Tag: Alabi-Isama

  • Alabi-Isama: re-bury Adekunle in Ogbomoso

    Civil War veteran Brig,-Gen. Godwin Alabi-Isama has called for exhumation of Brig.-Gen. Benjamin Adekunle’s body from Ikoyi cemetery, Lagos, for a befitting hero’s burial in Ogbomoso, Oyo State.

    He made the call yesterday at a public lecture in honour of the late Adekunle by the Ogbomoso Community Foundation at the Ladoke Akintola University of Technology in Ogbomoso.

    According to the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN), the late civil war hero, Adekunle, popularly known as ‘Black Scorpion’, died on September 13 in Lagos.  He was 77.

    He was buried at Ikoyi Cemetery in Lagos on October 3.

    Alabi-Isama said heroes like Adekunle deserved to be given a heroic burial at a newly created hero’s park.

    “I am asking for immediate exhumation of Adekunle’s body from the Ikoyi cemetery back to Ogbomoso, his hometown, for a befitting burial,’’ he said.

    He implored the Yoruba to endeavour to recognise and honour their own heroes and not wait until others do such for them.

    The civil war veteran described the late Adekunle as a renowned patriot, who did all within his power to ensure one Nigeria during his military career.

    He held that Nigeria never deemed it fit to immortalise or give a post-humous national honour to him.

    “General Benjamin Adekunle was a nation builder who deserved to be immortalised and awarded a post-humous national honour, on account of his civil war exploits.

    “Adekunle personified honour, integrity, courage, and loyalty. The greatness of Adekunle is inseparable from the 3rd Marine Commando (3MCDO) that he formed, built, trained, and led in battle to defeat Biafra in order to keep Nigeria one,” he said.

    Alabi-Isama urged the Yoruba to recognise their heroes.

    “Go and get your son, the hero of our time, Adekunle out of Ikoyi cemetery back to Ogbomoso for a befitting hero’s burial in a newly created Hero’s Park,” he said.

  • Okon ambushes General Alabi Isama

    To the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs and its commodious Hall for the launch of General Godwin Alabi Isama’s much heralded war memoir with the inevitable Okon Francis Okon in tow. Never in living memory has this iconic hall been filled to this bursting capacity. The huge crowd spilled to the adjoining terrain with men and women of timber and caliber crouching to get a look in. Alabi Isama is a crowd puller any day. The boyishly affable and amazingly well-preserved former warlord has the rogue charms of a brilliant salesman. The clarity of his exposition was matched by the veracity of overwhelming details. The elephant has a long memory indeed.

    It was the day the dominated discourse of the civil war finally overtook the dominant narrative, leaving in its trail besmirched reputations and exploded myths of suspect heroism . A lie can travel for twenty years but it takes the truth only a few minutes to overtake it. In the end, perhaps nothing can match Brigadier Hillary Njoku’s description of the Nigerian civil war as a tragedy without heroes. Akinrinade, one of its most cerebral and measured products, has put it down to the fact that the civil war solved nothing and resolved little.

    Like bicentennial egunguns, many of the old warriors of yore graced the occasion. Now shorn of power and prestige, there was something quaint and antique about these war veterans. Yet they evinced the aura of nobility and true professionalism. Officers and gentlemen, these aging soldiers represented the finest breed of the old Nigerian military caste. In the brave new world of recent coup mongers, they all looked like magnificent anachronisms.

    As soon as we reached the premises, it was clear that Okon was going to constitute himself into a nuisance and security menace. The mad boy had already begun mumbling some disjointed and clearly seditious nonsense. Snooper felt a chill down the spine as he whipped the boy into line with a severe frown. But as soon as we entered the hall, the crazy boy broke loose and began his customary hell raising.

    “And wey dem Black Scorpion sef, abi na all dem Yoruba dane gun hunters dem take me come meet?” the mad boy yelled.

    “Okon, they will shoot you here like a rat and nothing will happen,” snooper screamed at the mad boy.

    “Oga nobody fit shoot Okon. We no dey dem military rule again,” the mad boy retorted.

    “Okay we’ll see,” snooper rumbled ominously. But the crazy boy refused to be intimidated.

    “And wey dem baba and him gbetugbetu, abi dat one be shakabula soldier sef?” Okon began. “And wey all dem Efik generals, abi dem Yoruba and Fulani people don throw tire for dem like dem kaput General Dan Achibong again?”

    “Okon, another word from you and I will hand you over to the police” snooper growled at the mad boy. This seemed to have quietened him down a bit. But only for the moment. Okon’s eyes suddenly lighted on a sternly serene and sedate General TY Danjuma as he began officiating. “Kai kai, ogbologbo soldier” himself, Okon moaned. Then the devil took possession of the mad boy.

    “Danjuma,” he suddenly called out to the great warrior with the severe frown. “Wey dem Bianca, abi no be him marry dem fine fine Ibo girl sef? He be like if dem dey call dat one Ikenga of Nnewi and him don kaput” Okon noted with a malignant smirk.

    It was at this point that a security operative walked up to us with a worried look.

    “Who is this man?” he asked snooper.

    “Ha, Okon was batman to General Alabi during the war” snooper submitted. But the mad boy immediately put his heavy boot in. “Abi if I no be batman who dey catch bat for am no be lizard and man flesh him dey chop for Obubra?”

    “I see,” the security man said with quiet glee and walked away. It was at this point that snooper decided to apply the final solution by offering the crazy boy some sleeping tablets disguised as trebor mints. He immediately fell into a heavy slumber snoring like ten bandits put together. But when the august and royal looking Brigadier Daramola was asked to come to the microphone, Okon rumbled.

    Ha Baba rere, I beg greet dem Olu and dem Funso for me. I sabi dem for Kaduna when man be vulcaniser for Ngwar Rimi,” the crazy boy intoned. By the time the widow of the heroic Colonel Etuk was narrating her tale of woes and the husband’s lapse into terminal depression and death, Okon was back on his feet.

    “You see why we say dis na yeye country? Efik man good for war but him no good for oyel block, abi?” Then he would lapse into Efik, condoling and consoling the relic of the war hero.” Ein, ein, eyen ekami, eyen eka mi”

    It was time to leave and it has been a great and good day for General Alabi Isama. Snooper had accosted the old war hero to find out where the cocktail was holding. Long accustomed to military camouflage and deception, the wily one pointed in a direction which suggested that he was deliberately and strategically wrong footing the milling lubbers and social lunchers. But Okon caught the drift.

    “Alabi!” the mad boy called out to the vanishing general with disarming familiarity. “Which kind cock dey get tail? Abi dat one na dem Ilorin abami cock? Go tell dat to dem American marines”. Even the American marines would be proud of Alabi Isama’s war exploits.

  • The real tragedy of victory

    The real tragedy of victory

    Thoughts from Alabi-Isama’s Civil War memoirs

    It is not all the time that book presentations are fascinating. Indeed, they are seen usually as somber occasions for the serious-minded people; which means they are regarded more or less as ‘dry’ events. But not so the presentation of The tragedy of victory – on the spot account of the Nigeria-Biafra War in the Atlantic Theatre by Brigadier-General Godwin Alabi-Isama. In the about three hours that the occasion, held at the Bolaji Akinyemi Auditorium of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA) on Kofo Abayomi Street, Victoria Island, Lagos, lasted, there was never a dull moment.

    To start with, it was one that paraded a galaxy of retired military officers and other stars, some of them the best that this country ever produced. These included General Theophilus Danjuma, General Ike Nwachukwu, Gen. Raji Rasaki, Gen Alani Akinrinade, Gen Femi Daramola, Gen Mobolaji Johnson, Prof Wale Omole, Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe, representative of Emir of Ilorin, General Emmanuel Abisoye, renowned essayist, Prof Adebayo Williams; former Governor of Ogun State Aremo Olusegun Osoba, Lagos State Chief Judge, Justice Ayotunde Phillips, among others. Former Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon could not make it to the event even though he had promised to if there was a window of opportunity. There were also some traditional rulers in attendance, as well as the Director-General of the NIIA, Prof Bola Akinterinwa.

    One of the major participants who ought to have been present but was conspicuously absent was General Olusegun Obasanjo, the author of My Command, a book which was almost torn to shreds by speaker after speaker at the presentation. Some had thought that Chief Obasanjo, for who he is, could spring a surprise by making it to the book presentation even if not invited. But that seemed only remotely possible, given the fireworks that had occurred between him and General Alabi-Isama after the latter had granted an interview to this paper in which he referred to Obasanjo as a ‘blundering general’. Of course, characteristically, Chief Obasanjo fired back; but the harm had been done because the interview had started to put doubts in the minds of many right-thinking Nigerians about some of the claims made by Obasanjo in ‘his command’ before the day of reckoning, which was last Thursday, came.

    Ordinarily, history should be as straightforward as a simple arithmetic or mathematics, especially when, like either, it is not raised to power anything. But ours is a country where people want to place history, including the very ones that we witnessed, upside down. It should be expected in a country where poverty is pervasive and people are ready to do anything for money, especially dirty money. Yes, it is possible, as human beings, to make mistakes in the process of recording some historical accounts, either because of the time lag or because of other reasons. But we must be able to differentiate mistakes of the heart from mistakes of the head. Like when a handshake is going below the elbow, presenting falsehood as gospel truth (which is what Alabi-Isama, General Akinrinade and others at the book presentation accused Obasanjo of), is reprehensible. Although General Obasanjo was literally in the dock on Thursday, he was conspicuously absent to defend himself. But it is good for Nigerians to have this pluralism of accounts on a major event as the country’s Civil War.

    However, the occasion was not just about the stiffness usually associated with book launch. In spite of the seriousness of the issues raised, there were also moments to remember in the lighter mood. For instance, if you thought it was only in the days of the Roman Empire that women (the so-called weaker sex) had serious grip over men, (the so-called stronger sex), you are mistaken; as it was then, so it is even now. Our own General Danjuma revealed that much when he said it was his wife who persuaded him to be at the book presentation. He said, as usual with most well-to-do Nigerians, this time of the year is when they usually travel out and he would have been out of the country, but for his wife who prevailed on him to personally grace the occasion. For people with dirty minds that might still be wondering what is happening, what madam used on ‘oga’ is ‘woman power’; this is quite different from ‘bottom power’. And, in case you are still in the woods, it is women that are outside that use ‘bottom power’, but when used from within, that is ‘woman power’! I used to think such things won’t work on a general as tough as the Danjuma of whom our coup stories sing. For those who were attentive at the book launch, they would also have heard from the horse’s mouth that even in the war front, ‘body no be wood’! As it is in peace times, so it is also in war situations.

    But there were very serious matters that the occasion also brought to the front burner of discourse. The occasion reminded Nigerians about how their money is being wasted to train military officers at home and abroad, only to retire them in their prime. Perhaps those so retired are even lucky because many of their colleagues were killed in or for participating in one coup d’état or the other. General Alabi-Isama was one of those retired prematurely. But, as he was lamenting his own untimely retirement at age 39, General Gowon reminded him that he was not alone, and that Alabi-Isama was much lucky as he (Isama) was only retired but in his (Gowon’s) case, it was double jeopardy. Gowon said he was not only retired prematurely, he ‘was also shoved aside’.

    Perhaps the most touching of the side attractions at the book presentation is the utter neglect that those who had served this country are suffering. The author brought to the event Pa Michael Taiwo Akinkunmi, the man who designed the Nigerian flag. Almost everyone present felt guilty that such a man could be neglected in old age and wondered what sort of country ours is where we leave our true heroes to rot in obscurity while celebrating nonentities. Imagine a man like General Benjamin Adekunle (the ‘Black Scorpion’ as he is fondly called), one of those celebrated in the book. He is bed-ridden and there is little to show that the government is doing enough to get him to live a normal life again.

    This was a man who fought gallantly during the Civil War to preserve the country. If we treat our heroes like this, how do we expect the younger generation to believe in the country? How do we tell them that it pays for them to lay down their lives for the Fatherland? How do we convince them not to dip their hands into the public till when in service, in order to provide for the rainy day when there will be no one to remember them? Well, we can still make amends concerning Adekunle and Pa Akinkunmi and many others who are still alive. Many of their colleagues have died, unsung.

