his person, office and associates, Babalola reported the case to the police. Accordingly, the police have decided to prosecute Farotimi for the offence.

    The case has generated immense controversy, with some arguments sounding tenuous, fallacious, or self-contradictory. In the opinion of Donu Kogbara, a veteran media personality, in a 10 December, 2024 Arise TV interview titled, “I don’t understand how Peter Obi has gone from top to bottom – Kogbara,” “It’s quite clear that Dele Farotimi is being victimized for being a strong government critic.” It is, however, important to note here that neither Farotimi nor Babalola is an associate or supporter of the incumbent government.

    In a 12th December, 2024 article titled, “Afe Babalola: Of a man and his weakness,” in The Punch, Abimbola Adelakun stated: “Even if he wins the case, what will be the social value of a reputation held up by the courts? If Farotimi begs him as [Babalola’s] lawyer and others have enjoined, what is done cannot be undone. … Given the contradictions of his profession, Babalola should have been circumspect enough to not jump into a public contest over his reputation. He seems to me like a man who has invested in being nice just so that he would not be remembered as a villain in Nigeria’s story. Now he is no longer the man with the carefully curated legacy who set out to redeem his image but the one who proved his critic right.”

    In a 5 December, 2024 interview with Channels Television, Laolu Akande, former aide to former Vice-President, Professor Yemi Osinbajo, said: “I think the first place to start is that … Pa Afe Babalola, Senior Advocate of Nigeria, a legal luminary that we all respect, felt that he’s been libelled … and I think there are very significant proofs … I don’t think Farotimi himself made any pretensions that he’s actually going after this guy. So, there is a basis for Afe Babalola to be aggrieved, and there’s a basis for him to pursue redress. What I think is inelegant, if I can use that language, is that you will expect somebody like Chief Afe Babalola … would rather pursue this matter as a civil case. … The man is aggrieved. And I understand that. … You’ve got to see the ferocity and audacity of Dele Farotimi. … Go after Dele Farotimi, by all means, but go through a civil suit.”

    In order to put psychological pressure on Afe Babalola, some of Dele Farotimi’s supporters are dramatising the claim that, as a consequence of Babalola’s legal action, Dele Farotimi’s Afe-Babalola-tormenting book has become a “bestseller”. Here, reference to the King James Version of the Bible in Titus 1: 10-11 is useful. It enjoins: “10 For there are many unruly and vain talkers and deceivers …: 11 Whose mouths must be stopped, who subvert whole houses, teaching things which they ought not, for filthy lucre’s sake.” The New King James Version of the Bible refers to “filthy lucre” as “dishonest gain”, and this makes gloating over or romaticising filthy lucre, acquired through tormenting Afe Babalola, to be absurd. 

    In a further attempt to pile psychological pressure on Afe Babalola, biblical allusion has been made to the David and Goliath story. This allusion shows how complex the case is, because it’s not easy to determine who really is David and who is Goliath between Farotimi and Babalola, with respect to physical stature and presumed power. This is one example of how the use of metaphor creates vagueness and ambivalence. If you say A is B, as metaphor typically does, the fact that each of A and B have various features on the basis of which direct comparison could be made, raises the question, “With respect to which shared feature is A called B?”

    To make this point clearer, let’s look at the biblical story as it is narrated in 1 Samuel 17: 1-53. The Israelites and Philistines were in contention. The Philistines included a physically huge and towering, fearsomely-amoured, meanly-boastful and Israelite-taunting Goliath, and the Israelite side included a young, small, seemingly ill-kitted, easily-dismissible David, who all the same, felt compelled to attempt to end the torment and humiliation of his people by the awesome and arrogant Goliath. With just a sling, the unlikely David aimed for Goliath’s head, hit him right and brought him down, and brought an end to the suffering of his people. As the Bible put it, “51 … And when the Philistines saw their champion was dead, they fled.” This is the classical manifestation of deterrence.

    Moreover, those invoking Yoruba culture as the reason why Aare Afe Babalola should not have reacted the way he did seem not to know or remember that part of Yoruba child-raising ethics includes teaching the child not to inflict pain on others. This child-upbringing practice often involves tolerating a young child hitting the mother or an older person, with the mother or older one merely showing pain and rubbing the point of the attack. Upon seeing their capacity to make an older person suffer, a naïve child hits the older person again. This time around, the older person hits back, and the child begins to cry. By the time the crying ends, the child would have learnt the life-long lesson of not setting out to hurt those who are capable of paying back with due effect.

