Tag: Africa

  • Konga.com redefining commerce in Africa

    Konga.com, Nigeria’s Largest Online Mall which only last year announced the launch of Konga Mall, a revolutionary offering which gave select Nigerian businesses the opportunity to make their products and businesses available online to millions of Nigerian shoppers, is happy to announce the evolution of its trading platform.

    Konga has already changed the rules of participating in e-commerce in Nigeria through several novel offerings to customers, major investments in infrastructure and widespread education on the merits and convenience of online retail.   Now Konga is building a marketplace that will exponentially drive the adoption of e-commerce in the country through unrestricted yet structured participation, as well as novel platform security measures and guarantees that ensure buyer and seller are protected and rewarded for participating.

    This new offering which will be launched in the coming weeks will cater to the needs of not only big wholesalers/ retailers, but even the road side/ market traders in Surulere, Alaba, Aba, Onitsha, Kaduna, as well as enterprising individuals across the country with amazing products but no hope of expansion or scaling.

    This platform will revolutionise the way buyers and sellers interact, with a model that is more convenient for the seller and more attractive to the buyer. It will create unlimited opportunity for the Nigerian entrepreneur, small business owner or even large business owner; it will serve as the great equalizer/nation builder, boosting employment, trade and powering economic growth and development in Nigeria.

    Maxitech, a computer and electronics dealer based in Lagos who has benefited from the earlier launched Konga Mall had this to say; “I have been selling computers for a number of years now in Lagos and to customers in neighboring cities, but I must admit that what Konga.com has been able to do for my business is increase my sales portfolio not only locally but nationwide.

    E-commerce in Nigeria is definitely the future and I am happy that Konga is not only growing at a tremendous pace but is also helping Nigerian Businesses grow as well”

    In his view about the new platform, the Chief Executive Officer of Konga.com Sim Shagaya said: “About a year ago, we realized that for our services to be really valuable to society, we had to build a platform for anyone, not just Konga, to sell and prosper. We launched this platform to a limited number of sellers and in that time, we have learned how to build a truly revolutionary Nigerian online marketplace.”

    He added, “Today we are pleased to invite all Nigerian businesses – great or small, designer or farmer, producer or trader, sole proprietorship or limited liability, to sign up to this new platform – Konga Marketplace. We will be opening up in the next few weeks and we think you will be pleasantly surprised by what we have built”

    The internet is changing retail around the world, and the winners will be those that embrace the internet revolution.  Konga.com will provide the tools, awareness and security for entrepreneurs and businesses across Nigeria who wants to benefit from the immense benefits of expanding their businesses online.

    To be a part of this revolution and receive valuable information, everyone can simply visit http://konga.com/sell to pre-register. Regular information on how to maximize the opportunity, processing and validation will be done on the Konga marketplace in the weeks leading up to the big launch.

  • South Africa set for Meeting Africa

    South Africa set for Meeting Africa

    Organisers of South African business programme, tagged Meetings Africa, has said that visitors to this year’s event should expect a world-class show, complete with global trade show experts. This is the view of the South African National Convention Bureau Executive Manager, Amanda Kotze-Nhlapo. The event organizers said plans were being finalised for what would possibly be the best business events trade show to date.

    “Meetings Africa is attended by local and international buyers from South Africa and the rest of the continent. We are all set to deliver what we promise this industry: a world-class business events trade exhibition show and possibly most important, a show which is truly representative of our theme: Advancing Africa Together,” says Kotze-Nhlapo. Meetings Africa 2014 will kick off with the annual BOND Day (Business Opportunity Networking Day) on Monday, February 24, 2014. BOND Day is designed to provide educational and networking opportunities for the South African business events industry. The day will start with the Event Greening Forum’s 2014 Conference. This half-day event will be packed with information on Responsible Tourism, with specific focus on business events.

    BOND Day will conclude with the Meetings Africa gala dinner, a must-attend event for the industry. This prestigious event, which will be attended by the Minister of Tourism and other public dignitaries and officials, captains of the private sector of the business events industry and representatives of other key economic sectors.

  • Mothers of Africa?

    Liberia, Malawi and now the war-ravaged Central African Republic. What do these African countries have in common? They are ruled by women , iron ladies if you like. We have had daughters of the east, those aristocratic women of oriental steel who seized their countries by the scruff of the neck. From India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, to the Philippines, these women of exceptional valour swept away the historic cobwebs of patriarchal oppression and male-ordered ineptitude. The result is often mixed. Most of the feudal monuments are still standing in these countries. But things will never be the same again. In Burma, the lady tiger will not be kept waiting forever.

    One unique thing about these daughters of the orient is that they all seem to come from political fathers. They are daughters of former presidents as we have seen in Indian, Pakistan, Indonesia and the Philippines, or they are whelps of generals and founding fathers of the nation as we have seen in Bangladesh and Burma. Benazir Bhutto’s brothers came up to no scratch and sometimes it is left to these exceptional women to carry on with the family trade and tradition.

    It is said that in traditional societies, when men foul things up they usually abandon the mess for the women to clean up. With the developments in Liberia, Malawi and now the Central African Republic, can it be said that the revolutionary waves are finally reaching the shores of Africa, the last bastion and redoubt of gendered and engendered feudalism? No one gives up entrenched historic privileges lightly. Snooper can already hear the bugles of war from the cultural descendants of the Ottoman emperors.

    Liberia and Central African Republic have been particularly unlucky. Any human community saddled with the likes of Jean Bokassa and Samuel Kanyon Doe as leaders must be ready to reap the social pestilence. The syphilitic bandy-legged Bokassa and the rotund master sergeant had one thing in common: they were both certified cannibals. When the syphilis finally reached his head, the lunatic emperor was known to regularly snack on human flesh. In the case of Doe, he had openly boasted that he helped himself to the testicles of Thomas Quiwonkpah after the poor fellow fell in a failed coup bid.