    There is a lot more to say within the about three hours that the event lasted. Suffice it to say that the Civil War, an account of which Alabi-Isama has just given, ended on January 15, 1970, some 43 years ago. Have we learnt any lessons? Speakers at the book presentation do not think so. And I agree with them. That, for me, is the real tragedy of victory.

  • ‘The civil war settled nothing’

    ‘The civil war settled nothing’

    General Alani Akinrinade (rtd), in this interview with Editorial Board Chairman SAM OMATSEYE, FEMI MACAULAY and OLAKUNLE ABIMBOLA speaks on the Nigerian Civil War, Alabi Isama’s book and other issues.

    Are you acquainted with the book by Alabi Isama?

    Yes; when he first wrote a draft or what I call perhaps a draft. It was in three volumes, big volumes and then he gave them to me to read. His first idea was that I should get it into a printable form. But I looked at it and told him that it would be the work of professionals. They know how to put it together. As far as I was concerned, there was so much tautology in it. One issue was brought out three times. It looked like the book of an angry man. The professionals would really sit down, look at it, get the facts out correctly and make it readable. But I had no problem with the facts, figures and things which he put in the book. It was just the presentation that I had reservations about. But that was many months, or maybe two years ago.

    General Alabi Isama said in his book that Obasanjo, in his My Command, misread the 3rd Marine Commando battle tactics at Onne for the entrapment of your troops, when it was indeed a decoy. Would you like to corroborate Osama’s claim?

    Yes, it was for me, in military terms, a tragedy – a tragedy in the sense that we lost more men and some equipment in the process which ought not to happen. But there were issues which led to that tragedy. I suspect that if anyone wants to be fair, he would now lay out all those issues and then weigh them against what the result was. But Obasanjo did not. Like I told Alabi, if you read Obasanjo’s book, you would be nauseated to the point of vomiting. But when he insisted that he wanted to read it, I got him two copies, not just one, if he really wanted to make himself unhappy.

    Obasanjo himself was not party to all those issues. He was in Ibadan at that time. It was (Benjamin) Adekunle who was in charge of 3 Marine Commando and the GOC. I was commanding Bonny, and we had an operational plan. I had been to see the divisional commander. I was not part of his division. The 15th division I commanded was an independent brigade; and we reported straight back to Lagos. But for the purpose of continuing operation in the riverine areas, the main objective was to capture Port Harcourt. We were very near, but we couldn’t get there by ourselves. So, if the Third Division was going into Port Harcourt, we had a very major role which we could play to secure Bonny channel, to make sure there was no interference; and also, if it was possible, stage enemy diversion from Third Division troops. That was the whole purpose. I had been to Calabar. We sat down in Adekunle’s headquarters. We all agreed to it. Then when the Third Division troops got to Opobo, I took a boat and found my way to Opobo to reconfirm that that operation was still on. Now when they left Opobo to cross the Imo river (the idea was if they were crossing the Imo river, a very substantial river because it went towards the Niger Delta estuary, and they were using pontoons to cross, since there was no bridge), it was necessary for us in Bonny to stage some operations to divert enemy attention from them, so that they could safely cross. That was what we didn’t do in Onitsha; and that was why we lost maybe up to 2000 to 3000 (soldiers). In Bonny we had what you call a brigade but I didn’t have more than 1,500 men, even though we called it a brigade. It was out of that small group that I had to take out maybe about maybe 500 men to go and do the operation. It was strictly an assault landing, in which case we had nobody on the other side. All we needed to do was to take boats and get into Onne. The village was just a few kilometers to the main road that led to Port Harcourt. So if we succeeded in getting to Onne and move out of Onne, we would have cut off everybody by the river crossing. That was the whole idea. We were supposed to be supported by artillery from those who are crossing; we were supposed to be supported by a little bit of air power. But what happened was that because they started crossing late, everything was concentrated on Bonny, so we didn’t get any support at all. Then secondly Lagos, who promised to send me a few equipment before the date, failed to do so. Col. Femi Oluleye was rear commander in Lagos. We landed in Onne all right, but instead of being there for say 24 hours, and the Third Marine Commando troops joining us, they never did. Even though Adekunle assured me that they had started to cross, they never did. So by the time we got to Onne, there was no help coming from anywhere. So we had to move out of Onne and go to Bonny again. It was in that process that we must have lost, maybe about 200 men. That was what happened. So when Obasanjo put what he didn’t understand in his book, I was just laughing because he didn’t know what happened there; and I think you don’t go around making comedy out of a very terrible tragedy. For me, 10 soldiers lost in an operation was a tragedy: what are you doing as an officer? What is your plan? What are you thinking about? So…

    (Cut in) That means without your operation there, Third Marine would not have been able to enter Port Harcourt?

    That’s right. But what Obasanjo didn’t say was that when the crossing now started, we repeated the operation and this time, we succeeded. But that first one was premature, absolutely premature and I take responsibility because it was stupid. I was their commander. Whether the GOC did or didn’t do his part, for me, was immaterial. Men are put under your charge as commander and I was responsible for them. We lost about 200.

    There was this guy Azuatalam, a Biafran officer – what was the story? It was said the guy was very brave and that and you fought him for five hours before finally capturing him?

    Yes it was Makanjola’s front, God bless his soul. It was my brigade but Makanjuola was the battalion commander in the area. When that skirmish was over, what really interested me about Azuatalam was that he wasn’t the commander there, he was one of the officers we captured when the operation was over. When finally he got to my headquarters and I looked at him, he was such a nice little boy and he was not really a soldier at such – I mean, not a trained soldier but he had secondary school certificate. He was a smart boy: he worked with me for about two or three weeks. So, I persuaded Adekunle: why don’t we send him to cadet school so he could really become a proper officer? Adekunle agreed and we talked to Gen. Gowon and we sent him to Lagos, and they sent him to Sandhurst and he became an officer. He’s in Port Harcourt now.

    He is still a soldier?

    I was a bit disappointed on that score. By the time he made captain, I think I was a general then, the next thing I knew was that he had left the army. He left as captain. So, I looked for him in Port Harcourt, I got him, he told me he wasn’t getting real satisfaction out of the job. He thereafter became a marine fellow, repairing boats and things like that.

    But it looks like you don’t want to talk about your own exploits in the place; the five hours that Alabi Isama talked about when you chased after him, he said he ran out of bullet, nd you ran out of bullets but you had to go get him?

    Yes, but you know when you have a unit you give them work to do. Unfortunately, the civil war was not the conventional war taught in school, where the commander sits at the back and he gives order; and expects his lieutenants to carry out the operations. Unfortunately you had to wake up at five o clock in the morning to make sure, even though your officers were there at the frontline, to get them to start the operation. You had to hang around in the evening to make sure that the operation was carried out. That was how 3rd marine commando worked throughout the operation and that’s why Alabi, even though he was chief of staff, for a long time was always at the front. You would do most of your writing works at night and this same night you travel round to join your troops at the front to make sure that the operation went well, otherwise nothing might happen. So I was there. It was normal. It happened every day. You got out there, you got surprises, you had to adjust yourself and get on with it.

    Yes, another fault: there again, we made another big blunder because we wanted to get to Uli Ihiala at all cost, so we thought if we got to Owerri, we could follow the Orashi river right up to Owerri lake, land on the other side – that is Oguta; and then come out. I think less than five kilometers from Oguta was the main road that links Owerri, Ihiala, Nnewi. So, if you came out of that road, the war was as good as over.

    That was Pincer 2 strategy?

    Yes, that was short cut. But then we sent Makanjuola there and he landed. He spent about two/three days there but unfortunately all the reinforcement that was supposed to come to Owerri, to now push a little bit to divide the front properly, never happened. So, the rebels concentrated on Makanjuola and they pushed him back to Oguta Lake. There were quite a number of small tragedies that happened during the war. But in this case we didn’t lose too many troops because we were smart enough to get out in time.

    You must have been very trusting sir, the Azuatalam guy was a Biafran officer. He could have been a traitor. To have converted him from Biafra to Nigerian army, was that not a big risk?

    Maybe. But I think at that stage of the war, we had come to the point where a lot of the so-called rebel officers-Biafran officers, even their men, seemed to think that whenever they were captured, that the war was over for them. That the loyalty they were talking about and the fervent Biafran thing about everybody singing the anthem and this and that didn’t go beyond when things are comfortable…..That’s my impression right from when I was in Second Division, to the operations in the Midwest. That was my impression. Each time you captured anyone and you treated him well, he forgot about the Biafran thing.

    Isama himself talked about Third Marine Commando; that Boro was the one training them; that when they got there, he trained them and at first he was sleeping with one eye open. But he discovered that the people were not a threat, after which he relaxed.

    My first encounter with riverine area was when I was abruptly posted to Bonny to go and take over the place but I did. I had three officers who I can never really forget. The first one was called Amangala George. He was a school principal, he had a master’s degree, he was my adjutant, I inherited him there. He was not a soldier but he was very intelligent

    He was Biafran?

    No! I think he is from Yenogoa. I am talking about the people who came from the riverine areas and then we had not captured Port Harcourt but we had Bonny so it was Bonny now that I met this George, he was my adjutant. Not a soldier but a make-shift soldier, he would just put on uniform and we started teaching him the regimen of how to fight. But he was a good administrator. He administered my headquarters. The other one was Yanayo , he was also a school teacher and the third one was Nottingham Dick. If you remember, Nottingham Dick was one of the persons sentenced with Boro. So, you can see these were people who had been involved, in one way or the other, in the liberation of the riverine areas. It was not really as articulated as it is today, as the area has now been carved into Rivers, Bayelsa, Delta, Cross River and Akwa Ibom states. Back then, it was Kalabari, Ndoni, Andoni, Ijaw, the pure riverine areas. That’s what Boro stood for but Port Harcourt, of course, used to be their headquarters. So, I met these three people there and I learnt a lot from them. First I had never done any canoeing or boating but in Bonny, there was no way of surviving for an officer. There was no way you could go looking at your troops without you really being able to use a canoe or to use a pontoon; and there was nothing worse than asking people to do things which you could not do yourself. So, I had to learn how to use a canoe, how to use a speed boat, things like that. So those were the things we learnt from people like Boro. Unfortunately, he went to Okrika and he got killed there. Many people got killed but that of Boro was significant because of what he stood for. But what Boro stood for we have refused to address till tomorrow. But if we don’t address these issues, Nigeria is not going to go very far.

    Could you substantiate a bit on that sir?

    Well, Boro formed what he called Niger Delta Volunteer Force and he was saying they didn’t want anybody to come and mine their oil and all that. Later on they gave it a name. They called it resource control. Some people later still called it restructuring of the system. That’s what Boro stood for. He decided that the only way to get attention was to go around molesting the oil companies and the rest of these insiders, he didn’t make it habitable for foreigners who were digging oil in the place. Well, he died during the war. The whole thing died down after the war because you had to do reconstruction, things like that. But there was a resurgence of it, championed by Saro-Wiwa (Kenule). Again, he approached it from a very sophisticated intellectual angle. But Instead of listening to him, they hanged him. They organized some people to lie and do whatever was needed to get rid of him. Now the third phase of it is the militant agitation involving Asari-Dokubo and co. What did we do? We gave them amnesty, we make them into tin gods and empower them. They are all billionaires now. But we haven’t solved the problem because tomorrow it is going to come back to us again. A new generation of them will come up, rebels with a cause. You cannot get rid of such a rebel unless you remove his cause. You are always going to get supporters for it until we go to the riverine areas and really set the place right.

    When I was in Bonny around 1967-68, if you could paddle a canoe and you got a basket and you went on the Bonny River, you could catch Cray fish, if they taught you a little bit about this thing. You could go to Okrika, at low water, and catch periwinkle –a basketful of it. All those things have disappeared and we are saying that the people don’t have a reason? Well I’m sorry for them. All they do now is to want to hold the presidency, which the Yoruba held for eight years and were worse off for it. When they hold it for eight years, they would also be worse off for it. So really it is either we sit down and really resolve this problem in the interest of everybody, not just in their own interest but in the interest of everybody. Let’s recognize the problems that we have in the country.

    That was one lesson I learnt during the war – Lesson because I could see in practical terms how they live in the riverine areas. Those of us who say they are very lazy people don’t even know that sometimes they go out for a whole week in the water catching fish, going from fishing pond to fishing pond and now when they come back to the village and they are sitting down in the morning to drink kaikai and all that, then you’ll say these people are just drunkards. But look, that is their lives. That is the dictation of living inside the creeks and bog where they live. Unless you sit and study, understand these issues, you won’t understand the problems; and you would understand even less the people.