    Read Also: Afe Babalola seeks FG’s approval for free Trade Zone in ABUAD industrial park

    Even Afenifere, the foremost Yoruba socio-political group is aware that the Farotimi-Babalola feud has been taken out of the Yoruba cultural context and has defied Yoruba cultural ethics. Accordingly, the group’s National Publicity Secretary, Mr. Jare Ajayi, in a 7 December, 2024 story in Vanguard, titled “Babalola vs Farotimi: Allow courts do justice, Afenifere cautions parties,” was reported to have said: “Afenifere is of the view that the appropriate forum to determine whose rights have been breached and how, is the court of law as established by our constitution. Meaning that the matter is presently where it ought to be, to enable all parties to prove their case. We enjoin all parties to conduct themselves in total submission to and respect for the rule of law.”

    Like Afenifere, Alex Enumah, in a 7 December, 2024 opinion in an article titled, “Let Farotimi, Babalola have their day in court,” in ThisDay newspaper said: “A popular axiom holds that, ‘A person’s freedom ends where another’s begins.’ So, as criticism and condemnation of the arrest and arraignment of popular activist and lawyer, Mr Dele Farotimi, continues to mount, it is expedient to … state that elder statesman and legal luminary, Chief Afe Babalola, SAN, at the receiving end of Farotimi’s action, deserves some protection also.”

    In an 11 December, 2024 article titled, “Afe Babalola, Farotimi and a dangerous culture of wokeism (1),” in Vanguard, Rotimi Fasan remarked: “As far as these allegations stand today, however, [Farotimi] could have been speaking to a group of free newspaper readers engaged in their kind of morning banter and argument with generous support of ogogoro by the road side or, say, under the Ikeja Bridge Roundabout. He could be speaking the truth, who knows. But where is the evidence? It is the burden of evidence that compels us to be careful of what we say even if true. Otherwise, our world would be upended if anyone could just say anything they have in mind. Farotimi probably wanted no more than to show his disdain for a respected individual he does not care two straws about.”

    Moreover, Fasan noted: “To bear a legal lion like Babalola in his den, poking a finger in his eye and twisting his tail might well be the object of Farotimi’s action rather than the necessity of offering evidence. But even that undermines his authority as the intelligent man that he is, not to mention his standing as a trained lawyer. He has for some time now been treading a thin line between political critique and blatant disrespect of individuals and state institutions. He is too free with words and insults that he dispenses as if it is the only way he could demonstrate his supposed fearlessness. This is unnecessary.” Jiti Ogunye also cautioned: “If you don’t have proofs, don’t make such allegations. … [At] the end of the day, you will not be able to dictate to the victim which course of action to take.”

    Idowu Akinlotan, in his Palladium column in The Nation of 8 December, 2024, posited: “Not going to court is not an option, considering the weighty claims levelled against him. And beyond standing with Chief Babalola or supporting Mr Farotimi, it may be time for Nigerians to stand for the rule of law, despite the judicial system’s weaknesses, rather than tolerate the anarchic proclivity of activists who protest against everything because they suspect everything and denigrate everyone.”

    In the unbridled exercise of their media power, some gore others with their words. With hackles raised, eyes bulging, teeth blood-soaked and mouth blood-stained, they seem to end every episode of verbal savagery with the warning, “There’s more to come.” It’s victims of this kind of viciousness that Afe Babalola seems to be seeking to protect by legally challenging swaggering impunity. The legal challenge is thus a desirable deterrent to culprits and the dissuasion of potential copycats.

  • Afe Babalola seeks Fed Govt’s nod for FTZ at ABUAD industrial park

    Afe Babalola seeks Fed Govt’s nod for FTZ at ABUAD industrial park

    Renowned legal luminary, Chief Afe Babalola (SAN), has sought Federal Government’s approval for the Afe Babalola University in Ado-Ekiti (ABUAD) Industrial Park.

    He said the 132-unit industrial park would turn the story of Nigeria around, if well executed and utilised.

    Babalola sought the approval when he hosted delegates from the China-Nigeria Consortium on Industry and Education during an ABUAD-China Partnership Forum meeting yesterday in Ado-Ekiti, the Ekiti State capital.