    Malawi has been lucky not to have descended into open civil war. But for a long time, the Southern African nation was under the dark spell and authoritarian hammer of Hastings Kamuzu Banda. Banda did not take hostages and once famously threatened to feed his main opponent to crocodiles if he had the temerity to step on Malawian soil. It was rumoured that this was his favourite pastime. A rumoured centenarian, Banda was so old by the time he died that he did not even remember who he really was. It was whispered that he was not even from Malawi.

    With the advent of Joyce Banda, the country is experiencing a new lease of life. The feel good factor has been phenomenal. Banda has famously disposed of the lone aircraft in the presidential fleet on the grounds that it was surplus to requirement and had taken to the open skies like a responsible and responsive leader of a poor country. This cannot be said of certain African leaders who can boast of a presidential airline when there is no national airline.

    In the historic morass that is contemporary Nigeria, it is of no use singling out women as beacons of hope and moral rectitude. Satan has no respect for gender. The cankerworm of corruption and venality is an equal opportunity agent in Nigeria. While the male species appear to be more blameworthy, there can be no doubt that the Fourth Republic has thrown up some equally vile and vicious women of low reputation and non-existent integrity. Where are the real mothers of Nigeria?

  • Africa and the economics of continued exploitation (III)

    In his book, ‘Looting Africa: The Economics of Exploitation’, aspects of which we have been reflecting on for the last two weeks, the South African political economist, Professor Patrick Bond, exposes the sheer intellectual laziness, mental lethargy, ideological bankruptcy and shameful hypocrisy of contemporary African leadership. Reading this book, it becomes obvious that unless there is a radical change in the nature and character of African leadership; the emergence of thinker-leaders who can break out of the underdevelopment-generating mould of intellectual dependency on western imperialism, the Continent’s presumed desire for positive transformation will remain a mirage. The current crop of African leaders certainly do not measure up to the high standard of mental rigour and independence of thought exhibited by the immediate post-independence leadership such as Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, Nnamdi Azikiwe, Kenneth Kaunda, Sekou Toure, Obafemi Awolowo, or Jomo Kenyatta to name a few. Of course, this does not excuse the weaknesses of many of these earlier leaders, which, in any case could be blamed on the continuing after effects of centuries of brutal slavery and colonial imperialism on the most abused people in history – the black race.

    Not even the venerable Nelson Mandela and the supposedly progressive leadership of the radical anti-apartheid political movement – the African National Congress (ANC) were spared the scathing critic of Professor Bond. A party like the ANC, whose history of anti-racist and imperial struggle should have positioned it to show the light for Africa to find the way to true mental, political and economic liberation turned out to be just as intellectually famished and ideologically sterile as others across the continent. For instance, according to Bond, Nelson Mandela in 2003 was unsparing in his condemnation of George Bush’s decision to attack Iraq. In Mandela’s words at the time “All Bush wants is Iraqi oil…Their friend Israel has weapons of mass destruction but because it’s (the US’s) ally, they won’t ask the UN to get rid of them…Bush, who cannot think properly is now wanting to plunge the world into a holocaust. If there is a country which has committed unspeakable atrocities, it is the United States of America”.

    Other ANC leaders like Kgalema Motlanthe and Thabo Mbeki echoed Mandela’s vitriolic sentiments but it all turned out to be empty posturing and pointless hot air even if Mandela was more sincere than his ANC colleagues on the issue. Bond calls the rhetoric of the ANC as nothing but “talking left but walking right”. How does Professor Bond prove his point in this respect? In his words “…in early 2003, at the same time as Mandela’s outburst, the ANC government permitted three Iraq-bound warships to refuel in Durban, and the state-owned weapons manufacturer, Denel, sold US$ 160 million worth of artillery propellants and 326 hand-held laser range-finders to the British army, and 125 laser-guidance sights to the US Marines”. Despite strident protests by a coalition of over 300 Anti-war organizations in South Africa against these arms sales, “Pretoria refused the Coalition’s demands to halt the sales”.

    Of course, it is pertinent to wonder if any other army in black Africa could muster the capacity to manufacture and sell such sophisticated weaponry to the military of such world powers as the US and Britain. Is there, one must ask again, a racial tinge to the debilitating technological dependency of Africa? Is there a link between the industrial/technological capacity of South Africa relative to other parts of the continent and the several years of white supremacy rule? But then, that is just an aside. Professor Bond’s point is that South Africa plays a crucial role “as Washington’s sub-imperial African power”.

    Professor Bond contends that once the ANC elevated self-interest above principles compatible with genuine African liberation, then its leaders like Mandela and Mbeki were drawn close by western leaders and South Africa itself was enabled to play key roles in major international bodies like the UN Security Council, the board of governors of the IMF and the World Bank and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development etc. Perhaps because he is South African, it is understandable that Professor Bond focuses especially on South Africa’s complicity in the subversion of Africa’s interests in the contemporary global political economy.

    It is through his scathing critique and exposure of the utter hypocrisy of the New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD), which pretends to be a home-grown policy platform for the transformation of Africa, that Bond demonstrates the hypocritical collusion between the African leadership and the neo-liberal global elite for the persistence of a mutually beneficial but undesirable present condition of Africa. Incidentally, the major architects of NEPAD included Thomas Mbeki and Nigeria’s President Olusegun Obasanjo who ran administrations pathetically enslaved to neo-liberal policies that have failed in Africa for over three decades now. As a policy document, many believe that NEPAD is infinitely inferior to the Lagos Plan of Action (LPA) drawn up by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1980.