    The question of people threatening us that they have kept their arms in the creeks and whenever we don’t do their bidding they are going to go back into the creeks, I take seriously. You know Boko Haram, and all that. So, let’s go to the root of these issues. I thought it was a privilege for me to have served in Bonny and in that riverine area, to go round meeting the people, seeing the villages and the way people lived, the conditions in which the people lived and what is their livelihood. I know we took 90 percent of their livelihood out of them. So if we get the oil, give them the money and let them go and organize themselves.

    I want to ask a question that may seem philosophical. I can take the difference in perspectives in civil war literature. What I can’t understand is the difference in facts in the narratives. Who is to be believed and why, in view of the distortions here and there?

    But you also know that even in the Acts of the Apostles, the disciples went with Jesus, all of them were supposed to be present but when they wrote, their versions were different, here and there: language, expressions, perceptions and interpretations. That’s why we have so many; Mark, Luke; and everybody wrote his own. I think that is one. But you will find that the facts are very close. In the case of the war, I expected that would happen. However, if you can’t correctly interpret whatever happened, you could at least narrate things as they happened. In that wise, those who were physically present there would have a much better account of what really happened.

    Isama was present there, Obasanjo was present there. Yet you find Isama coming out with counter points to Obasanjo’s own version?

    Yes, I think if Obasanjo had concerned himself strictly with the short time that he was in 3rd Marine Command and told factually what he saw, maybe his book would not have been so nauseating. But he didn’t. He embellished it. If you were not party to things, you don’t talk about them. If you are told about these things, you can verify them before putting them down in a book. I don’t think Obasanjo took enough pains to really find out about things, all in the process of trying to justify his stand or position. Why was Obasanjo the only general officer commanding present there at the formal signing of documents ending the war? How can he justify that? Was he the only person that fought the war? I don’t know why Nigerians didn’t ask questions: are you the only one who fought the war? He couldn’t get the other GOCs to be part of the formal surrender: of the First Division, Second Division, those who did it before and those who succeeded them and even Adekunle that Obasanjo succeeded. Why wasn’t Adekunle present there? These are issues which Nigerians ought to have asked; are you the only one that fought the war?

    You were not even there when the war ended, you were sitting in Port Harcourt. The matter had been settled in Owerri ever before you showed up. Achuza is still alive today and people can ask him. That made people like Alabi angry about Obasanjo’s claims. That’s why I said when I saw the draft, I told him it is a book by an angry man. Don’t destroy a very good book because you are also angry that somebody had done it in a very derogatory and incorrect way. So, that was why I thought somebody should edit the book. I only got a final copy of the book yesterday (July 7) when I visited him; and even then I have not been able to read him to see exactly how much the original copy has been altered. But I suspect he got some very good people to tinker with it.

    He suggested in the book that actually you were the person instrumental to the final surrender push. You were the one they really surrendered to. Would you want to tell us the last seconds of the war?

    Yes, I was the chief operation officer for Obasanjo and then like I said, at least in the Third Marine, when you order an operation, it is better for at least the chief operations officer, from headquarters, to be there when the execution takes place. So, in the last two days of the war, I had to move myself to Owerri. As soon as we got back to Owerri, I decided to stay there so that we could continue the operation. In the night, one of the officers came and woke me up and said that some rebels were looking for the GOC. They brought them to me. Their leader introduced himself and said that …

    Do you remember his name sir?

    Achuzia. We call him Air Raid. He wasn’t my friend anyway because he killed my friend in Port Harcourt. So, we talked…

    What friend did he kill in Port Harcourt?

    Halliday, the owner of Silver Valley.

    He wasn’t a soldier?

    No he was just a business man. He shot him in the front of his children and his wife. Till today one of his daughters never recovered from that trauma. She’s in America today. So Achuzia said he needed to get a message to the GOC. I explained to him that I wasn’t the GOC, I was only the operation officer for the division. However, my GOC was in Port Harcourt; and that I was prepared to do anything to minimize the carnage going on, if the talk was surrender. I said okay. It was 5 o’ clock that morning and we were supposed to start the final push; but that I had enough authority to stop it. But how was I sure his side would keep to the arrangement such that after we lost the momentum, we would not go back to fighting again? So I said, let’s go and see Effiong. Where is Effiong? I asked. He said he was in Amichi. How far away was Amichi? He said about a few minutes drive. So about 5: 30 in the morning, we left our own headquarters, I followed him. My brigade commander, Ola Oni, said he was going with me but I said no way! I told him, if in two hours you don’t see me or you don’t hear from me just start the operation, don’t worry about where I am, it doesn’t matter. So I took another young officer to follow me so we got to the vehicle and I noticed that as morning was coming, people were not interested in the war anymore. The Biafran soldiers sat down beside the road like refugees. Nobody had guns. Even for those that still had uniforms, you could see that for them, the war was over. Then, Achuzia made a request: just in case anything happened to us, he wanted us to visit his wife – can I call on my wife just to tell her that I’m okay because when I was coming here she said they were going to kill me? I said okay , why not? So we went to his house, in a small village. He had a very nice place and I said you people said you were fighting a war; and yet you can keep a bungalow like this in this place! So, we joked about it so he brought a brandy bottle and we poured libation and we drank and I assured the wife, a European, white lady, that the war was over.

    So we now drove to Amichi. Getting there, the time was now like 6: 45-7 in the morning and people were already anxious to find out what had happened to Achuzia. As we came out of the vehicle, among those who trooped out were three of my classmates: Ben Gbulie, Iheadigbo, Nwakwe! Then, some of my juniors were there too. So, I forgot what we came to do there, and were laughing and busy back-slapping, saying we were all so stupid to have allowed this thing to go on for this long,

    So where is Effiong, I asked. They said he was upstairs. We went upstairs and I met General Effiong. We were very close at the Army Headquarters before. Then he said something of an honourable surrender and all that. But I told him I didn’t care whatever he called it. All I knew was that the war was over; and they didn’t have one chance in hell of negotiating anything. If I were you, I told him, I would just give up and let everybody go home. So, we just argued about that a little bit and that was that. I told him I would have to take proper instruction from my GOC, since I had sent him a signal that I was leaving Owerri, to check some stories about rebel surrender. So, Obasanjo left Port Harcourt for Owerri. I came back around 11: 30 am, since we had spent so much time drinking and pouring libation. Shortly after, Obasanjo arrived and I briefed him and he said he wanted to see Effiong. So, he did. We then drafted a speech and agreed that Effiong should go to the radio station nearby to read the speech, saying the war was over; and that everybody should stop shooting. That was it.

    Thereafter, we agreed everybody should come to Port Harcourt, en route to Lagos. But as Obasanjo and the former rebel officers were leaving Port Harcourt for Lagos, I called our rear commander, then Lt. Col then, Emmanuel Abisoye. I told Emmanuel that these people were coming to Lagos; and that he should get accommodation for the visiting party and also get all the other divisional commanders. The idea was that the former rebels, the Nigerian divisional commanders and Obasanjo would go to Dodan Barracks for the formal surrender ceremonies. But it never happened that way. Abisoye arranged the accommodation. But the rebel officers never showed up. Obasanjo had lodged them in another place. When Abisoye eventually met Obasanjo, he told him he should alert and bring the other divisional officers to the surrender ceremony. But I blamed Abisoye, telling him he should have told Gen. Gowon. Anyway, Obasanjo didn’t call anyone and Abisoye was the only one who followed him.

    I think Obasanjo has a very acute sense of history and I think he was dying to be something someone had never been before and do something nobody had done before, not just in the military but also during his presidency. So, I think that was what motivated him and that is the reason people like Mohammed Shuwa, people like Murtala Muhammad, people like Ibrahim Haruna and Benjamin Adekunle never showed up at that armistice. So, he took all those photographs and then put them in his book. I thought that was very uncharitable.

    Was there any reaction by these excluded commanders?

    Nobody bothered. They were not like Obasanjo, all those people. These were just soldiers. I don’t think they were thinking of history or whatever. Their attitude was: let’s just get this job done and get on with it.

    We also learnt that from Isama’s book; he said that there was this long trip that George Innih took to Arochukwu, while you were getting the surrender?

    Yes, George was supposed to join us a day before because we had finished all the operations in the sector. He was supposed to bring most of his brigade to come and join us in Owerri, so together we could do the final push to Uli Ihiala …

    So Innih’s was on an Israelite’s journey?

    By the time he eventually came back, the battle was over.

    Isama also said in his book that Obasanjo was clueless about where you were at the surrender, and that he was looking for you, moving from one place to the other?

    Yes but we finally met in Owerri and I took him back to see Effiong.

    Interestingly sir, it was you I think who suggested Obasanjo to Gowon as GOC to succeed Adekunle?

    Yes, but those were very sad stories!

    Isama described Obasanjo as clueless and lacking depth. I just wonder: if you had seen Obasanjo in that light, would you have made the recommendation to Gowon?

    Those of us in Third Marine Commando knew we couldn’t post any officer to the division, who was not strictly southern, a Yoruba for instance, and expect him to succeed in the place. The way the place was structured, the people who either volunteered or were posted to serve there were mainly from the Yoruba West. So there is something about trust and you know this, and the third division needed very high handed discipline because of the terrain where we were, the people amongst whom we were operating. You cannot afford to upset them as such and you cannot operate in a place where you are tearing down the town. We had to keep the population ….and therefore we needed someone who understood what it was all about. Now if the idea, what happened in 1966 during the coup was anything to go by, it was a bit difficult for a northerner to operate in the southern part and get the trust of everybody. It was difficult. Murtala tried it and he did very well but when you look at the make-up of his divisions, they were mainly westerners.

    So you are confirming too that, as I asked Isama, that this war was actually inspired by the Hausa Fulani but the brain and the execution was by the Yorubas?

    Yes, really because they took part in some of the operations. If we had gone by what was happening in the northern sector and the rest of them, that war could have lasted like 10 years. It was the southerners who really injected some form of impetus into the war. There was this talk about in the present South-South, the Niger Delta. The people were friendly; they were supporters of federal government. But if you antagonized them, you wouldn’t get anywhere. Also, many of these people were also victims of the pogrom in the North. That was why I suggested Obasanjo to Gowon.

    The problem with Adekunle was that he was a very tired man. He had done well but he was tired. The law of diminishing returns had set in and he was getting a little bit irrational. Only yesterday (June 30) Isama gave me a book written by Adekunle’s son, one of his sons. I had never seen it before. But just going through, I now realized Adekunle had written in letters to Gowon, about all sorts of things; and in those letters he had insinuated that people were talking about him trying to take over the government and this and that. All these didn’t occur to me but I thought these were illusions. People must have been telling him: that he was the black scorpion, that he was bullet-proof and this and that; and all that was beginning to get into his head. We at the front we were beginning to see irrational behaviours and I said you can’t enforce, and I start taking orders that I know patently did not make sense. People started getting killed and that’s why I left 3rd division. I just came to Lagos and said look, if you people don’t have control over your GOC, I have no reason to serve under him. I left 3rd Marine and I came back to Lagos.

    The Obasanjo thing, I’m still curious. Apart from ethnicity which you said was important, what attributes did you see?

    The Nigerian Army was short of officers as at that time, we didn’t have too many choices anywhere. In any case, none of us had been to any war front apart from Congo. I just believed then that first of all, you couldn’t bring a northern officer to 3rd Commando as the GOC, it’s not going to work. Then, Obasanjo had been to Staff College or something. So, he had enough to recommend him to do a job that Adekunle was leaving. I think he had enough qualifications. He was an engineer officer. He wasn’t an engineer but he was posted to the engineering corps and there he learnt a lot on the job. He was also rear commander of Second Division in Ibadan. So, there was no reason he shouldn’t take over the Third Division from Adekunle. I was thinking in terms of writing him a confidential report or anything like that. He was my senior, anyway . We were just talking about possible replacements: there was Wole Rotimi there, there was Oluleye; there were very few anyway

    And Abisoye?

    Abisoye was already commanding the rear of 3rd Commando.

    There was this claim by General Isama that Adekunle indeed tried to kill both of you. Could you shed more light on that?

