Tag: agitation

  • Pro-Biafra: Agitation mirrored in malice

    SIR: Make no mistake, the pro-Biafra demonstrations in some part of the Eastern Nigeria being engineered by the so-called Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) and the factional Mobilization for the Actualization of Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), is not a struggle for self-determination or advancement for the interest of an average Igbo man. Far from it! The protests are the handiwork of some disgruntled politicians in the region who lost out power at the 2015 general elections. It is, however, unfortunate that the idle youths, who are the victims of this selfish power play, are ironically being used to execute the deceit.

    It is highly laughable and mischievous that the same groups who had given an overwhelming support to the immediate past President Goodluck Jonathan at the last election suddenly woke up from their cocoons to realize that the region is being marginalized and therefore want to secede from Nigeria. Assuming the former president won the last election would the groups have clamoured for separation as they are presently doing?

    The malicious and deceitful motive of the agitation is further exposed by a pin drop silence from the political class in the region. Those who have decided to speak did not leave anyone in doubt as to how politically and ill motivated their involvements in the saga are. For instance, the former Governor of old Anambra State, Chief Emeka Ezeife, blamed the uprising on President Buhari, whom he accused of sidelining Ndigbo from his government in terms of political appointments. But Ezeife forgot that the Enugu-Port Harcourt road, Onitsha-Enugu road and the much touted Third Niger Bridge are still unattended, notwithstanding that Ndigbo occupied key positions in the previous regime.

    If the protest and struggle are really for the common good of Ndigbo, as the sponsors want us to believe, one wonders why the same people clandestinely championing same rejected the very soul of Biafra, late Dim Chukwuemeka Ojuchukwu, in 2003 when he contested the presidential election. The same fictitious individuals have also squeezed life out of the late warlord’s legacy, the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA), yet they want the gullible protesters to buy into project Biafra as only a way out of the region’s quagmire.

    Like the Imo State Governor, Rochas Okorocha, recently stated, I totally acknowledge that the Southeast had long been schemed out of the political equation in Nigeria, but I vehemently refuse to accept that the region can only negotiate this infraction on the platform of Biafra. The bleeding truth is that the more the region continues to adopt this approach in addressing myriad of problems bedeviling it, the more it will continue to imperil her chances from having a bite at the presidency. But sadly, those who could have galvanized the people for this cause are the ones instigating the ongoing counter-productive protests in the region. It is instructive that all this while, the Igbo socio-cultural group, Ohanaeze Ndigbo looked the way until the Imo State Governor, Rochas Okorocha, summoned a meeting of Igbo leaders in Owerri last week, though the outcome and impact of the meeting on the agitation are entirely a different ball game, however, one takeaway from the meeting is that it is time Igbo politicians offered effective leadership in that region.

    Genuinely concerned Ndigbo like me believe strongly on the principles behind Biafra to wit; equity, justice and fairness, but I do not share the view that Ndigbo should always reawaken that spirit only when the political class in the region fell out of power. Neither do I believe that the region should be selective in their demand for better and more recognition from the successive governments. To do so is to negate these principles and cast the image of the region in bad light amongst other political zones of the country. The protesters should hold their leaders accountable to the current state of the region rather than point accusing fingers on others. The clamour for secession is also not a viable option in view of the present political arrangement and structure of Nigeria; dialogue with other ethnic group and political zones is it.

    Meanwhile, it is important that the leader of the group, Nnamdi Kalu, be released henceforth from detention if, indeed, he had fulfilled the bail terms granted to him by the court. To continue to keep him in detention against this fact is not just a violation of his rights, it is anathema to the principle of rule of law and democratic tenets.

     

    • Okoro Gabriel Esq.,

    Lagos.

  • Biafra agitation as big business

    Only a few Nigerians are aware that the whole noisy affair about agitation for Biafra is just big business.  Starting from Ohanaeze’s dim-witted campaign about Igbo marginalization to MASSOB’s hysteria and IPOB’s war cry about self-determination for the Igbo, the agitation for Biafra is about the personal aggrandizement of the leaders of these groups that has nothing to do with the Igbo interest.