    Bond shows that rather than the African people, it is actually international finance capital that gains from NEPAD through “large construction opportunities on the public-private-partnership model, privatized state services, on-going structural adjustment, intensified rule of international property law and various of NEPAD’s sectoral plans, all coordinated from a South African office staffed with neo-liberals and open to economic and geopolitical gatekeeping”. Among other limitations of NEPAD identified by Bond include its neo-liberal economic policy framework, the complete alienation of the African people from any part in its conception, design and formulation, social and economic measures that contribute to the marginalization of women, its overdependence on foreign donors and its under-emphasis on the external conditions fundamental to the creation and sustenance of the African crisis.

    In the same vein, Bond is critical of such Civil Society Groups as The Global Call To Action Against Poverty (GCAP), Make Poverty History and Live 8 campaigning which simplistically assume that the G8, World Trade Organization (WTO), Bretton Woods institutions and Third World state elites can be part of the solution to the African crisis when they constitute a fundamental part of the problem. Thus, he decries the illusory perception of such groups that the UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), for instance, can make any appreciable dent on the gargantuan problem of poverty in Africa.

    He quotes approvingly the following devastating gender-centric critique of the MDGs: “I do not believe in the MDGs. I think of them as a Major Distraction Gimmick. There is evident widespread awareness of their limitations: their inadequate targets and indicators; their restriction to indicators that are quantifiable, when much of what is most important – such as Women’s Equality and Empowerment – is not easily quantifiable…In fact a major problem of the MDGs is their abstraction from the social, political and economic context in which they are to be implemented – the ‘political economy’ of the MDGs”.

    But what are the alternative grassroots initiatives that Bond believes can truly help make poverty history in Africa? That will be the focus of our concluding part next week.

  • Civil strife in Africa – the tragedy continues

    Civil strife in Africa – the tragedy continues

    The poor man’s skin is hard calloused yet vulnerable still to blade and bullet

    For several African nations, war and strife no longer signal a deviation from normalcy. Storms are supposed to be less frequent than clement weather. However, the storm upon these nations does not want to pass. It disobeys the natural rhyme of things because this storm is not comprised of wind and rain. This storm is of mortal make, a bilious cloud of greed, ambition and hate.

    In these places, war has become the prevailing social institution and violence the foundational tenet of the political culture. War has seeped into the very spirit of these societies, afflicting all it touches. War and its consequences control and define the people; they no longer control or define the fighting. War has a life of its own. Whenever this happens, it serves as a harsh requiem for just governance and humane existence.

    Societies bounded by war move no further forward. The movement promised to their burdened people is that of tripping backward to revisit tragedies that should never have occurred. For these episodes to be repeated in each subsequent stanza of a country’s history is a most evil refrain.

    Africa wails because her children set upon each other with such hateful ruthlessness that they are blinded to a better way. Meanwhile, to fund the orgy of violence against ourselves, we sell the fruits and treasures of her soil to outside forces for a pittance. That which occurs within Black Africa countries is replicated in Black communities throughout the Americas. Rival groups battle to control strips of urban desolation where little prospers and much perishes.

    Our miseducation has been so long-standing and thorough that we willingly instruct ourselves in ways wrong and injurious. Time passes. Much is lost. Little is gained. Nothing changes except the rising death toll. So enthralled with grabbing the immediate, small-scale benefits within reach, we see not the bigger picture. Masters of short-term tactics and cunning intrigue, we lose by winning. The purblind, dismal game we play has no victors. It merely has different categories of losers.

    Thus, the African landscape is littered by conflict. South Sudan is oil rich and leadership famished. The fight is on. The Central African Republic (CAR) is replete with minerals and deplete of leaders. The fight is on.

    In South Sudan, ethnic groups that allied for political independence from Sudan now fight each other. They lunge at each other because they never really fought together. They never strived for a common vision of freedom, equitable government and economic life; they merely combated the same foe. They agreed their pasts were terrible but never agreed how a better future might look.

    Political independence is not the brook of unity. Cohesion proves illusory if political independence is not accompanied by a meaningful partnership wherein important constituencies agree to a just allocation of economic responsibilities and benefits among themselves. Otherwise, as in South Sudan, their unity will be a limited, negative one.

    Once shorn of the common foe, the key groups began the dance of mutual reproach. The country was fated to civil war the day it gained independence. The countdown to strife was inevitable as if it fixed by the turning of an hourglass.

    The media characterizes the civil war as an ethnic struggle, pitting Dinka against Nuer. To some extent, this is true. In a more fundamental sense, it is irrelevant. If not ethnicity, it would have been religion. If not religion, would have been region. If not region, it would have been farmer versus herder or city versus countryside or back to ethnicity again. The problem is not so much in us, such as the ethnic group or religion to which we attach. The problem is with us; it lies in how we think and act upon those narrow thoughts.

    Peace talks are set in Ethiopia. But action on the ground belies the irenic quest. Government fighters march against a key town controlled by the rebels. Neither side will concede anything pending the outcome of this encounter. The victor on the ground will be better positioned to exert himself at the negotiating table. Each side should view this as the opportunity to forge the organic political economic partnership that escaped them at the onset of independence.

    However, neither is possessed of the statesmanship embrace such a delicate notion given the martial atmosphere. Each side believes in the way of the gun for neither sees the other as brother compatriots. Thus, each prays for victory on the ground because no one wants to compromise. Both sides are shabbily armed and poorly maintained. But their self-deceived leaders see themselves as generals of strong armies that will shape history. They are neither fine statesmen nor military geniuses. They are the leaders of an armed rabble, the cruel scribes of prolific misery. They drink at the well of hubris. Their reward shall be infamy.

    In CAR, religion allegedly catalyzed the mayhem. An alignment of Muslim groups, the Seleka, fights a medley of Christian militias for control of this parcel of poverty. This country of less than five million people has important diamond and mineral reserves. Given the small population and the amount of raw material underfoot, a decade of peace and credible leadership could turn this parade of desolation into a tableau of progress. Instead, the tragic miscalculation of those who aspire for control thrusts everyone and everything into the jowls of cataclysm.