    Adekunle, when he was tired and became a bit irrational and started taking decisions, difficult to understand in military terms and refusing discussions, refusing what we thought was legitimate and reasonable advise, we just thought we had had enough. And then Alabi talked about the final situations, and two of us sat down and wrote a battle plan, which we submitted to him for discussion and eventual approval. But instead of discussing the plan, Adekunle wrote a scrap of paper: “Tactics Lesson 101. When am I expecting more tutorials?” So I said wait, this man has gone bunkers, so we had to leave. But as we went back to our headquarters, his provost officer came and told us that the GOC was going call a meeting and would ambush us and get us killed. But I told him Adekunle won’t do a thing like that. But he said sir, I know what I am talking about. So I said okay, what do we do? So I just decided: why should I serve under a man who will organize to get me killed – for what? So, I decided to get out of there. So, we commandeered ammunition and went back to Lagos. That’s why I’m not interested in writing my war memoirs. I think there are too many dirty things …

    How did the army high command take that? Was that some sort of desertion or what?

    (Laughs) I think most of the officers in the front were really getting out of their elements. I think we were all getting crazy a little bit in some ways. For me, I just felt I didn’t want anything from anybody, anymore. I didn’t start the war, am I supposed to finishe it? So, why should I do things that I don’t want to do? I admit: It was a question you should never ask in any army but everyone was getting crazy as the war was taking its toll. So, I just disappeared. I just went to Takwa Bay, took a small chalet, and started living there.

    Just like that?

    Yes! So that’s why I said I think we had all gone crazy. I was living in Takwa Bay until finally they found out that I was there. Gowon wanted to see me and I went to see him. At the meeting, it was on an evening, everyone was there: Gowon, Baba (Akinwale) Wey (Rear Admiral, chief of staff, Supreme Headquarters), David Ejoor (chief of Army staff), Hassan Usman Katsina, Adegbola (Police DIG)and others. But from the setting, it was far from a war meeting. It was more of an administrative one which, at war time, seemed rather amusing. I told them Adekunle had gone crazy; and that I didn’t want anything to do with him again. But Gen. Gowon insisted I should go back to 3rd Marine Commando to which I rather angrily retorted that I didn’t start the war. It was in the heat of this discussion that I suggested: “why don’t you send Obasanjo there?”, when it was clear Adekunle would be recalled. By then, a lot of things were happening in 3rd Marine Commando, reverses that suggested Adekunle was tired. So, he was recalled and Obasanjo replaced him. But when Obasanjo got to 3rd Marine, he found the division was not such an easy place. He needed some officers to assist him. It was then he insisted that the only way he would stay as GOC was if Isama and myself came back. That was how both of us went back.

    The reverses of Owerri led to the dusting up of Pincer 2. Obasanjo was apparently not aware of it until you radioed him that surrender had come. What was Pincer 2 all about?

    It wasn’t anything complicated. We had suggested it to Adekunle before but he said it was Tactics Lesson 1. So of course, the thing died a natural death. But we had the documents and we knew the situation in that sector of the war. We needed to capture three cities for the war to end: Owerri, Aba and Umuahia (OAU). Incidentally, there was some Organisation of African Unity (OAU) thing; and Adekunle decided we needed to do something dramatic before the OAU event, evidently inspired by the similarity in the OAU abbreviation. We now launched a frontal attack on Owerri, from which we lost too many men. Though we got close, we could not capture the town. So, to plan these three operations we were able to seal one: the Aba one. We were able to seal from Aba to Umuahia but we couldn’t seal the Owerri one and we were already in Aba, so he wanted us to now go up to, at least, Owerri.

    So sir if it were to be today, it would have already been okay, with Aba and Umuahia meaning AU?

    AU yes, so we said no you couldn’t do that, he said no, we have to. Then we had a young brigade commander who was going to be responsible for the operation. So I had been able to see him and I had told him that the operation was not on. So he took Edet?, I said this thing is not on but he was a much younger officer than I was. So when we now got to the other group, I didn’t say anything. All he himself could say was, ‘yes sir, yes sir’. So, the Owerri battle was settled. But we didn’t have enough troops. We could manage what we had and get to Owerri. But we couldn’t hold the town. Adekunle said don’t worry: by the time we get to Owerri, he would have got enough reinforcement from Lagos. But I insisted we should get reinforcement first before starting the assault. When my protest became too much, Adekunle said what was my concern – after all, Edet, not I, was the brigade commander! Edet, of course, could not say no, for he was a much junior officer. So I told Adekunle: “Sir, tomorrow by five o clock, I will personally be there and we will get into Owerri. Since you said we can hold it, it’s your responsibility, not mine. He said yes, why not? That was how we went into Owerri. We got there but as I feared, we could not hold it. I was even surprised that we lasted that long in the town. There was also the Umuahia tactics debate before the action was aborted. Because of my strong reservations about Adekunle’s preferred tactics, one of my classmates, Shande, came to tell me and Alabi that the GOC called him a coward. He felt bad.

    For a soldier that was …

    He was my classmate, we went to school together. But Shande got killed in the Owerri assault, a death that was probably avoidable. There were quite a number of tragic stories. They ought not to have happened. After putting all of these together, I decided this man had gone crazy. That was why Alabi and I left.

    How would you grade Obasanjo and Adekunle because you worked with both of them?

    Adekunle did a much difficult and much better job. Obasanjo simply took over Third Division after they had gone all the way from Calabar, all the way to the northern point of Obubra, all these areas in the present day Cross River, Akwa Ibom and Rivers states. The war, in all those places, were over. 3rd Marine were already in Igbo land. What Adekunle should have done was to change tactics a little bit, be less ambitious about what we were doing, and to know that we needed to commit more troops in a place where the people were not our supporters. In the riverine areas, we got a lot of support from people. They showed us the creeks, it was a very complicated place to operate in. That was why when Asari Dokubo decided that he was going to get nasty, I told people you won’t be able to stop them, if they have arms. They don’t have to be very smart, they live there. But you don’t live there. Your soldiers can’t live 24 hours on water in a canoe and eat there and sleep there and fight from there.

    Making comparisons: Isama called Obasanjo bossy and Adekunle listening?

    At the beginning, Adekunle had enough honesty. In every war, you change command, you change people but we didn’t have that luxury in the Nigerian Army. The Nigerian Army didn’t have the luxury of, say, moving three officers out and replacing them with fresh ones. That affected people like Adekunle. Also, I didn’t know who was playing politics with him because until I now read some of the papers now published, as letters he was writing to Lagos, people accusing him that he had ambition of becoming the head of state or anything. At that point, he did not want to listen to anyone, any more. His brusque rejection of our proposed operational order, which he dismissed as Tactics Lesson 101, was high-handed. We should have argued it. That was what he used to do. But now, he was changed, as he appeared to know everything. And it was bound to be disaster after disaster. That was why a new GOC had to take over.

    Losing Owerri and moving troops back gradually towards Elele was a bad time for the GOC. By that time he had disorganized his headquarters. He came back from Lagos one day and said he was accused that his whole division was Yoruba. He said so. So, he reshuffled his key men: me, Isama, Ayo Ariyo and now put relatively junior officers, who could not face these top men in charge of sectors, just to prove his division was not exclusive Yoruba territory! Whatever he was thinking, I had no idea. But the new operational officers could not give instructions or challenge the actions of these more senior officers in the front. That led to more reverses and confusion.

    General Gowon, what sort of commander-in-chief was he?

    I think he was too nice for a soldier.

    Too nice?

    Too nice, in the sense that he is a very polished person. I can say that because I grew up under his tutelage. So, I know him from his bedroom, to the office, to everywhere. He was too understanding sometimes, and it is very difficult to extract a yes or no answer from Gowon. That is his nature: “I mean, honestly, you boys…honestly, well…honestly.” It’s very difficult to get him to say yes or no! Very difficult!

    So how come he lasted that long as head of state if he was vacillating?

    For most of his time the army was busy. We got into the war, we fought almost three years out of his tenure. Thereafter, we resettled and there was this big problem. I think the army was too preoccupied with itself: you know we had lost many officers, too many. We had wounded soldiers all over the place, so nobody had time to address the issue of governance until about 74, four years after the war, when people started turning attention to governance, and agitation in the army started that they wanted back all the officers for military duties. All the military governors were senior to me – very good officers. We wanted all of them back in the Army. In any case, what were they doing there?

    Then the story would come: two governors were travelling to this event; then they went to Kontagora. They went to the Keffi Guest House, and they were told there were no drinks except champagne. And they said, okay, we would manage it! (general laughter). These people were just enjoying themselves and we in the army were just running around. So, we wanted them to come back and help. Why don’t they get civilians to be governors in place of these officers sorely needed in the military. That agitation culminated in the coup that removed Gowon.

    I don’t know if anybody had written about it, but about four months before the coup that ousted Gowon, there had been big commotions at Army Headquarters. Gen. David Ejoor, our army chief of staff, was told to go to Dodan Barracks and tell them off, insisting that officers holding political positions must return to the army. But Ejoor could not do it. So, we called a meeting of all senior officers in the commander-in-chief’s office, that’s what happened. We got all the senior officers, we went to Dodan barracks and we had a meeting with Gowon and we gave him an ultimatum to announce a definite exit date by the military? That was when Gowon started losing grip. There and then. Our chief of staff (Ejoor) couldn’t do it. This was how we started losing grip. Gowon was not a very forceful person. I think he leaves you as a senior officer to make your own decision. But you can’t do that, as commander-in-chief.

    I had this debate with Isama and he wouldn’t go that far and I said from his own account of the war, the GOCs were just doing what they wanted and there was no overarching strategy which would say this is where you have gone, stop and so on. For instance, Shuwa was just moving from village to village, he seems to have no plan and then there was the instance of Gowon (and you were there) asking Muritala not to cross the Asaba bridge but he still did and nothing happened?

    That’s why I said he seems to leave you finally to do what you like but you don’t do that as a commander, you take responsibility for what would have happened. Therefore, you have the last say. You can debate, you can discuss but the last thing you are going to do, is what you are going to do. I heard, the moment we got to Asaba, Murtala said we were crossing the bridge. I told him wait a minute, you know I have stomach ulcer. Before we leave Midwest and go to the other side there, I’m going to get to Lagos and see my doctor and collect enough medicine from him before coming. So, he said okay. I could go for five days.

    Now the argument that preceded that was that there was no way we were going to cross. And we made suggestions as to what we should try to plan and see whether it was possible but we thought it was possible to move out of Asaba, leave maybe half a brigade because we didn’t need more than that because the bridge had been broken anyway. The bridge was still intact as at that time but we had intelligence report that it had been mined. So we asked that we could go to Idah, it didn’t matter, we could do it leisurely, even if we had one ferry. We could do it over one month and get our troops across to the other side and then divide the sector into two. We take the right hand one, which would end up in Onitsha ; and Shuwa could keep going to Umuahia. My GOC said, are you really suggesting that I should go and share boundary with that renegade?

    Who is that ?

    Shuwa. They were classmates at Sandhurst; they were my seniors. I spent only one term with them because they were passing out when we got there. I said if you can’t share boundary with Shuwa, who else are you going to share boundary with? He said no don’t give me that, we are going to cross this bridge. I drove back to Lagos and I went straight to Dodan barracks. Gowon was so happy to see me and he said well-done boys. I said but there was trouble. He said what? I said my GOC wants to cross the Niger into Onitsha. I told Gowon we would never get there, since the bridge had been mined. Gowon said, don’t worry, we would stop him. I had spent like three days; then went to Abeokuta to spend one night there with Olu Bajowa, because he had a training depot. So, I went to see what was going on there, to talk about the kind of people they were sending to us. I told him I thought it would be better if we had the permission to extend the training for about one month, since people being sent to the front hardly knew the difference between the gun’s barrel and its butt. I said these people are just coming to die.

    After the night, I drove back to Asaba and I had with me Ike Nwachukwu. The reason was simple: I couldn’t leave him anywhere. He was operation officer but I couldn’t leave him. I didn’t trust that I would find him when I came back. They could probably kill him because he was Igbo. So, every time where I went, I said let’s go. I took him to Lagos, we came back. By the time we came back, the operation had been carried out and the disaster had happened. So, we came to a salvage operation. That same morning we arrived, they had landed at Onitsha and trouble had broken out and they had pushed them back. By the time we arrived in the afternoon, we just met stranglers, fleeing for life. That was the first operation.