    As a matter of fact, the struggle of Eastern Nigerians (Igbo, Ibibio, Efik, Ijaw, Ekoi, etc) for self-determination concretely ended when Ojukwu (Ikemba Nnewi) contested the Onitsha Senatorial seat of the old Anambra State (Anambra, Enugu and parts of Ebonyi states), participated in the Sani Abacha national constitutional conference of 1995 as deputy leader of Ndi-Igbo delegates, and also contested the presidency of Nigeria in 2003 and 2007 under the platform of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) founded by Chief Chekwas Okorie.  Apart from 1967 when the Consultative Assembly of Eastern Nigeria made up of political, bureaucratic, cultural and business leaders, mandated then Col.  Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, to declare a Republic of Biafra as a means of ensuring the survival of the peoples of Eastern Nigeria, there has not been any platform (Igbo or otherwise) through which Ndi-Igbo, for instance, has mandated anybody or group to agitate for the actualization or realization of Biafra. All the noise about Igbo marginalization and actualization of Biafra today remain the antics of the leaders of Ohanaeze, MASSOB, Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB), etc, to serve their private and selfish economic interests.

    Now, that is not to suggest that the Biafran dream is dead.  The issue is: What is the Biafran dream?  As Ojukwu himself pointed out in his book entitled, “Biafra: Selected Speeches”, published in 1969 by Harper & Row Publishers, New York, USA, “The Biafran dream is the creation of an African state that will act as a bulwark against foreign impositions.  Our struggle, therefore, is African nationalism conscious of itself and fully aware of the powers with which it is contending.  Biafra is about the creation of a black African state with; (a) common citizenship, with equal rights and privileges for all men anywhere in the country; (b) common laws and a common judicial system; (c) a common electoral system; (d) equal rights of all citizens before the law; (e) rights to acquire property and make a living anywhere in the country; (f) equal rights to employment anywhere in the country; and (g) equal rights to protection of life and property”.  In other words, the Biafran dream was, and remains, the building of a New Society – a progressive black people’s republic based on African nationalism, not on Igbo or Eastern Nigerian nationalism.  Biafra, as projected by Ojukwu, the symbol of that struggle, in 1969, is more than a government or a place; it is an idea about the freedom of the Black race.

    Now, in what way could it be said that today’s hysteria about Igbo marginalization or agitation for Biafra is or resembles the Biafran dream or vision just highlighted above?  Let us start with Ohanaeze Ndi-Igbo.  This is an organization that was formed in 1978 by some Igbo politicians of the defunct National Party of Nigeria (NPN).  All these years, it has embarked on activities that have nothing to do with the projection or protection of the Igbo interest.  Everything that Ohanaeze Ndi-Igbo have done till date is about advancing the private and selfish economic and political interests of its members – retired or serving public officers, bureaucrats, military leaders, traditional rulers, few professionals, etc.  When Ohanaeze is not organizing solidarity visits to public officials to seek contracts or extorting funds from governments of the states in Igboland to fritter away in their so-called Igbo Day celebrations every September 29, they are scheming to have their members become ministers or Secretary to the Government of the Federation.  All the noise about Igbo marginalization from Ohanaeze Ndi-Igbo is simply the craving for contracts and the positioning of their members for public office.

    Next is the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) led by Chief Ralph Uwazuruike.  Since 1999 when this organization was formed, it has been a troubling menace to the lives of Ndi-Igbo.  When MASSOB is not busy coercing Ndi-Igbo not to participate in activities like the census and electoral exercises that have the capacity to impact their lives in Nigeria because they are supposed to be Biafrans, Uwazuruike would be dressing up young impressionable Igbo in military fatigues and exposing them to the line of fire.  Of course, when Ndi-Igbo, especially those in the Americas (US, Canada, etc) and Europe, because of their emotional attachment to the name, Biafra, send monies to MASSOB to address matters arising from its so-called non-violent protests, the funds only end up in private pockets.  Today, Uwazuruike has a Helipad in his country home at Okwe, Imo State.

    It is not surprising that Chekwas Okorie, pointed out in a Pamphlet he released in 2009 entitled. “The MASSOB Misadventure”, that “The MASSOB project as being implemented is the greatest and most massive fraud and deceit that has ever befallen the beleaguered Igbo people since we were created on planet earth by the Almighty God”.