    Twenty percent of the populace is internally displaced or has sought refuge in neighboring Cameroon, Chad and even South Sudan. To run into South Sudan is not jumping from the frying pan into the fire. It is trudging from furnace to furnace. It is the destiny of people made wretched by the bellicose decisions of those who pretend to lead them.

    Meanwhile, the outside world makes loud sounds of anguished concern but offers little material help. Business continues as usual. This eruption has taken place in slow motion.

    CAR has been victimized by military coups and divisive governance for most of its post-independence existence. For CAR and other nations, the struggle for independence pales to the struggle of post-independence survival. Independence was granted not gained. Sub-national groups did not have to unite and coalesce to fight for a country of their choosing. They merely accepted the partners given them. They teamed together against the former colonial master in negotiations during the day; but, they were conspiring with the former master against each other during the night. Sadly, conspiratorial night has long lasted. Day seems to have disappeared.

    Regarding current edition of crisis, the CAR was wracked by fighting throughout late 2012. Various attempts finally culminated in a cease-fire between then President Bozize and the groups that would form Seleka. The respite was brief for it was predicated on promises broken as soon as they were made. Fighters were to be paid to disarm. However, western donors could not find money in their bursaries to fund disarmament. Frustrated, Seleka regrouped, pushing Bozize from the capital. Seleka’s Michel Djotodia replaced him. Now with gun fire in the streets of Bangui, Djotodia has resigned, prompted by Economic Community of the Central African States. In the midst of anomie, the nation has no leader, only fighters. Somehow, this power vacuum is supposed to be adroitly filled in the midst of chaos. The chance of success is less than hair thin.

    Strangely, those European nations that could not locate a farthing to finance disarmament manage to funnel arms into the torn country. CAR is one of the mostly poorly lit nations in the world. When the sun sets, CAR’s darkness is truly dark. One must carefully watch as they tread for they might step on a weapon. The place is awash in AK-47s. Medicine and food are dear but a firearm is as inexpensive as a broken toothpick. Life is costly but death is cheap and everywhere prevailing.

    The incident of plenteous cheap weapons in an impoverished land is not mysterious. The answer is bright, hard and in demand: Diamonds. Instead of using mining revenue to usher in prosperity among the various constituencies, craven leaders short sell diamonds in a rush to buy second-hand weapons that their people may continue slaying themselves. Because of the distortions now institutionalized in their system, this process seems to be the lone road left. To them, their actions are logical. They cannot see the madness in it or in them.

    Strong historic political and economic forces have brought these countries into the cradle of despair. Over the past several centuries, Africa was waylaid by the twin catastrophes of colonialism and slavery. The past fifty years of political independence is but the most recent chapter in larger book; it represents an ounce of inchoate liberty measured against the pound of subjugation the longer span of time represents.

    So much learned, pent-up cruelty and injustice could not be washed away in an instant. Our nations did not break the colonial yoke. They merely renamed it. The colonial administration became the national administration. The “Colonial Office of Taxation and Sundry Matters” because the “National office of Internal Revenue.” The titles changed as did the skin color of those in office. But the soul of governance remained its moribund self. Government never became of and for the people. It remained on top of them.

    Heavy responsibility must be apportioned to these historic antecedents. But to foist all blame on the foreign machinations of a wretched past is inaccurate and unilluminating. With each day that passes, this reason becomes a lesser one. It becomes more of a limp excuse than a compelling explanation. After fifty years in the driver’s seat, we should have learned more about vehicle and the road traveled. We should also have improved our ability to navigate the bends and twists of our forward journey. We have failed at this.

    African countries and Black communities throughout the world are in tumult because our leaders fight each other with the desperate exertion of slave gladiators hoping to save their lone souls by pleasing their owners. If they have to kill their brother to do so, by all means let not the brother be spared. In essence, their spiritual family is the non-Black for they treat non-Blacks with greater humanity and more respect than ever reserved for people of the darker hue.

    Miseducation of Black leadership is so severe the outside world no longer needs to deceive our leaders. Rarely do any of them see the larger game because they believe they are the only game in town. They are awash in self deception. The narrow political and economic education under which most leaders have been inculcated has produced succeeding generations of leaders incapable of functioning at the national level.

    Actually, the problem is that they function at the national level but not at the level of the modern state. Most African countries are not nations; they are states shaped by foreign hand. These states were constructed to suit the purpose of people who never resided in them.

    We inherited these constructs. Whether we like it or not, in general, the fact of their sheer existence now outweighs the flaws of their creation. More is to be gained by improving these entities than by splintering them. In this world, economies of scale matter. The small affluent state is an incident of a peculiar geography or circumstance that cannot be duplicated at will. Disintegration generally leads to greater destitution.

    However, the challenge for Africa is to change the political education of our people. Too many leaders see their group or region as the nation to which they owe primary loyalty. Upon this atavistic premise, their actions and decisions are founded. To the larger nation or country, they give no more loyalty than an American or British leader would give the United Nations or NATO. When it suits them, the nation matters. When the national interest calls for their sacrifice, they hector at the thing, lamenting colonial contraption heaped upon their forebears.

    Yet, Africa must recognize a strategic shift has taken place since the colonial stage. Then, the artificial unions advanced the administrative interests of the satrap. Today, disintegration of these units would better serve the former colonists than if these countries would functionally improve to become self-integrated modern nations.

    Non-African states seek to enhance their industries and their export of finished goods. They need cheap raw materials. They also don’t need competition from Black nations with large pools of eager laborers. Excuse the mixed metaphor, but watching African nations disintegrate would be music to their ears. They pray for our nations to break and the outside world pays a handsome commission to those who would keep them dysfunctional. The chronic warfare that DROC has become is a blemish on modern history. This nation could fuel the economic revival of its sub-region and light most of sub-Sahara Africa. Instead, it is laid bare so that neighboring states and western mining firms can bite at her like a pack of hyena.