    But he insisted we had to repeat the operation. I said well, there are two conditions: you know my brigade, we have served you so well. Virtually we fought 95 percent of the Midwest all the way from Okene to Benin, from Abudu to Asaba. We have three brigades; one had gone and come back. Talk to the other brigade, let him go and do it. I give you one condition if you are able to secure a proper base there, I promise you I will cross the sea with you and that day we will get to Nnewi. The day we cross, we will get to Nnewi before sun down that’s the only thing I can promise. He agreed.

    In the meantime, I added, I wanted to take my brigade back to Iluche. I wanted not just to rest but to do some training, to do some recapping for my officers, and I’d got enough trucks to take them, since you couldn’t train or do anything in Asaba, and I didn’t want my men sitting down idle in the trenches. He agreed. But I asked him about the equipment for the second crossing, so that I could use them in my battalion’s training, cross from Iluche to the other side, and see how adequate they were. But the equipment was so ragged there was no way we could do what we planned. I would get into trouble because the river had so much heavy current, so you needed some powerful boats, which we didn’t have.

    Then the next thing he said Daramola had agreed to do the second operation. I said okay; I had agreed to follow him if he could secure the bridge. That was the agreement. I got my tools ready to follow him just in case, you never know there might be some surprise success. But again, there was defeat, tragedy and confusion. Indeed, one of Daramola’s officers, Bassey Inyang, a signal officer who still had his riffle with him, came out of the canoe that brought him from the front to the bank at Asaba. Bassey, how was it? I asked. Sir, he replied, they were shooting at us! I laughed: you were expecting roses? Even then, he (Murtala) thought of doing the crossing the third time.

    The third time?

    Yes, the third time. But we debated and debated until he abandoned the idea.

    So I came back to Lagos and I said I wasn’t going to serve in Second Division anymore. I told them that despite my alert, they could not stop Murtala from his disastrous crossing. He did it two times and each time we lost officers, good officers. I told them I didn’t want to return to the division.

    Gowon didn’t stop him?

    He didn’t.

     

  • Obasanjo missed chance to develop Nigeria, says Alabi-Isama

    Obasanjo missed chance to develop Nigeria, says Alabi-Isama

    Nigeria would have been fully democratised had former President Olusegun Obasanjo not squandered the opportunity to bequeath a good constitution and political system for the country, Brig.-Gen. Godwin Alabi-Isama (rtd) has said.

    The civil war veteran said Obasanjo left a legacy of insecurity and an ineffective policing system for the country he ruled as a military Head of State and civilian president.

    Alabi-Isama spoke yesterday on Lagos-based Television Continental (TVC) monitored by The Nation.

    The topic of the day on the two-hour programme was: Do We Need a New Book on the Nigerian Civil War? It reviewed Alabi-Isama’s book on the civil war, titled: Tragedy of Victory: On-the-Spot Account of Nigerian Civil War.

    The programme was anchored by veteran broadcaster Yori Folarin.

    Contrary to the belief among some politicians that Obasanjo did his best to keep the nation united, Alabi-Isama said the former President’s tenure in a civilian government was a “monumental tragedy”.

    The retired soldier said the former President lacked the wherewithal to make the changes needed to put Nigeria on a progressive track.

    He said: “That is left for the entire country and some politicians to say that, that man (Obasanjo) did very well. I don’t believe he did very well because he had the destiny, the opportunity to make this country great by putting the best constitution in place, by putting the best politics in place and by repairing the police and justice system, which would have brought peace. If there is peace, there will be growth and people will be happy. But these things were not there when Obasanjo left.”

    The civil war veteran also dismissed the notion that Obasanjo’s efforts led to the end of the 30-month war.

    Alabi-Isama said the battle had been won by Nigerian troops commanded by Gen. Benjamin Adekunle before Obasanjo left his base to receive the instrument of surrender from the Biafran forces.

    “People normally condemn what somebody else has done and that is what he (Obasanjo) did when we were fighting the war. For six months, he condemned what Adekunle had done and he didn’t put anything in place. (Gen. Alani) Akinrinade got annoyed, called his officers and finished the war in 23 days, instead of the 30 days we had planned. So, he called Obasanjo and told him: Oga mo ti pari ogun (Sir, I have won the war); awon olote (enemies) have surrendered to me’. And then, Obasanjo was trying to go there (to receive Biafra’s instrument of surrender), but he could not find the place; he got lost.”

    Alabi-Isama, who described the seceding Biafran soldiers as the best in the Nigerian Army, said one of the events that signalled the end of the civil war was when the Igbo in one of the captured cities discovered that Nigerian soldiers were friendly against the propaganda of Biafran soldiers that they would rape and kill their women.

    He said: “The propaganda the Biafran side sold to Igbo people was that we would rape their women and kill civilians. But when they realised that we were feeding people, Gen. Adekunle carrying babies and we were looking after them, the whole town came back and they deserted Biafra. That was the beginning of the end of Biafra.”

    The retired soldier urged Nigerians not to dwell in the past so that they do not lose sight of the future by making same mistakes again.

    Alabi-Isama also debunked late Prof Chinua Achebe’s claims in his last book: There Was a Country. He said the book contains only what the late author was told and learnt.

    “I don’t want a revolt but to tell Nigerians the truth they deserve to know because I was an active participant.

    “Though it was 40 years ago, I remember every tiny detail vividly. I was there and saw it all. We moved and advanced from state to state on foot. I was there on the war front from the beginning till the end.

    “When we captured Biafran soldiers, we retained them and equipped them. They did very well and because they found us friendly, nobody killed anybody. They were not looking for slogans but security. So, it was not everyone in Biafra that believed in Biafra.

    “I am not carnivorous. But we soldiers fed on the flesh of human carcasses on the ground. With that, we were able to feed ourselves and other natives and drank palm wine. Those who starved were those who left their homes. Those in Uyo, the Akwa Ibom State capital, who stayed back home gave us garri, cow and other foods.”

    He added that the war would not have lasted as long as it did but for some of the decisions Obasanjo took when he assumed duty as the Marine Commander.

    The Tragedy of Victory will be launched on Thursday at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), Victoria Island, Lagos. The over 600-page book contains 450 pictures and 35 war maps.

     

  • Alabi-Isama’s memoir: War by other means

    When all is said and done, it would appear that the Nigeria- Biafra War did not end on January 15, 1970, after all. Contrary to formal history, the conflict, ignited on July 6, 1967, merely took on new forms and dimensions, following other courses, employing   different weapons, and redefined by changing perspectives. It is 43 years after the internecine warfare was deemed over, but fresh wounds are still visible, and the fighting fields are as active as ever. The combatants are still busy, plotting, calculating, and thinking strategy, their vision fixed on the conquest of foes.

    This reality is, by deduction, the motivation for the title of a captivating new book on the war by Brigadier-General Godwin Alabi-Isama, paradoxically called The Tragedy of Victory. The 670-page tome loaded with about 500 pictures and maps, promoted as an on-the-spot narrative of  combat in the fiery Atlantic theatre, is the latest and, perhaps, the most comprehensive account of the civil war so far, particularly from the federal side.

    “We’re back to status quo, which is a complete tragedy,” Alabi- Isama told a team of journalists from The Nation, comprising Sam Omatseye, chairman of its Editorial Board, and two members, Steve Osuji and yours truly. The context was an interview in a book-filled room at the headquarters of Spectrum Books in Ibadan, Oyo State.  It was afternoon, and the 73-year-old author, an animated conversationalist, spoke as if shooting at targets, with an impressive presence of mind and precision of expression. On the fundamental question as to the accuracy of his historical work, he said, “I have 450 pictures in the place. I am talking about facts and figures.” The beauty of his book, he emphasized, was its pictorial fidelity.  ”That’s it. That’s all. Otherwise it would be my words versus his words,” he said of the authoritative value of the photos, while positioning the book as a counter –narrative to an earlier account of the war by another major participant on the federal side, speaking of the 1980 book My Command by General Olusegun Obasanjo.

    Still on the potency of photos, one remarkable individual who was at the war front in a soft capacity also experienced the interview with Alabi-Isama. There was a small group of observers in the room, and this unobtrusive man was eventually introduced as the war photographer whose lenses captured the violent drama of those unforgettable years. He was 69-year-old Bolomope Amusa, who said, “Photography is the best method of keeping permanent record.” Not only Alabi-Isama owes this man an incalculable debt, the world is indebted to him as well for his visual documentation of the war. The documentarian’s skill produced an amazing range of pictures that covered various faces of war. Although one individual was not in that room, her spirit hovered. She was Alabi-Isama’s mother, who somehow kept the pictorial treasures, perhaps waiting for this day when her son would need them to tell his own story.

    Indeed, Alabi-Isama’s war memoir seeks not only to contradict Obasanjo’s; its ultimate ambition is to rubbish the latter as well. This is a fascinating combat, to speak in martial terms, for both soldiers belonged to the legendary Third Marine Commandos (3MCDO), with then Lt. Col.  Alabi-Isama as Chief of Staff and then Colonel Obasanjo as Commander, having replaced the famous “Black Scorpion,” then Col Benjamin Adekunle, ahead of the surrender of rebellious Biafra. It is an irony of history that both men are shooting from conflicting sides about a war in which they were participants in the same camp.  “I’m detribalized, so my thinking is clear,” Alabi-Isama told the interviewers. Apart from the fact that he had a Christian father from the Niger Delta and a Muslim mother from Ilorin, Kwara State, his reference to ethnicity was inevitable, for it was the nub of the escalation of hostilities that lasted three years. However, although the guns stopped booming in a physical sense, the martial metaphor remains. Interestingly, but sadly, the country is still in a state of war, still torn by the ethnic idea, still held captive by tribal imagination. This noticeable frozenness, of course, has consequences. The intense ethnicization of the space of political power, with the centrifugal results threatening the country’s soul, remains the bane of the polity.

    This tragic trajectory informed Alabi-Isama’s perspective that the war merely gave a Pyrrhic victory.  His position: It neither improved “our humanity” nor enhanced “our unity”.  True, the pervasive material poverty, the concentration on self, the expansion of the personal to the detriment of the collective, the continuing assault on uniting cords, even the cynical faithlessness regarding  the possibility of convergence in diversity, these are current expressions of  the apparent  failure of the Nigerian Dream.

    “You know those who really lost in this war?” Alabi-Isama asked. He supplied an answer, saying, “The children who witnessed the killing of their parents. Their psyche was marred for life.”  In this way, he captured the evil of the time. He recalled words that rekindled the war, such as, “pogrom and counter-pogrom”, “genocide”, “blockade”, “starvation”, “war strategy”, “war reporting and sensationalism”.  He also spoke of fascinating afflictions of war, the “tiredness” and “madness” that affected the combatants.

    To properly situate Alabi-Isama’s role in the war, it is noteworthy that at the outbreak of hostilities, he was at age 27, according to his book, a troop commander until August 1967, and guarded the Niger Bridge at the Asaba end, before his transfer to the 3MCDO at the Calabar front. He led the attack with three brigades from Calabar to liberate Odukpani, Ikot-Okpora, Iwuru, Akunakuna, Itigidi, Ediba, Ugep, Obubra, Afikpo, Oban, Ekang and closed the international border against Biafra at Nssakpa. He also led the 3CMCDO troops from Calabar in April 1968 to capture Creek Town, Itu, Uyo, Ikot-Ekpene, Oron, Eket, Opobo, Abak, Etinan, Bori-Ogoni, Akwette, Afam, Aletu-Eleme, Elelenwa, Okrika and Port Harcourt in May 1968.

    His war experience as a tactician and strategist, the highpoint of a military career that spanned 1960 to 1977, forms a major part of the book. His early life also takes some space, with the poignant loss of his father when he was just four years old and the filial bonding with his mother being of particular significance in his story. He actually joined the army as Abdurahman Alabi, taking his mother’s family name, and by age 37 his military career was over, on account of retirement allegedly occasioned by a clash with the establishment.

    The Nigeria Project remained dear to his heart, he told the interviewers, adding that he was already looking beyond his first book which will be launched on July 18 at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), Lagos.   He leaked the title of his sequel: “Nigeria-Biafra: A family at war.”