    Of course, the latest fads are the antics of Nnamdi Kanu of the so-called Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB).  After breaking away from MASSOB, he set up Radio Biafra which he has used to spew hate speeches against fellow Black Africans who happen to inhabit the same Nigerian geographical space with the Igbo.  Perhaps, in the bid to test his popularity, he jumped into a plane and landed in Nigeria to the waiting arms of the operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS).  However, as an institution that believes in the rule of law, the DSS dutifully arraigned him (Kanu) in court where he was granted bail.  Unfortunately, the inability of Kanu to meet his bail terms has ensured that he remained in the custody of the DSS.  Now, instead of helping Kanu to meet his bail conditions, his hirelings are busy mobilising funds which they are allegedly using to fund the protests for his release in major towns and cities of the South-east and South-south.

    Let no mistake be made about the positions being canvassed here.  The Igbo really held the short end of the stick in the 70s.  This was when any Igbo account holder was given only Twenty Pounds, the equivalent of today’s N40, no matter how much he or she had in the bank.  This was when the Indigenization Decree came on stream and denied the Igbo any chance of buying into the economy of Nigeria.  This was when none of the industries in the Second National Development Plan, (NDP, 1970 – 75), was sited in the Igbo geo-ethnic areas.  But things have changed since 1979.  The Igbo have participated in the making of all the constitutions of Nigeria since 1978. The Igbo have been represented at all arms and levels of government.  The Igbo have been Vice-Presidents, Senate Presidents, Speakers of the House of Representatives, Justices of the Supreme Court, ministers, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Chief of Army Staff, Chief of Naval Staff, Chief of Air Staff, as well as Inspector-General of Police.  The problem of the Igbo is no longer marginalization or threat to his existence in Nigeria as happened between 1966 and 1970.  The problem of the Igbo is that they have refused to assert their rights as First Class Citizens of Nigeria as guaranteed in the 1999 Constitution (as amended).  The constitution never provided anywhere that the Igbo are slaves or Second Class Citizens.

    When Igbo senators and honourable members in the National Assembly fail to ensure that federal projects for Igboland are not only accommodated in the national budgets but are also executed, rather than deploy the provisions of Section 69 of the Constitution to recall such lazy and unserious lawmakers, the Igbo looks askance and acquiesces in the stupid belief that their political leaders are untouchables who have been elected or appointed to take or “eat” their own share of the national cake on their behalf.  When state governors and local government chairmen openly mismanage or embezzle federal allocations meant for the development of the human and material resources of Igboland, rather than mobilise members of their Houses of Assembly to impeach such governors or remove such local government chairmen from office, the Igbo behaves as if they are slaves with no powers to force their state and local leaders to account for how their own share of the national resource is expended.

    • Ibekwe, is chairman, Mezie Ala-Igbo Foundation.
  • ‘How FG can stop Biafran agitation’

    ‘How FG can stop Biafran agitation’

    Federal Government’s recent  stance against the activities of the Movement for the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) has brought the activities of the group to public inquiry once again. In this brief chat with Sam Egburonu, the Deputy Secretary of Professor Ben Nwabueze-led Igbo Leaders of Thought (ILT) and Founder/Leader of Igbo Youth Movement (IYM), Evangelist Elliot Uko, explains what must be done to stop the agitation

    Why is the Biafran breeze blowing across the South-East many years after the civil war?

    It has always been there. Young people all over the world, all through history have always been adventurous and daring. The idea of re-enacting Biafran Republic has always been in the hearts and minds of young people, especially those who seem not to believe that Ndigbo will ever get justice in Nigeria. Igbo youths find Biafra a very attractive option. It is not new, it has always been there. I grew up in Enugu in the 70s; I went to boarding school in Enugu at Nike Grammar School. I know the usual discussions in the dormitory amongst students. They believe Nigeria is pulling Ndigbo backwards, they believe Ndigbo are better off in a separate state. I have been organising seminars and workshops for Igbo youths for decades, I know their mindset. I know that the Biafran option is very attractive to them. It is not new. Nigerians know there is great need to restructure the polity urgently and give all sections a sense of belonging. Nigeria does not want to do that. The feeling of alienation encourages thought of secession. Those opposing restructuring Nigeria are the ones fueling the Biafran agitation.