    In the end, it is not that African leaders are ignorant. It is not that they can’t think. The tragedy is that they tend to think of the wrong things at the worst times. We need to wake to the challenge at hand. The old mold must be discarded. We must shift political orientation to the country or nation-state level and begin to downplay sub-national affiliations. This will take courage and vision as it violates the grain of convention. However, following convention is a rather quaint, unavailing exercise when it promotes cold disaster. This change must come even if uncomfortable. To fail at this is to fail the challenge of fusing political independence, economic prosperity and modernity in a way that suits our purposes and interests. This is the only way to gain the authentic freedom Africa forgot to claim when it picked up its half parcel of political independence. Recent history shows that political independence without an accompanying sense of nationhood is a recipe for damnable inertia. It is a self-imposed colonialism worse than anything the former master imposed. A people willing to descend into that hole is not a people at all.

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  • We want to beat Guinness Book of Records—Couple touring Africa in an old Benz that  uses vegetable oil

    We want to beat Guinness Book of Records—Couple touring Africa in an old Benz that uses vegetable oil

    Mr Mark Sampson and his wife are South Africans of British origin. The two environmentalists left their jobs in Cape Town, South Africa to embark on a trip round the entire circumference of Africa with their two children. And this they are doing in a 1978 model of Mercedes 911 which uses vegetable oil instead of petrol or diesel. They had travelled by land for six months when OKORIE UGURU met them at the 2013 edition of Carnival Calabar, where they spoke about their mission. Excerpts:

    Mrs. Sampson:

    What is Africa Clockwise all about?

    Africa Clockwise is an indication of the direction we are travelling in. We left Cape Town six months ago, and we are travelling clockwise round Africa. We are trying to go around the coast as much as we can; around the circumference of the continent. We planned it would take us two and a half years. And it is a climate-change project because this truck does not run on petrol or diesel; it runs only on used waste vegetable oil or palm oil. At the moment, it is palm oil. We’ve run on sunflower oil, soya beans oil and coconut oil.

    How did you develop the vehicle? I know that most vehicles run on petrol or diesel?

    It is not common in Africa, but in Europe, it is happening quite a lot. People are adapting their diesel engines. Oil engines are easier to convert. It is not a complicated process and does not pollute.

    What is the idea behind Africa Clockwise?

    The idea is that we are going clockwise because of the direction and we are going clockwise because we are trying to point out that we have to be aware of the time. Time is running out on us. Climate change is coming and the impact is going to be huge and we in Africa are going to be hit hardest. We need to prepare. We are also trying to beat the Guinness Book of Records for the longest journey made on alternative fuel, and to draw attention to the fact that we need to find ways of living without polluting. So, we are attempting to do 60,000 kilometres around the continent. At the moment, the world record is 40,000 kilometres, so we hope to smash that record.

    So, how many kilometres have you travelled so far? Which countries have you passed through to get to Calabar in Nigeria and what are the challenges?

    We have done about 10,000 kilometres so far. We are already a quarter of the round the continent. We have passed through Namibia, Angola, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Congo-Brazzaville and Cameroon to reach here. We are enjoying Nigeria immensely.

    When you leave Nigeria, where will you head for?

    We will head along the coast. So, we will go to Benin, Togo, Ghana and further down to Senegal and so on, then to Morocco before we cross into Europe briefly. My brother is getting married, so we are hoping to tie all these together. Then we come down to Northern Africa and then go down the East coast for another year.

    And then back to South Africa?

    We hope to get home by the end of 2015.

    Did you time it so that you would be in Calabar, Nigeria for the carnival?

    Absolutely. My husband is a stand-up comedian. That is his job. He has written a show about climate change. But my job is carnival. I run a carnival in Cape Town. That is my job. So, I have timed it beautifully to be here at this time because I really wanted to see the biggest carnival in Africa which is the Calabar Carnival.

    Can you confirm that?

    Absolutely! I don’t think there is any doubt. Well, I personally have not seen any bigger one. In Cape Town, we have an enormous carnival tradition. It has been happening for 100 years. But in terms of the type of band and so on, I don’t think there is anything to touch it on the continent.

    What are the challenges you have had on the way?

    I think my husband should address it.

     

    Mr. Sampson:

    The challenges so far are firstly, mechanical challenges. A 1978 Bull Mose Mercedez 911 is an old truck you find everywhere, especially in Nigeria. We have never seen so many trucks. Every bush mechanic along the village anywhere we go, people could always fix this truck.

    The challenge for me has been learning to be a diesel mechanic and also the challenges with our health. I have been ill and my daughter has been ill. You know it is the tropics and the weather has been hot. And working hard filtering cooking oil, going to pick up 50 litres, 100 litres everywhere, lifting it up to the roof, making our fuel everywhere we go, it is physical.

    I have lost nearly 15 kilos in six months and yet I have to stay strong and well because we are working ourselves really hard. It is much harder than we ever expected in terms of having to collect fuel. A lorry that weighs 10 tonnes uses a lot of fuel. So, we are constantly looking for fuel, constantly fixing the truck and constantly fixing ourselves.

    You chose the difficult option when you could have done that more easily with petrol or diesel…

    I think it is an example for everybody and also the practicality, because we are not rich people. The thing is that if you are not rich, you have to be adaptive and adaptable, creative and resilient. That is where the people of Africa come in. This is why we think Africa can inspire the rest of the world when it comes to coping with these challenges from the environment, because climate change problems like flood and so on. You know all these problems that we have because of climate change; a lot of people having to move and under a lot of stress due to climate change.

    So, to be able to adapt to that, you’ve got to be resilient and creative. Poor people have had to do that. In Africa, people have struggled for so long; struggling with all sorts of problems, AIDS, poverty, war and crime. And I think having to struggle on this journey in an old vehicle using cooking oil is just another example of people in Africa making a plan. We can do it in Africa.