     

    • Macaulay is on the editorial board of The Nation

  • How Murtala’s error caused death  of 1,500 federal troops in a day – Alabi-Isama in memoirs

    How Murtala’s error caused death of 1,500 federal troops in a day – Alabi-Isama in memoirs

    We continue today Brig. General Godwin Alabi-Isama’s explosive interview on his yet-to-be-released civil war memoirs, The Tragedy of Victory: On the Spot Account of the Nigeria-Biafra War in the Atlantic Theatre:
    The interview was conducted by SAM OMATSEYE, STEVE OSUJI and FEMI MACAULAY.

    I don’t think you have sufficiently addressed the question of why the war lasted that long?

    It lasted that long because Biafrans themselves did not just give up, it was their tactics and strategies that were wrong and they believed they were doing well. The amount of ammunition and weapons with which they went to the Mid-West could have been used in defending Biafra. In this case, the Biafrans put in a lot of efforts but when they recaptured Ikot Ekpene or they recaptured Owerri, they should have started negotiation from position of strength. Alright, Nigeria, if you want us together, this is what we must do and then you negotiate. You don’t get what you deserve, you get what you negotiate. And the war dragged on.

    Now, One Division, I can’t say much about One Division when I was there towards 1969, for instance, they captured Enugu in July or so, they didn’t capture the next place until after six months. They took their time, they were ready, it was Adekunle that was going every time we were running, the troops were tired but because they saw me with them, Adekunle himself was not tired. Adekunle was in Lagos making sure we got all these logistics; that was more important than even the advance. And then, there was Farinde and he would say, okay, troops you carry on, let me go look for ammunition. So what made the war to last those three years was because Biafrans were not pushovers; they were the best trained of the Nigerian Army. Before the war, the West had 10 officers; Hausa had eight officers; East had 37 officers, well decorated officers. It was because we did well in the Congo that they made General Aguiyi-Ironsi the commander of the United Nations’ troops.

    But the tactics of war had changed. The war lasted because the Biafrans themselves were not a push over. And it ended in Marine Commando section because we were able to identify their centre of gravity. One Division went to Nsukka, Okigwe, Orlu, Umuahia, you don’t need those places. For instance, the Biafrans captured Owerri. When they did that, they were happy, they started moving troops from Umuahia everywhere to go and defend Owerri. As soon as you move troops away, this place is empty. So we look for the gap and went through the gap and the centre of gravity was there in Uli at Ihiala. They were defending Owerri, we didn’t need Owerri. But Obasanjo made the blunder at Ohoba and 1,000 troops died in one hour. I never had that type of casualty.

    What were the blunders on the federal side?

    The first blunder of the federal side was that they did not defend the Mid-West. As a matter of fact, we didn’t have the troops. You know when this war started, Biafra started talking about no power in black Africa would defeat Biafra, everybody should come home and with that, everybody was ready and the morale high.

    That’s exactly what things were. The blunder on the federal side, apart from the fact that they did not defend the Mid-West properly, was because General Gowon took it easy. If we can only go and capture Ojukwu at Enugu, the war should be over, Gowon thought. He was wrong. The Biafrans were more determined than that and then the Mid-West was over. Because in that Mid-West, Akinrinade warned Murtala, ‘We cannot cross (the River Niger bridge) from here, this tactic is wrong’, but he (Murtala) was the commander. He would be responsible for whatever happened. Akinrinade in protest left the place. He walked away; in the meantime, they had jailed me somewhere.

    So Murtala decided he was going to cross, he did, all the troops died. Nobody asked questions.

    About how many?

    You would be talking about more than a 1,500; that’s a brigade.

    They were just falling into water?

    What else would have happened? You were in a canoe and the canoe capsized; even if you can swim, the bullets are coming. They shouldn’t have crossed from there; after all, we crossed Opobo river.

    Could it not have been that the unforeseen happened. Sometimes even with the best of strategy, things can go awry?

    Give me an example.

    You are the general (laughter). Because as they were crossing the bridge, look at the Biafrans there, you said he should cross the bridge to go and fight and they were there with their bullets?

    Let me tell you what we were trained to do in the military school. You are there, I am here. This is the river. That is the most dangerous operation of the military because just throw stones and the canoe would capsize. We had no landing craft. 500 canoes, the pictures are in the book. The unforeseen is more important in the military than what you can see. What are the unforeseen? You will sit down there and debate with your officers and men. Your troops must know enough, but not too much so that when he’s captured, he won’t go and reveal everything.

    On the federal side, on the Marine Commando side, one of the blunders of the war, Obasanjo arrived on 16th of May, 1969, we had captured everywhere. We needed only 30 days to tidy it up and when he arrived, the first thing he wanted to do was to pay salaries. We told him, ‘Oga, we are not in the barracks. If you pay the salaries of these troops; we had 8,000 troops of the Nigeria Army before the war. Now, we have built it up to about a quarter of a million: the cooks, the stewards, the never-do-wells, area boys, the drop outs, we recruited everybody and many of them were the breadwinners of their families. They had children going to schools, they were not in the barracks, they had wives that would pay rent. They had aged parents and in Nigeria, we don’t have social security; we are our brothers’ keeper. With your salary, you know how many family members you feed every month. By extension you know that if you are paid so much, sisters would come, brothers would come, that’s what was happening.

    And we said, if you pay salaries there in the war front and the man didn’t die for six months, his salary is in his pockets, he dies on the last day, who takes the salary? But he was bent on doing it, it’s there in the book. As if that was not enough, he said he was going to call Central Bank to the war fronts when he wrote in his book that they were at Igrita, about 50 miles from Port Harcourt; which banker would come with his tie to the war front?

    What was his own logic for wanting to pay salaries?

    He didn’t mean any harm!

    Did he think you were finagling with the money?

    No!

    Why did he have to take over and pay at the war front?

    He didn’t mean harm. It was the level of his IQ on the subject. What he said was that he was taught as a cadet to look after his troops, to give them rest area. Biafrans are 40 miles away from you and you want to have a rest area? They would roast him, but he was never there. Once there was firing, he would say, ‘I’m going to Lagos, I want to see the head of state. I want to go and brief him’. There is a story in his book here, he went to an enclave where they were fighting, he went to inspect troops and there was fighting there. And he said, ‘Alright, you people, continue the firing. I would go and bring you ammunition’. Gen. Paton, go bring ammunition for who, are you kidding? Those were what happened and as I said, he wanted to help.

    It is interesting to me that in another interview, you called Obasanjo clueless…

    (Cuts in) actually I missed that today.

    ..and incompetent?

    (Cuts in) would use that right now.

    And then you said that Akinrinade actually suggested him to Gowon and that Gowon did not know who he was…

    No! Gowon would not know…

    That Gowon did not know enough of him?

    No, he knew enough of him. He just said, ‘The man is an engineer; he would tell you he’s an engineer. Akinrinade and Alabi, you go and talk to him at Ibadan, see whether you can convince him go to the war front’. This was when Adekunle was removed.

    I wonder why Akinrinade would suggest a clueless person?

    How would Akinrinade know that he was clueless until he was given a task? I’ll give you an example, when I was younger at school because I did a lot of sports, I was very popular. I would come in the morning and everybody would say Gordon Jean, that was my nickname in school and of course, I was riding high but then, they didn’t want any noise in the school, so the principal made me the monitor. So let me now see who would make noise, you can’t call me Gordon Jean, I was the monitor. You see, unless they give you an assignment, unless they give you an opportunity, how will I know that you couldn’t, until when I see your report and …?

    But even then, let me concede to you that until you fail the test, you may not be able to give a proper account of yourself but there must have been some elements of value that Akinrinade saw in him?

    There had never been war in the country! You may be walking smartly in the barracks, you may be the person that speaks well at a conference or you may be the person that people will say, ‘That man seems to know what he is talking about’. Until we tell you Oga, come and lead us. Did he do well as head of state, of this country? You people have been writing in the papers. Did he do well as president of the country?

    One point I have been pondering is that he was your commander, he was your senior. In the Army do you call your seniors clueless?

    No! I’m not in the Army now and am calling him so.

    But a general remains a general?

    Laye!

    If he comes in now, won’t you salute him?

    I will not!

    I thought that was military tradition?

    That’s not military tradition, are you saying you would be going now and they would close the road for three hours? Keeping billions of dollars in reserve and he hasn’t tarred the road? There is no electricity. It’s like a father who has N15. He has two children at school, the first school fees is N20, the second school fees is N20, you need N40 and he says I have N15 in reserve. He’s an idiot. What are you talking about? He would come here and I would say aaaah oga mi, how you dey sir?

    You mentioned the issue of the second blunder of the federal troops at Asaba. Then the one of 3rd Marine under Adekunle; then under Obasanjo?

    No, with Adekunle, I didn’t see any of our blunders.

    In the book, you mentioned it that Adekunle also wanted attack on Aba and Owerri, it was under him that Shande died, it was under him that Fashola died and Haman died at Owerri and it caused a lot of disaffection in the ranks, especially amongst those who came from the Middle Belt?

    When Shande died, it was then that we realised that we had more Middle Belters than even the Hausa or Yoruba.

    Then what of the mistake of the One Division, is it because of (cuts in ) what you are implying is that they didn’t need to have gone to so many places?

    No!

    They didn’t need to have killed so many Igbo on the run?

    Yes

    So in other words, there was recklessness on the part of Shuwa?

    You used that word, I wasn’t there (on the scene with him).

    Because all they needed to do after capturing Enugu was to track their way to get Uli?

    No! Uli Ihiala was not there then. Uli Ihiala was only there after we captured Port Harcourt. And with the ingenuity of the Biafrans, within a month or so they had built another airport at Uli, Ihiala.

    How was Uli Ihiala the centre of gravity. Is it because of the airport? Is that the only reason?

    Okay, that’s a good point. If we had captured all the ports. We had Bonny, we had Koko, we had Calabar, we had captured all that in order to keep the blockade. We were to block them from receiving supplies of ammunition and all that. Well, One Division had captured the airport at Enugu, we had captured the airport at Calabar. And now, their supply route was by air because we blocked the seas. So Port Harcourt was the place. We captured Port Harcourt. Having captured Port Harcourt, what else? You expect that they would surrender. But they now went and built Uga and Uli airports and planes were flying there. Two airports at the same time; ingenious! Uga in Anambra State and Uli Ihiala in Imo State of today which was the main one receiving all the main aircraft, it was just a road. They just widened the road and it worked.

    I have a friend called Buzebonzo who was flying for Nigeria and flying for Biafra as well and Buze would say one day, I would like to go to Uli Ihiala with my family to show how ingenious these Nigerians are and the ingenuity of the Igbo. But do you know that Obasanjo bulldozed the Uli airport? He said we don’t want to be reminded of the civil war. But Biafrans, of course, or let me use the word Igbo now gathered their things together and now they opened a war museum.

    Still on this issue of One Division, One Division ought to have done what? Because we see that they were just capturing Biafran territories but it didn’t seem that they had focus?

    It is the strategy that caused the tactic they applied. They were not thinking of the centre of gravity. If you capture every Igbo town, would it be okay? When they got to Nsukka, there was nobody in town. When they got to Enugu, there was nobody in town. Let me tell you, when I got to Enugu in 1969, I brought people back into Enugu. I have pictures; it’s going to be in my second book. I did something: I told my orderlies to go and capture any women they could find. Even if she was born today, go capture am if na woman. And they brought these people crying. I had arranged food, I had arranged drinks, to give to the women from Nsukka side. Then I said alright o, all of you if you want to eat, you eat before I come. If I come and una no eat I will pack the whole thing away o but make una eat. I ate my own and before I came back they stopped crying and ate up all the food.

    By Wednesday the following week, they sent a message to me saying, Oga, don’t come and capture us again o. If you want us to come to party, then we are ready, we will even bring our sisters. They came, people were getting comfortable. Then Geraldo Pino was on the bandstand, he was the leading band in Nigeria then. I brought him from Lagos to play and the whole town was parked full. And then another organisation in Enugu brought Jimmy Cliff, that was how Enugu came back and people started coming to town. In Marine Commando side, we opened schools. For the first time, they did school certificate in 1967.

    (Cut in) In Enugu?

    No, they couldn’t do all that in Enugu and other division area but in Marine Commando, we opened schools and when they were talking about raping and no raping, we had girls’ schools; even their fathers could not go and visit them, only the mothers could go. In Port Harcourt, we had Stella Maris, we had girls’ schools. We looked after these children.