    The anger and bitterness of the Igbo condition in Nigeria politics fuels a discontent which Uwazurike, Kanu and co, chose to exploit. Whereas the older Igbo tread cautiously, the younger ones, like young people all over the world, want action, now, now; it could only get worse because the Federal Government chooses to pretend it is not a serious issue. It could also get out of hand because there are Nigerians who are determined never to give Ndigbo justice. So, the Biafran breeze is blowing simply because Nigeria has chosen to pretend that it does not know that the structure of Nigeria is not working.

    But why are Igbo leaders silent?     

    Igbo leaders have been shouting themselves hoarse on the need to create a level playing field for all in Nigeria. Nobody seems to listen. Four out of six zones, wants Nigeria restructured urgently. Some people remain adamant. Nigeria, as presently constituted is not working. States cannot pay salaries; 40 million young men remain jobless, mutual suspicion and hatred fill the land. The people, who want Biafra, do not have faith in Nigeria any more. Instead of Nigeria, reaching out to allay their fears and frustration, like legendary Stevie Wonder captures almost 40 years ago in his ever green song, “we are all busy spending our lives, living in past time paradise. It is a pity.

    What’s your advice?

    Some people believe Nigeria is their property. They designed the country. They created states and local governments according to their whims. It does not matter to them that the Nigeria they shaped is not working. They want it to remain that way till thy kingdom comes, whether it is working or not. Over two dozen studies by reputable scholars across the world in the last two decades point to the possibility of Nigeria failing. We only abused them without trying to find out why they all predict doom. We are sitting on a keg of gun powder.

    Leaders, who know the truth, should stop trying to deceive the world. One of them called the pro-Biafran boys fraudsters. He knows he was being hypocritical. Another said Biafra is finished. Probably finished in his own mind, not in the minds of millions of Igbo youths who believe they have no future in Nigeria. An article by one Mathew Page in the Washington post last week advised President Buhari on how to move Nigeria forward. Regrettably, the writer carefully and deliberately avoided the crux of the matter, which is the unresolved national question. The tragedy of the situation is that those who want Nigeria to remain the way they created it have sold a lie to the international community that corruption and Boko Haram are our main problems. That Nigerian leaders chose to shy away from the truth by going round in circle while dodging the real issue, does not in any way mean that solution could be found by cutting corners. There is no other way to move Nigeria forward in peace and unity without addressing the national question. Our political structure, the 1999 militarily inspired constitution are some of the reasons why millions of our country men do not believe in Nigeria. That is the most urgent task facing any government. When we revert to true federalism, all our problems will be reduced including corruption, unemployment, secession, etc.

    Most of Nigeria’s problem flows from the refusal to address the national question. We are only deceiving ourselves.

    Do Igbo leaders sanction secession then?

    No, but these angry boys are exploiting the vacuum created by lack of firm respectable leadership in Igbo land. Apart from the Igbo Leaders of Thought (ILT) led by Prof. Ben Nwabueze, no group commands respect in Igboland. The Ohanaeze that should have been the apex and umbrella association of Ndigbo is enmeshed and embroiled in a lot of sordid and not so honourable scandals that makes it difficult for Ndigbo to listen to them anymore. The present leaders are seen as sit tight businessmen who trade with Ndigbo for their personal gain and are better known for endorsing presidential candidates than for anything else. I have not seen or spoken to any of their leaders in three years. They lost credibility in the eyes of the people. The youth do not see in them, leaders they could trust. In fact, the youths believe that those people are the problem we have in Igbo land. Pecuniary pursuits have eroded their legitimacy in the eyes of the people. It has been long since the youths chose to take their destiny into their hands which makes the situation a time bomb.

     The Igbo Youth Movement, which you lead, honoured some select leaders a fortnight ago. What is the idea behind it?

    The event was the 16th Annual Convention of the IYM, an annual ritual; the Lord has consistently given us the grace to mark each year since 1999. This year, we tried to enlighten our people on the need not to let the Igbo language die. We also honoured the best in Igboland: Prof. Ben Nwabueze for his commitment to the good of the people and visionary leadership; Dr. Alex Ekwueme for his dedication to truth and the good of the land; Prof. Vincent Ike, as a great role model, one of the national leaders of the APC, and Minister designate, Dr. Ogbonnaya Onu for decency in politics and being honourable in perseverance. We also honoured veteran actor, John Okafor (Mr. Ibu) for his dedication to the arts and contributions to the industry. We thank God for the grace upon the IYM and pledge to remain steadfast. It is important to highlight to our people who the real heroes are. We are very proud of them.