    People come and help us wherever we are. If we are in some million-dollar vehicle, all rich, we would not need anybody’s help and we will never meet the people. But we need help all the time. The same way Africans need one another. It is Obuntu we call it in South Africa; that is the spirit of the people. I am because you are. We are all connected. What I do affects you and what you do affects me because we are one big family.

    We are all in this together. As species, we need each other. This has been a great example of that. The further we travel into Africa, the more we realise that everybody is willing to help. Everybody is friendly. Nowhere in West Africa is dangerous. We have been treated with such respect and love. We are singing the praises of Nigeria. It is a fantastic place.

    What has the reception been like in other countries?

    It has been an amazing reception in every country and the big surprise was the Congo-Brazzaville and the DRC where we thought we were just going to go through as quickly as possible because of problems. But it turned out that the people were so friendly and there was no problems. Even in the rural areas, we are always finding people who know how to work on the trucks, people who are interested in what we are doing, other families. Because we have children, we end up staying with a family in a little village somewhere, eating cassava with them, eating fish with them or whatever we could find in a natural setting and living as they live.

    We don’t have a lot of money. We spent everything to put this together and we gave up our jobs and now we are living purely on the rent from our house which enables us to pay for visas and everything else. We have lived cheaply. It means we live connected with people. You know that rich people don’t connect with each other or anybody else. I think that is something we see in our community in South Africa. A lot of rich white and black South Africans are isolated from one another.

    Could you talk about yourselves?

    I moved to South Africa from England 20 years ago to work in the Red Cross children’s hospital in Cape Town. I have a scientist background and about 15 years ago, I became a professional comedian. And now I do shows often based around science projects about genetics, about our shared African heritage, that we all evolved from Africa and that we are one family and there is no such thing as race.

    My son is black and I am white, but he is adopted and he is also my family because we are all one family. So, I did shows about climate change because I want to talk about the family because my children are now going to inherit what we leave in this planet; the mess that we leave through being greedy and taking too many of the resources and squandering our connection with nature. We are not connected with nature anymore. I like to do a lot of that with jokes, at five schools, colleges and for businesses. That is how I make my living, just telling people facts, but in a humorous way.

    I find that really fascinating in South Africa because people are really very receptive to comedy and there are some good messages to put out there about the strength of being South African and being African. A lot of people look down on it and say they want to be European, they want to be American. But coming from Europe, I’ve had the best life I could have had because of Africa, and it has made me a strong, better and most spiritual person.

  • Mission to save Africa

    Mission to save Africa

    For three days, students from Ghana and Nigeria gathered at The Maple Leaf Hostel in Achimota, Accra, Ghana for the Third Annual Leadership Retreat organised by the African Liberty Students’ Organisation (ALSO), in partnership with African Youth Peace Call (AYPC), on enlarging the free market system in Africa. OLUWAFEMI OGUNJOBI reports.

    Over 100 youths from African countries gathered in Accra, the Ghanaian capital, last month for the third Annual Leadership and Entrepreneurship Retreat of the African Liberty Students’ Organisation (ALSO).

    With the theme: Challenges and prospects of liberty in Africa, the event, which was powered by Atlas Network, sought to review the progress and activities of the youth-based libertarian groups in West African last year and to chart a new course for their activities this year.

    Speakers on the ocassion were ALSO Director of Outreach, Adedayo Thomas; ALSO Outreach Assistant Moronfolu Adeniyi; the founding President, IMANI Centre for Policy and Education, Franklin Cudjoe and president, African Youths Peace Call (AYPC) Kofi Akosah.

    Moronfolu, a 500-Level student of Child Development and Family Studies at the Federal University of Agriculture in Abeokuta (FUNAAB), the Ogun State capital, explained ALSO activities in different chapters to the participants. He reiterated the organisation’s objectives to inform and galvanise the youths to develop their entrepreneurial skills to take Africa out of poverty.

    He said ALSO was becoming a household name in higher institutions on the continent, charging participants to support the organisation’s initiative to engender a free, peaceful and prosperous Africa.

    Speaking on Free market economy, Akosah took a precursory look at environmental protection and remedy, emphasising the idea of property ownership and incentives to help reserve environmental species.

    After the lectures, participants visited the IMANI Centre for Policy and Education in East Legon. There, they had an informative and enlightening chat with Cudjoe, who explored the objectives, challenges and achievements of the organisation in the policy for a better Ghana.

    “IMANI’s mission is simply to subject any government’s policy that is likely to have systematic implications for development to basic value for money, due diligence and rational choice, public choice and vested interests analysis and then actively engage in public advocacy to publicise the results with a view to promoting peace and prosperity through human flourishing,” Cudjoe said.

    Thomas asked the participants to share their challenges in accessing the liberty network. He made the session interactive, which afforded the participants to express their understanding of libertarianism and also share their challenges in their respective campuses.

    Challenges such as victimization, poor orientation, dogmatism, prioritisation between clear-cut objectives of academics or libertarian advocacy were mentioned by the participants as impediment to spreading the gospel on their campuses.

    Responding, Thomas gave a lucid explanation of libertarian principle and in-depth practical approach to promote entrepreneurship. He harped on global benefits inherent in human empowerment to explore his creative ingenuity, adding: “Small government, liberalised policies, intellectual property protection and unfettered idea generation and usage are key for Africa to prosper.”

    Thomas, a graduate of Dramatic Arts, reeled out solutions to the constraints and the prospects of libertarianism, including creativity in individual approach to liberty advocacy. He noted that folklore, dance and drama could be employed as strong communication tools in Africa, adding that ingrained understating of community could help break through cultural barrier and religious obstacle.

    A participant said: “We need a borderless Africa for growth. Unlimited opportunities should not be limited by human induced policies. I believe this event should be spread across sub-Saharan Africa to illuminate the blind and feed the malnourished minds.”