    What you are saying essentially is that if there were these discontinuities in the various divisions, it shows that Gowon was a hopeless commander?

    No, what we are saying, I think you are looking for a headline for your paper (laughter).The point is One Division had their own strategies. You see, it was good that Gowon gave authority to the field commanders. He did not interfere. You remember, for those of you who read this military history when Hitler started interfering with commanders he found that they were not good enough he took over the command himself.

    But he took over the command himself in a way he did not think with the rest of his generals?

    Well, that’s what happens if you take over command. Definitely there would be friction.

    I’m not saying that Gowon should have taken over the command in a dictatorial way; Gowon should have worked out a comprehensive and integrated strategy because what you are telling me is that there was no integrated strategy. In fact, your own integrated strategy came from your own pincers 1, 2 and 3?

    I agree, you’ve read my book. The thing was, Gowon gave each commander their objectives; go and capture so so place. When next you want to go, go and report. We didn’t have what was called a core headquarters; core headquarters means one division, two division, three division and I am the commander here, commander-in-chief to command who tells you where to go and how to go and we didn’t do that. In the Nigerian Army, during that time, I’m telling you nobody thought the war would escalate to what it was.

    Remember, it was Biafra that first had a plane. They came to bomb the Casino in Yaba, the most populous area in Lagos at the time. And then we captured that plane at Port Harcourt. Nigeria was not ready for it and what did we do? We went and bought planes, we too started bombing. I mean, they were killing you in the North? You were bombing Lagos, kin ti e tije? (What is your own?) What I’m saying again is that we needed a core headquarters to be able to control them but Gowon didn’t want to do that. What he did was to give each one his powers, his administrative and logistic support. Say here is what we want, we need to capture Ojukwu. Ojukwu moved from Enugu to Umuahia, they chased him. I didn’t need that and Adekunle agreed with me that we should look for the centre of gravity.

    In other words, you agree with me?

    I didn’t agree with you, I’m saying that rather than being told what to do, they left them with the initiative. I didn’t like that.

    About the command structure; listening to you and reading your interview, I get the impression that you perhaps felt that your superiors were necessarily bound to listen to your advice based on some presumptuousness of some supposed expertise. I didn’t really get that. You came across as somebody who knew too much and that when he spoke, even his superiors should listen?

    You see, in the military we have what is called O’group- other groups. You are artillery, you are armoured, you are engineer, I am commander. You give me your input. The final decision is mine. What I did was to give input and with that input, if you say no, you are the commander. Like Murtala said no and people died.

    You tied certain failures to their (Adekunle, Obasanjo’s) rejection of your own positions?

    Don’t let us pay the salaries of these boys in the war front and he said no.… he wrote it here (in his book, My Command); look it’s written here. When he said, ‘Oh let us look for a rest area’. Oga, we are from Obubra, Obubra to Port Harcourt, that’s about 1,000 kilometers. Will they bring their troops to the rest areas where you have commanded? Oga, each unit would have their stress recess areas and they would handle it on their own. It’s like telling me to centralise the cooking for 35,000 people. That would be long. And so I got units of 10 people cooking their own food, it was more manageable. And when we said, look, if you insist on paying, we are going to have money everywhere, including the pockets of dead soldiers. And then, he said no, we can arrange it in such a way that the soldiers will keep their money with their officers. Okay if you kept your money with this officer, about 35,000 kept their money with this officer and the officer died, what happens to this money? And there are certain things that are done not because the military said so, but because it’s just not right.

    You emerge as someone who is more brilliant than your superiors?

    That’s not the right thing. Will you say General Paton was more brilliant than General Eisenhower or that McCarthur was not brilliant? No! But when they talk about tactics some people are more gifted. That’s what it means, people are different. That’s why you have cook, you have stewards; that’s why you have lawyers, you have engineers. It’s division of labour.

    Because I told my boss, Oga please don’t let us do it this way, because the last time I did it that way, this was what happened. Obasanjo did not have any war experience; he never commanded the battalion; he never commanded the brigade then. He was saddled with a division and we had been in the war front for about two and the half years before he came. I know what it is when I look at my soldier and he is unhappy, ah John what happened now? And he would say, Oga I never chop o. Ehen, ok, make we go look for chop. That’s different. And you will see Adekunle would pump up soldiers and their morale would be high. We were together in it. When you start giving orders to the man who had not eaten, he would think; who be this man? He no look like Adekunle o, then you begin to see that their morale is low.

    But General, it comes down to what you were trying to point out about sending someone who never commanded anything to the war fronts. Were there no other commanders left, to go the war front?

    The Yoruba had only 10 officers; the Igbo had only 37. I became a chief of staff at 27. Don’t you see that there is a problem in there and it is not done but it happened. And so who will you call? The senior ones on the federal side were already deployed. Danjuma and Adamu were with Shuwa; Akinrinade and I were with Adekunle. We were coursemates with Adamu; what Adamu and Danjuma were to Shuwa , was what I was to Akinrinade and Adekunle.

    From what I read in the book, it looks like the Igbo were on one side, the war was inspired by the Hausa but it was actually won by the Yoruba?

    Well, inspired by the Hausa and won by the Yoruba, well I agree with that because the first coup killed Hausa. They killed Ademulegun, they killed (Tafawa) Balewa, they killed the feudal system the people were dependent on and that made them vicious, it made the Hausa vicious. I will give myself as an example of this feudal system. My mother was an Ilorin woman, my father was from Delta. I never spoke the language, only my mother spoke the language. I was four years old when my father died. My mother could not keep me in the village; she had to go to her parents. My name was Godwin, you want to carry a Godwin to Ilorin? You’re kidding. So my mother’s senior brother had just died; they named me Abdulrahman, the name just stuck. Son of the soil, Abduralman. Their family name was Alabi, I was Alabi. I joined the Army as Abdulraman Alabi. The man, every morning, afternoon, dinner, he would give us money to go buy food and we would buy food, that’s Alabi. When the man died, I’m not saying that we didn’t eat well, we didn’t eat at all. We didn’t know how to get food. The older ones amongst us became armed robbers or something; I also became a beggar. I would carry little pan, we would sit down outside there, you would be crying or somebody would toss you one naira. In those days, it was shillings and pennies, they put in your little pan and in most cases with me, I loved sugar cane, I would just go and buy sugarcane and I would eat until my lips would burn. When Alabi died, the whole family died.

    What happened therefore was that in the feudal system, they had no job, they depended on the elder, the elder told them what to do and they did and he fed them. So when there is an election and he says alright go vote for the dog, everybody will go vote for the dog. Now you had killed the Hausa leaders and even if it was to arrest Zik (Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe), Akanu Ibiam, Michael Okpara, just pick them all and put them under house arrest. People would have at least been consoled to some extent because after that coup, everybody said these people were heroes, some groups said they were villains.

    But Ironsi rather than arrest these people even if it’s only for a day, he did not do that. He then jailed the coup plotters, which confirmed that they were villains rather than heroes. I wrote that in the book. Just as we still have even today, if there is a riot in the North, the first people to die are the Igbo. They sell kerosene, they sell television sets, they sell computers, they sell all the good things. It was the same in those days, they sold the building materials, all the attractive items, television, they sold them, cars, they sold them, bicycles, they sold them. And now, you kill our leaders who were giving us food and you are the ones that have the goods? Then we would rather kill you. And how can we

  • Gen. Alabi-Isama’s Biafara

    Gen. Alabi-Isama’s Biafara

    Biafra is dead, long live Biafra! This is the feeling on gets upon reading General Godwin Alabi-Isama’s recent interviews and upcoming book, The Tragedy of Victory. I have the rare privilege of interviewing the ebullient retired general and skimming through a review copy of his civil war memoir, to be presented to the public in Lagos on July 18 at the NIIA, Victoria Island. The Tragedy, according to Alabi-Isama, is the on-the-spot account of the Nigeria-Biafra war as prosecuted in the Atlantic theatre that is, the seas and rivers front of the war. He was involved with the 3Marine Commando (3MCDO) as Chief of Staff of the command and serving under such illustrious commanders as Brigadier Benjamin Adekunle, Generals Alani Akinrinade and Olusegun Obasanjo.

    Alabi-Isama’s is a 670-page tome with the unique feature of containing hundreds of photographs taken during the war. It must represent one of the most captivating accounts of the Nigerian conflict coming from someone who was only a 27-year-old who played a major role in such a historic moment of a nation’s life. Here are some points to note:

    DEBUNKING OBASANJO: Before Alabi-Isama’s book, the only other book telling the war story from the federal government point of view is My command, written by General Olusegun Obasanjo. According to Alabi-Isama, his numerous war photographs and the need to put the lie to My Command prompted him to pen his account. He thinks Obasanjo’s book is an exercise in self-glorification, vain, misleading and full of lies. He never minced words in saying it. Page by page, he punched holes into Obasanjo’s book pointing out the inaccuracies, over-claims and outright lies. In his opinion, Obasanjo was cowardly, of low IQ and obdurate to boot especially in comparison with the other commanders he had served.

    A particular narrative in the book (page 409) is of how Obasanjo took over the command of the 3MCDO from Adekunle on May 16, 1969 just a few months to the end of the war tends to sum it all up. It is sub-titled: “Obasanjo’s first battle experience – a fiasco: Briefing over, Col. Obasanjo was ready to go as commander of 3MCDO, but his very first move was a disaster. In complete disregard to our advice, he planned an attack from the same problematic Sector 1 under Lt. Col.Godwin Ally. The target was again Ohoba, a town about 40 kilometres south of Owerri where Adekunle’s conventional war tactics had resulted in heavy casualties earlier on. Obasanjo did exactly what Adekunle had done by reinforcing failure. The pity of this failure, however, was that Obasanjo himself was not there at the war front to experience the tragedy. He ordered Lt. Col. Godwin Ally to counter-attack. He saw them advance, but turned back and travelled to his HQ in Port Harcourt, a distance of about 240 kilometres away. Obasanjo had no operational HQ in the field which we call command post in the army. He had no map of the operation, there was no intelligence report as to the strength of the enemy and their reinforcement capability, or how far behind their reserves were. He just thought that the troops would simply get up and capture the place. The atmosphere everywhere was abysmal…”

    A FEDERAL STORY: Beyond demystifying Obasanjo’s image as the great general and war hero who ended the conflict, the book is also largely a story about the federal side of the war. It offers us a rich detail of command structures, positions, operational strategies, tactics and a fresh insight on how the then head of state, General Yakubu Gowon prosecuted the 30-month war. More than any other book on the Biafran war, The Tragedy regales us with interesting details of battles, encounters, skirmishes, environments and even the atmospherics of war. The book is dotted with numerous juicy tidbits that will be of interest to Nigerians, young and old. It is indeed the account of an officer who was truly in the thick of it from the beginning to the end particularly in the marine sector. And with the benefit of hindsight, he is able to point out some of the blunders made in prosecuting the war from both sides.

    COMMANDO WOMEN, CANNIBALISM AND PARTIES GALORE: The beauty of Alabi-Isama’s book is that the author has numerous photographs to corroborate his story. When he talks about commando Women, there are pictures showing the likes of Mrs Florence Ita-Giwa, Ndi Okereke-Onyiuke, Margeret Ekpo and Cecelia Ekpenyong, to name a few in the thick of war ‘actions’. They were called 3MCDO ladies and were engaged in various odd duties including ‘intelligence’, cooking, party girls and whatever other uses soldiers put beautiful women in war zones to. And talking about parties, the book records so many scenes of dancing and frolicking one would wonder whether the Nigerian men in the war zones missed anything. Indeed, the impression is that war is ‘sweet’.

    There are other stories of cannibalism, ‘drinking’ garri with urine, a snake (perhaps an anaconda) swallowing a soldier and the troop thinking it to be witchcraft, etc.

    NDIGBO, THE POGROM, THEN AND NOW: Alabi-Isama admitted that yes, Igbo were slaughtered and that their may have been a pogrom but he rationalizes it to be the result of the killing of other tribe’s leaders in the first coup. He thinks that in a feudal system that the north was, when the leaders who won the bread are killed there is no telling the consequences. He admitted that in pre-war Nigeria, Igbo dominated everything – the civil service, trade and commerce as well as the armed forces and to have killed the leaders of the other tribes in a coup was unbearable for the feudal populace of the north. Though he did not state it so directly, his narrative shows that there was clearly Igbo envy at that period and the coup was only a needed excuse to seek to decimate and even terminate Ndigbo.