     

  • Southwest’s agitation for regional autonomy

    Southwest’s agitation for regional autonomy

    Pan-Yoruba socio-political groups have renewed the Southwest’s agitation for autonomy within the Nigerian federation.  Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI, who witnesed the launch of the coalition’s book titled: ‘Regional Autonomy or Nothing’, captures the collective vision for regional integration. 

    It is regional autonomy or nothing. That was the message passed across at the Gani Fawehinmi Park, Ojota, Lagos, when a coalition of pan-Yoruba youth organisations addressed a press conference on the state of the nation. At the event, a publication, which embodies the summary of the agitations of the Yoruba within the Nigerian political space, was unveiled. It is aptly titled: Regional Autonomy or Nothing. For the avoidance of doubt, regional autonomy was defined as: the control of the natural resources within the region; developing and establishing appropriate governance structure for the region; and devolved authority, responsibilities and span of control to manage and ensure the sustenance of the region.

    The position of the coalition, which is made up of groups like the Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG), the Yoruba Assembly, the Yoruba Academy, the Atayese Yoruba Group and the Oodua Foundation, is that the unity of Nigeria is negotiable and must be negotiated. It is predicated on the fact that over the years, the forced marriage of the diverse ethno-national groups that were brought together in 1914 has produced tension and difficult moments for the country. Indeed, it is a clarion call for the Yoruba Nation to take hold of their destiny.

    The Chairman of the Atayese Yoruba Group and son of the first civilian governor of Ondo State, Prince Tokunbo Ajasin, who reeled out the Yoruba demands at the press conference, warned delegates  to the National Conference to utilise the opportunity that has been handed to them to negotiate the future of Nigeria, by building a consensus to reclaim the country from wrong-footed ideas and practices that have brought it to where it is today.

    He threatened that the Yoruba might be compelled to resort to other means, such as breaking away from Nigeria, if the Conference does not accede to their demand for regional autonomy, saying: “anybody that does not want a change in the statuesque does not wish the country well.”

    In the preface to the publication, the need to revisit what was ‘agreed’ at the various constitutional conferences that led to the First Republic and Nigeria’s independence was stated. The group noted that prior to the British invasion and conquest, of the different ethnic nationalities that make up the present-day Nigeria, they were independent nation-states. In the light of the tension and difficult moments being experienced in recent times, the group said it is imperative to review the journey so far and chart a new course. “The next step in charting a course for the future is to safeguard the destiny of the Yoruba people, and reconstruct the Nigerian federation. This is the first intent of this publication; that is, a revisit and restating of the agenda of the Yoruba people … what Yoruba people want,” the group noted.

    Ajasin said it is inconceivable that northern leaders are the ones leading the campaign against devolution of power and restructuring of government. He argued: “If any region needs a stronger federating unit with greater capacity to provide education, health, security, wealth creation and other social amenities, it is the North where strong links exist between the level of poverty and conscription of innocent youths into extremist tendencies. It appears Northern leaders are not concerned, and indeed have no plan for the teeming youth from the region, as long as they are able to continue clinging to their hold on power.”

    The present round of Yoruba agitation for autonomy was sparked by a recent publication, titled Key issues before Northern delegates to the 2014 National Conference, where the North claims to be “the backbone and strength of Nigeria”. According to the coalition of youths, the Northern reasoning can be summed up thus: “Nigeria is two countries of Northern and Southern Nigeria; oil exploration in the Niger Delta was financed by Northern groundnut proceeds and the North feeds the rest of the South with daily supplies of cows… therefore the North is equally entitled to Niger Delta oil proceeds as the Niger Deltans themselves.”

    Regional Autonomy or Nothing concludes that the North’s obsession with revenue sharing from the proceeds of oil has exposed a jaundiced vision of the developmental aspiration of the people of the region. On the North’s claim that Nigeria is de facto two countries of made up of two countries of Northern and Southern Nigeria, it described the claim as false, stating that the ‘North’, as defined and described in the publication, ceased to exist the day Gen. Yakubu Gowon (rtd) created 12 states in 1967. It equally debunks the claim in the Northern publication that the North is 80 per cent of the Nigerian landmass.