     

  • A ‘Marshall Plan’ for Africa’s employment challenge

    Unemployment, independent of any other factor, threatens to derail the economic promise that Africa deserves. It’s a time bomb with no geographical boundaries: Economists expect Africa to create 54 million new jobs by 2020, but 122 million Africans will enter the labor force during that time frame. Adding to this shortfall are tens of millions currently unemployed or underemployed, making the human and economic consequences nearly too large to imagine.

    Thus, even with the strong economic growth we have seen over the past decade, job creation in Africa remains much too slow. Africa needs a comprehensive, coordinated approach akin to America’s “Marshall Plan” in Europe after World War Two. That effort focused on building infrastructure, modernizing the business sector, and improving trade. By the end of the four-year programme, Europe surpassed its pre-war economic output.

    We can, and must, do the same for Africa. Entrepreneurs, politicians, philanthropic foundations, and development organizations — such as the World Bank, International Finance Corporation and USAID — must all work together to solve the unemployment crisis and make Africa an engine of growth. If we are outrun by the employment challenge, Africa will be a drag on global growth and resources for generations to come.

    Africa’s Marshall Plan should prioritize three interdependent “pillars” of development, which all work together to form a virtuous cycle of growth: policy reform and a commitment to the rule of law; investment in infrastructure, and a commitment to developing Africa’s manufacturing and processing industries. This virtuous cycle forms the heart of Africapitalism: the public, private, and development sectors all coming together, united in a single objective of creating jobs and social wealth.

    First, we need enlightened government policies that help reduce administrative and operating costs for investors and businesses. We must streamline licensing and permitting processes, reduce import duties and tariffs and ease visa restrictions, among other reforms. Such policies would do much to attract investment, increase entrepreneurship and ultimately generate jobs.

    Enlightened government policy in Kenya and Nigeria has already helped to advance the information technology and financial services sectors. Microsoft’s pilot project to expand broadband access in Africa depends on government policy that frees up unused “white space” in the TV and radio broadcast spectrum. Financial services reform across several African nations, starting with Nigeria, enabled United Bank for Africa to grow into a pan-African financial institution. The government’s privatization programme has attracted billions of dollars of private investment to develop Nigeria’s power infrastructure.

    Governments and the private sector must also commit to strong, transparent institutions to help boost confidence in Africa’s business climate. African nations such as Botswana, Rwanda and Liberia have made tremendous progress in this area, though in some countries, war and civil unrest continue to take a toll. Sustained economic and job growth requires creating a safe and reliable environment for capital — including strong civil and legal institutions, corporate financial transparency (such as efforts by the Nigerian Stock Exchange to improve the quality of financial reporting for listed companies), accountable, democratically-elected politicians, and modern, open and transparent markets (like the new commodities exchanges that Heirs Holdings, Berggruen Holdings and 50 Ventures and its partners are creating at African Exchange Holdings). Aggressive advances on such policy fronts will help support the development pillars of infrastructure investment and industrialization — both of which are vital to creating employment on the continent.

    The second pillar of Africa’s development programme must be infrastructure investment, particularly in power and transportation, without which business cannot function. Today, more than 70 percent of sub-Saharan Africa lacks access to electricity and every one percent increase in electricity outages reduces Africa’s per-capita GDP by approximately three percent. Access to affordable electricity is essential to unlocking the continent’s growth potential — reducing costs and enabling business growth, including home-grown businesses that create jobs and sustainable local economies.

    Transportation infrastructure promises to have an equally transformative impact: roads, railways, waterways and airways are the backbone of a thriving commercial economy. The African Union should encourage and embrace transportation projects that first connect African nations to each other, and then to our global trading partners. Projects like the toll road between Entebbe and Kampala, and the Kenya-Tanzania highway will facilitate greater trade of agricultural and manufactured goods within Africa. Consider that today in Nigeria, 65 percent of our produce spoils for lack of storage infrastructure, and is difficult to export to other African markets for lack of rail and road infrastructure.

    Major multinationals like Diageo, Wal-Mart, Barclays, and Microsoft are ramping up African operations in spite of infrastructure challenges. In some cases, they even build their own infrastructure. Stronger policy and physical infrastructure would bring more investment from those who cannot or refuse to bootstrap it. It would also help small and mid-sized enterprises grow faster, and these companies are the engines of job growth in any economy.

    Africa’s third development pillar must be building our manufacturing and processing industries. Africa lacks the capacity to process and refine its own natural resources. Raw materials such as oil, cocoa and gold are shipped overseas, where they are processed into high-margin products and often re-imported into Africa — costing both jobs and hard currency. For example, Nigeria exports raw crude oil and then imports expensive gasoline, when the country should be able to refine the oil itself, supplying not just its own market, but also other markets across Africa. This inability to create finished goods at home, and trade them with other African nations, drastically limits the continent’s growth potential, and thus its ability to create businesses, jobs and wealth within Africa’s own domestic economies.

    I believe we can solve Africa’s employment challenge, but only if we focus on these three development pillars with great urgency, and accelerate current investment and business trends. Many of Africa’s stock markets are delivering stellar returns, while institutional, retail mutual fund and private equity capital is flowing rapidly into African markets. Many multinationals and African conglomerates are investing heavily in Africa. Despite such investment and economic growth, however, Africa is not creating nearly enough jobs. According to demographics, time is not on our side. But with a coordinated jobs plan for Africa, we can secure a productive, economically independent future for the continent and its people.

  • Africa and the economics of continued exploitation (1)

    Walter Rodney’s classic, ‘How Europe Underdeveloped Africa’ was an instant publishing phenomenon, which made waves in academic and progressive political sources across the globe when published in 1973. Through scientific and methodical rigour, Rodney demonstrated that the same historical forces responsible for the development of the countries of the West, were simultaneously implicated in the persistent underdevelopment of Africa. There was therefore, no way as Walter Rodney argued, that the present dismal state of affairs in Africa can be understood without consideration of the over 400 year period of slavery, colonialism and now a neo-colonialism that continues to pillage, ravage and under-develop an otherwise richly endowed continent.