    The legal icon, who described the continued Federal Government’s refusal to issue a free trade certificate to ABUAD as discouraging and embarrassing, noted that the approval would have enabled foreign companies to establish businesses in the park, thereby boosting the nation’s economy.

    According to him, a free trade zone will facilitate international trade and industrial activities, ultimately contributing to the country’s economic growth.

    Babalola noted that such progressive ideas would have been embraced under the defunct regional government system, saying his call for a people-oriented constitution was meant to foster national development.

    “In 1999, I traveled to China. At that time, China was a very poor country, but the Chinese were very wise. They created an area called free trade zone, which allowed countries like the United States and Germany to set up industries there.

    “Unknown to those countries, the Chinese learnt from the foreign industries, which eventually contributed to their remarkable global development today.

    “However, in the past two years, I have applied for the same concept here, but the government has refused to grant us a free trade zone certificate.

    “There is an American company that is ready to begin manufacturing cars in my industrial park, but the lack of this certificate has stalled their plans.

    “If we still had the regional government system that we used to have, we would be more developed than we are today. This is why we need a new constitution.”

    Read Also: Afe Babalola: Oyo court restrains Farotimi from further publications, sales of book

    The Secretary-General of the China-Nigeria Consortium on Industry and Education, Ms. Wendy Wang, who spoke through an interpreter, hailed Afe Babalola for his visionary achievements in education, engineering, and health.

    She described ABUAD as the best institution in Nigeria, highlighting the integration of cutting-edge technologies in its curriculum.

    In her address of welcome, ABUAD’s Vice Chancellor, Prof. Smaranda Olarinde, described the visit as a replica of the one she earlier made with a select ABUAD team that Babalola sponsored to China as a working tour.

    She stressed that with the partnership, ABUAD would soon start manufacturing vehicles and robots.

  • Afe Babalola seeks FG’s approval for free Trade Zone in ABUAD industrial park

    Afe Babalola seeks FG’s approval for free Trade Zone in ABUAD industrial park

    The renowned legal luminary, Chief Afe Babalola SAN has pleaded with the Federal Government to grant approval to the Afe Babalola University Industrial Park, Ado-Ekiti. 

    Babalola said that the 132  units of the ABUAD industrial park was enough to turn the story of Nigeria around, if well annexed, and utilised.

    The elder statesman made the plead on Wednesday in Ado-Ekiti, when playing host to delegates from the China-Nigeria Consortium, on Industry and Education,  held at  the ABUAD-China Partnership Forum Meeting. 

    Babalola who described as discouraging and embarrassing the continued refusal by the federal government to issue a free trade certificate to ABUAD, said that the approval would have enabled foreign companies to establish businesses in the park, thereby boosting Nigeria’s economy.

    The legal icon stressed that a free trade zone would facilitate international trade and industrial activities, ultimately contributing to the country’s economic growth.

    He lamented that such progressive ideas would have been embraced, under the defunct regional government system, while also reiterating his call for a people-oriented constitution, to foster national development.

    “In 1999, I traveled to China. At that time, China was a very poor country, but the Chinese people were very wise. They created an area, called free trade zone, which allowed countries like the United States and Germany to set up industries there. 

    ” Unknowingly to those countries , the Chinese, learned from these foreign industries, which eventually contributed to their remarkable global development today.

    “However, for the past two years, i have applied for the same concept here, but the government has refused to grant us a free trade zone certificate”, he said.

    He added: “There is an American company, ready to begin manufacturing cars in my Industrial Park, but the lack of this certificate has stalled their plans.

    “If we still had the regional government system that we used to have, we would be more developed than we are today. This is why we need a new constitution.”

    Read Also: Afe Babalola gives conditions for truce  with Farotimi

    In her address, Ms. Wendy Wang, the Secretary-General of the China-Nigeria Consortium, on Industry and Education, who spoke through an interpreter, commended Afe Babalola for his visionary achievements in education, engineering, and health. 

    She described ABUAD as the best institution in Nigeria, highlighting its  integration of cutting-edge technologies in its curriculum.

    Earlier in her address of welcome, the Vice Chancellor of ABUAD, Prof. Smaranda Olarinde commended Babalola, for allowing the partnership between the university and ABUAD to thrive.

    She described the visit , as a replica of the one, earlier made by her and a select ABUAD team, that Babalola sponsored to China in a working tour recently.

    She disclosed that, with the partnership, ABUAD would soon start manufacturing vehicles and robots.