    Ajasin reeled out the demands of the Yoruba people, as contained in the publication, as follows: a regional government with its constitution and unfettered political and fiscal autonomy, except on issues it agrees to cede to the federal government; a negotiated legislative Exclusive, Concurrent and Residual list; a unicameral legislature at the centre; a parliamentary form of government at the centre; the right to self-determination or the right to secede; establishment of regional police; fiscal federalism and resource control; and a special status for Lagos.

    The region also wants the outcome of the 2014 National Conference to form the basis for a new people’s constitution. “The Southwest region must include all Yoruba people outside the imposed artificial boundaries in Edo, Delta, Kogi and Kwara states,” the Chairman of the Atayese Group added.

    Against this background, the Yoruba publication said a national conversation, which has been a popular demand since the first military coup of 1966, had been long overdue. It said that despite the pervasive cynicism about the real intentions of President Goodluck Jonathan and the doubts about the political will of his administration to deliver the radical restructuring that are necessary to resolve the fundamental problems of legitimacy of the ‘Nigerian Project’, the Conference is perceived by many delegates, including those from the Southwest, as a golden opportunity to undertake a holistic transformation of the Nigerian federation.

    The publication, Regional Autonomy or Nothing, is divided into three main sections. Section A, with the theme ‘Our stance as Yoruba people’, outlines specifically what the Yoruba people want from the National Conference. These demands, which are already listed above, are regarded as the irreducible minimum that the Yoruba people of Nigeria would accept. Section A goes on to trace the history and experience of the Yoruba race and the challenges it is facing in modern day Nigeria, particularly the structure of the federation, which is not oriented towards development.

    Section B is addressed specifically towards debunking some Northern claims and assertions, particularly the fallacies and ‘hyperbolic self-assessments’ of the region, some of which have equally received attention in this article. In addressing this issue, it goes into the history of oil exploration in Nigeria; noting that from early beginnings in 1908 till date, all initial expenses for prospecting and producing oil are borne exclusively by the foreign multi-national oil companies. It adds: “The Nigerian Federal Government spends nothing of its own funds in the industry, except for cash calls which are paid for by proceeds of petroleum…

    “While the North produced groundnut and cotton, Western Nigeria produced cocoa, Mid West Nigeria produced rubber, palm oil, palm kernel and timber, Eastern Nigeria which included the present day Niger Delta produced palm oil, palm kernel and timber.” It goes on to say that each region sold its produce and kept the income for its use. “Only the export duty of the agricultural products was shared on the basis of 50 per cent derivation, 30 per cent distributable funds for the regions and 20 per cent to the Federal Government,” it recalls.

    Under the revenue allocation formula of the First Republic, “it was the North that benefitted financially from the contributions of the other three regions and not the other way round.” It states, for instance, that the North received a disproportionate share in the allocation of 30 per cent from the Distributable Pool Account.

    It adds: “Out of the 30 per cent of the resources of all the four regions paid into that account, the percentage paid into each account was as follows: Northern Nigeria, forty ninety-fifths; Eastern Nigeria, thirty-one ninety-fifths; Western Nigeria, eighteen ninety-fifths; and Mid-West Nigeria six ninety-fifths (Section 141, pp.66, 1963 Nigeria Constitution]. Thus, documented evidence indicates that since 1914, the North has been and continues to be a major beneficiary of the financial output of the whole country.”

    The third section spells out the kind of government the group is agitating for, in specific terms. It comes under the following headings: good governance, devolution of power, form of government, structure of government, resource control and taxation, fiscal federalism, revenue sharing and resource control, policing and fundamental human rights.

    In conclusion, the coalition of Yoruba youth organizations said the onus is on the delegates at the National Conference to do the needful, to ensure that the country returns to the regional system of government, which could be based on the current six geo-political zones.

    National Publicity Secretary, Afenifere Renewal Group, Mr. Kunle Famoriyo said regional autonomy is the most viable instrument for a stronger and united Nigeria, because it would create the enabling environment for the different ethnic nationalities to develop at their own pace. He noted that “it is not a mistake that God brought together people who have the same thinking process, the same worldview.” Famoriyo said Nigeria is the only country in the world where people go to the centre to collect allocation. In contrast, he said “when you look around, money is just begging to be made on our streets, but the unitary system we are operating in Nigeria has not allowed us to be able to think and come up with the necessary strategy that would push us ahead.”