    Of course, some critics of Rodney contend that he placed too much premium on the external factors while treating only cursorily the internal variables responsible for the persistence of underdevelopment over five decades after the formal end of colonial rule. Africans as far as they are concerned, have been in control of their socio-economic and political fortunes for too long to continue to blame external imperialist forces for their pathetic plight. But it would be unfair to attribute such crude generalisation to Rodney. For, in the same book, he took umbrage at “the minority in Africa which serves as the transmission line between metropolitan capitalists and the dependencies in Africa. The presence of a group of African sell- outs is part of the definition of underdevelopment. Any diagnosis of underdevelopment in Africa will reveal not just low per capita income and protein deficiencies, but also the gentlemen who dance in Abidjan, Accra and Kinshasha when music is being played in Paris, London and New York”.

    In his book, ‘Looting Africa: The Economics of Exploitation’, the South African political economist, Prof Patrick Bond, building on Walter Rodney’s work, contends that the exploitation of African resources for the benefit of other countries and to the detriment of the continent and her teeming peoples continues apace. First published by Zed Press in 2006, the book in eight chapters covering over 200 pages, frontally takes on false and misleading perceptions and descriptions of the African continent while proffering radical solutions to the liberation of the continent

    Right from the first page of the book, Patrick Bond tackles headlong the neo-liberal, free market perception of underdevelopment in Africa. It begins with an incisive critique of the report of former British Prime Minister, Tony Blair’s Commission for Africa presented in March 2005. The report contends that Africa is poor because her economies have not grown. Professor Bond argues that the continent’s economy has not grown because it has been ravaged by international capital and rapacious local elites. The Blair report cites the need for Private-Public-Sector partnership to promote entrepreneurial growth, create jobs and encourage investment. Bond counters that both the private and public sectors have worked together and are criminally implicated in the pillage of the continent’s resources.

    The Blair report urges support for the New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD) to build Public-Private Partnerships across the continent. Bond articulates alternatively for Public-People-Partnerships arguing that NEPAD only provides an ideological veneer for that pro-corporate orientation that can only further continue the draining of Africa’s resources. Unlike the Blair report that urges changes in governance to make the investment climate stronger, Patrick Bond makes a passionate advocacy for revolution: strengthening of civil society, welfare and basic infrastructure as a condition for social progress in Africa.

    Prof Bond’s book stimulates several thoughts about Africa’s pathetic and seemingly unending romance with misery, poverty and underdevelopment. Why has Africa remained the eternal sick child of the world, the perennial seeker for aid and charity? Is it enough to recall Africa’s history of being exploited, marginalised and looted? Is it not even more fundamental to ask why Africa was weak and so helplessly vulnerable to external penetration and such vicious predation in the first place? Was the black man an inherently inferior race? Is bad governance in Africa a function of poverty or is it that conversely poverty is itself a function of poor governance and leadership ineptitude?

    Africa’s plight has offered an opportunity for international do-gooders to exhibit their compassion for the wretched humanity of Joseph Conrad’s famed ‘Heart of Darkness’. Professor Bond notes several events and activities that have been staged over time ostensibly to help liberate Africa from poverty and powerlessness. In 2005 alone, for instance, he cites the mobilisation of NGO-driven citizens’ campaigns like Britain’s Make Poverty History and the Johannesburg-based Global Call to Action Against Poverty; Tony Blair’s Commission for Africa; the main creditor countries’ debt relief proposal; the tour of Africa by the then new World Bank President, Paul Wolfowitz; the G8 Gleaneagles debt and aid commitments; the Live 8 consciousness-raising concerts and the large debt relief package for Nigeria to name a few.

    Yet, despite all this frenetic energy and world attention expended on Africa, the continent’s condition has worsened. Of course, Professor Bond has nothing but contempt for those who seek to salvage their conscience by exhibiting their supposed love for Africa. As far as he is concerned these events and initiatives “were useful mainly in so far as they revealed global-elite hypocrisy and power relations that remained impervious to advocacy, solidarity and democratization. The events also revealed the limits of strategies aimed at intra-elite persuasion rather than pressure. Tragically, the actual conditions faced by most people on the continent continued to deteriorate”.

    In several chapters Professor Bond examines clinically the continued looting of Africa through Neoliberalism, stagnation and financial volatility; phantom aid, debt peonage and capital flight; trade, investment and wealth depletion as well as hone-grown neoliberalism, repression and failed reform to name a few. His central contention against the recent orthodox efforts to turn Africa’s fortunes around is that it ignores the critical fact that “Africa’s rulers keep their people poor because they are tied into a system of global power, accumulation and class struggle”. He thus believes that seemingly well-meaning NGOs and charity proponents are misguided when “they seek yet more African integration into imperial circuits of trade, aid, finance and investment, citing state corruption as

  • Standard Bank to dispose assets outside Africa

    Standard Bank Group, Africa’s largest lender, is to sell a controlling stake in its global markets business outside the continent.

    “The principal legal entity that would form part of a transaction is Standard Bank Plc, the group’s London banking operation,” the Johannesburg-based lender said in a statement to Bloomberg. The bank said it would retain a minority stake to ensure access to the business for its African network and clients.

    Standard Bank said in July it was exploring closer cooperation with its biggest shareholder Industrial & Commercial Bank of China on its global markets and commodities businesses. Standard Bank’s renewed focus on Africa and withdrawal from other emerging markets weakens the case for keeping some of the investment banking operations it runs from London, where it has been cutting jobs to reduce costs.

    Standard Bank needs to “finally wrap up the process of exiting non-core regions and repatriating the capital,” Neville Chester, who helps oversee the equivalent of $44 billion at Coronation Fund Managers Ltd in Cape Town, said.