    The Tragedy is indeed a rich and refreshing angle in the Biafran story which every Nigerian must read but there will be a lot of questions he may be called upon to answer on the ‘Igbo question’.

  • Blundering General: Obasanjo replies Alabi-Isama

    Blundering General: Obasanjo replies Alabi-Isama

    Former President Olusegun Obasanjo yesterday fired back at another civil war hero, Brig.-Gen. Godwin Alabi-Isama.

    Gen. Alabi-Isama in an interview in The Nation on Sunday to promote his memoir, described Obasanjo as a blundering General in his review of Obasanjo’s role during the civil war.

    At yesterday’s Afe Babalola event, Obasanjo said: “Some people call me General of blunders. If I commit a blunder and successfully ended the civil war that is good. If I commit a blunder and I monitored transition from military to civil rule, if I commit a blunder and after 20 years and spending three years in prison, I was persuaded to come and contest the election, great blunder. Spending eight years as Nigeria’s President is another great blunder.”

    But Gen. Alabi-Isama said in a telephone interview last night: “Obasanjo missed the point again. I am not a politician. The politicians in the country will judge his stewardship. I am just a military personnel. It is unnecessary to twist the story.

    “The story in my book is on the spot account of my stewardship as a Chief of Staff of the Third Marine Commando and Sector Commander.

    “I am saying that his blunders include running away from the enemy and he was shot in the bottom. He lost over a thousand men in one hour of battle.”

  • Obasanjo was a blundering general –Alabi-Isama

    Obasanjo was a blundering general –Alabi-Isama

    Wars end but the memories last forever. This is the object lesson to be gleaned from a new war memoir, The Tragedy of Victory, by Brigadier-General Godwin Alabi-Isama. This is an on-the-spot-account of the Nigeria-Biafra war as fought from the Atlantic front. Alabi-Isama, then a colonel, was the chief of staff of the 3rd Marine Commando Division (3MCDO) of the Nigeria Army which was led at various times by Generals Benjamin Adekunle, Alani Akinrinade and Olusegun Obasanjo. Only 27, energetic and full of derring-do, Alabi-Isama was the tactician, footman and engine room of the 3MCDO which was pivotal to the eventual conquest of Biafra in 1970.
    The Tragedy of Victory is significant and different from previous books on the same subject for numerous reasons. First, it is the first major account of the war from a foot soldier. It is a 670-page tome with over 300 war photographs which will be presented to the public in Lagos, July 18. Coming 43 years after the end of the war, it is expected to have taken into account and corrected the mistakes and misconceptions in earlier books especially My Command, authored by Olusegun Obasanjo. It is indeed, a rich trove of history of the Nigerian Civil War and attendant crises of nationhood. Alabi-Isama rose to the rank of a Brigadier-General in the Nigerian Army upon his retirement in 1977. In this interview with SAM OMATSEYE, STEVE OSUJI and FEMI MACAULAY, chairman and members respectively, of The Nation’s Editorial Board, Alabi-Isama was particularly unsparing of his former commander, Olusegun Obasanjo whom he considers clueless about war tactics, blundering and cowardly. He also spoke about the Black Scorpion, Benjamin Adekunle, Alani Akinrinade, the then Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon and the blunders made by both sides of the divide, among other issues. Excerpts:

    The war ended in 1970. This is 2013, how come it took you this long to write this book?

    First of all, I didn’t know I had what it takes to write a book. And secondly, I did not really want to write the book. As soon as I left the military in 1977, I went to the United States where I lived for 35 years. I came home for my 70th birthday, General Alani Akinrinade (rtd) was there and we got talking about the war and I said well this (Olusegun) Obasanjo’s book My Command; he said if you read it, you will have stomach trouble. It is not worth reading. I said well let me just read the book, he brought me two copies. And with those two copies, I tell you even till today when I read it, I get sick. First of all, the pictures in the book are wrong. Then the maps in the book are also wrong. He drew the map of places he didn’t know and had never been, he didn’t ask questions. If he had asked questions, he would have learnt. He didn’t do that. Luckily for me, because I was renovating my mother’s house in Ilorin, I saw a big box and I opened the box thinking my mother left me some money. I opened the box to find my old uniforms, my cane, and plenty of war pictures. She didn’t arrange the pictures, she just poured them into a bed sheet, you know how these old women tie things, and she poured them into the bed sheet, tied the bed sheet, put it in a box and covered that box with a cello tape. Except for two pictures, everything else is still crisp clear.

    How did I get around taking the pictures? We were looking for a crossing point at a place called Eki, in Anang area, we wanted to cross into the main land and I went on patrol with the troop, it is not normal for a chief of staff to go on patrol with the men but I wanted to see it myself, so when we got there we found there were no (enemy) troops there; we didn’t see anybody so we decided: well let’s move forward. So we moved forward. We didn’t know that we were surrounded. By the time they opened fire everybody ran and so I ran. At school I used to run 100 and 200 meters; that day I ran 26 miles. I sat down under a tree and I was panting, then I saw my orderly, Effiong, “You made it!” I exclaimed. “Yes,” he said, “I made it sir.” And I said to him that I wish somebody would see us now and see how we are suffering, we could even take the pictures and go show them in Lagos how we are suffering. He said, “Oga, am a photographer but because of the blockade, I had no film, I was out of business, but I have a studio and I have the chemicals and everything but no films.” I told him to write the specification of the film his camera uses. He wrote it and I sent it to my mother in Lagos. My mother went to Kingsway and bought large quantities of Kodak films and sent to me at the war front. I told Effiong, If I stand, take my photo, if I sit take my photo, if I cough, take my photo, fortunately he was a professional photographer. He took professional pictures. He took the terrain, the bridges, in fact, all the movement, the strategies; as a matter of fact I just discovered some pictures that he took of my war room. Since I had warned him never to enter my war room, I think he took them from the key hole.

    Then they transferred this young man (pointing to an elderly photographer in the room), and he said he was also a photographer. You are a photographer too, o ti ya! (jolly good, join the show!) So this man also took part of the pictures that you are seeing here today. I was lucky. They took over a 1000 pictures. I never thought they were anything, just one of those albums. My mother didn’t like where you see dead bodies, she would throw the picture somewhere here and there. But after reading that Obasanjo’s book, it would have been my words versus his words but for these pictures. The pictures told the story. I have 650 pages of scripts here with 450 pictures, 35 war maps and 19 documents. It has not been equalled anywhere. Many of the civil war books were written by Biafran officers and men. The Nigerian ones, I think only Obasanjo wrote; the rest didn’t write about tactics or strategies of war. Even now, the book by (Adewale) Ademoyega wrote about the problem of genocide but he was in jail so how would he know where the genocide happened. Anyway, I got this pictures, I started writing. By looking at one picture, I knew where it was taken and what happened there.

    Talking about books, you must have read other Biafran war books. Which of them do you think was a little bit close to what happened: Madiebo, Ademoyega, etc?

    Only two of them, (Alexander) Madiebo’s is correct, absolutely correct. And I mean the word absolutely correct. The other one was by Achike Udenwa, I understand he was a governor somewhere. In the book, he wrote why there was starvation. Moving people away from their villages; they left their goats, they left their cows, they left their chickens and everything and we were eating the chickens….and they were starving. How far will you go, and what will you carry? How many cows will you be dragging along? You know, so Achike Udenwa and Madiebo, I think those two books are very reliable accounts.

    But they are books that take it from the Biafran perspective? Yours is viewed as the first major book that tells it from the federal side?

    True

    Now having been as you related, you served in two of the divisions. At the beginning you were supposed to be with Murtala Muhammed and then you also served under Benjamin Adekunle. What would you say were the blunders or mistakes of Biafra?

    First of all, starting from August 8th 1967, Biafra should not have gone to the Mid-West at all. Their going there shocked even the federal government. Because (David) Ejoor at that time wanted the place to be neutral because more than half of the Mid-West was Igbo speaking people, the other half is non-Igbo speaking people. But all of them together were killed in the north. Be it Yoruba or Ibibio, you were dead! Now, there was that neutrality in the Mid-west. Breaking that neutrality was like Hitler in ‘Operation Barbarossa’ when he went to Russia. Now, what clearly happened to them was that they got to the Mid-west, they looked at Ore, it’s a large expanse of land and they were defeated by the large empty space. Like the Germans who saw endless land but wondered what are we going to do here? That was even enough to have finished them. And when Nigeria counter-attacked at Ore, they, Nigerians had to run away, the Nigerian troops ran way. And that’s why you have Oleku ija Ore. Ha, this one wahala dey o…everybody scattered. But you see, from there on, when Nigeria re-organized and they started counter-attacking, why was Nigeria successful? It was because the Biafran troops had gone too far. They were now exhausted, they have had a battle, how many people did they put on the road? Let’s say for instance they had about 10 vehicles, what happens if there was a puncture with one vehicle. It means the troops inside that vehicle would cease to advance. Or for whatever reason they had a fan belt problem. It was a complete blunder. It shouldn’t have happened at all, but it happened. And when Nigerians had the upper hand the Biafrans were tired and they were now running back. It gave the Nigerians the confidence that when we attack these people they would keep running, so they kept chasing them. That was what happened. Not that Nigerians were better, no! The Biafrans were exhausted, they had seen large expanse of land, how far could they go to the right or left or forward? There were few of them. There was no back up, there was no reserve, there was no planning. And then plus the situation where they said Banjo had deceived them. Look this type of situation had always happened in military history. If you look at 281 BC, there was this General Pyrrhus, that’s why you have what is called Pyrrhic victory, he exhausted himself. And that was what happened to Biafra. The strategy was wrong, the tactics applied were wrong.

    What route should they have taken if they didn’t go through Midwest?

    Alright, if I were in their shoes, what I would have done was to ask: what was the aim. It was important to know what the aim was, let me give you’re an example of what I mean. Many people always miss it. In military you can’t afford to miss it. Let’s say we are going to attack Lagos, what is the aim, when we get to Lagos what are we there for? You say to collect tax, if you are advancing from Ibadan and you got to Victoria Island, you really have not got to Lagos because your aim is to collect tax. You must stop the people from going away, the people you are going to collect tax from. If your aim was to get to the sea and say yes I have captured Lagos, you will miss that aim. Your troops will go to the border to make sure nobody will run away, then you’ll make sure that you pamper people so that they will understand why you are there. If you kill them, who do you collect tax from? So it is your tactics and strategies now, your aim will dictate the tactics and the strategies applied.

    Why were they (Biafrans) going to Lagos? What was the aim? If it was to scare them, if it was to capture Lagos, whatever you are trying to achieve, get the aim and then you will know the tactics. How many vehicles do they have coming to the Midwest? The Midwest officers, the Igbo officers they depended on ran away, they didn’t stay with them. Nwajei was not there, Okwechime was not there, those that were there were like Oche, Eziche, they were junior officers so they told those ones to carry on and they stayed back. We are still talking about the blunders. When Biafra entered the Midwest, I was commander at Asaba guarding the Asaba Niger Bridge. They first went to Ogbe Hausa at the cable point like Sabongari. They killed all the Hausa there and I mean all, children, women, everybody. Those that escaped swam across into Onitsha, and they were killed. It’s in Madiebo’s book; it is in Emma Okocha’s book. Emma Okocha is from Asaba and he wrote this story. I was lucky, not that I was clever when they attacked me, I had grenades ready. Because I was staying at the Nkeffi Guest House which today is Grand Hotel; it was a glass door, they had shattered the glass. Through that, I threw the grenade, it landed well. So the fact that I was able to overpower 20 people was not because I was clever, I was lucky. It’s like David and Goliath. When David shot his slings it went the right way. It is God that directed it for us to meet today.

    So that’s one blunder. At that time, you don’t need more than 15 people to capture Lagos. There was no GSM, five people will go to the border, five people will stay at the airport and five people would wait at Dodan Barracks. You could do that at that time because there was still movement. People where still moving, there was no restriction because of the neutrality of the Mid-west, so he could have just infiltrated into the place and then once he has taken over the airport, control towers, and you stopped all planes coming in you simply commandeer all the planes to Enugu to bring in your troops, depending on what aim you want to achieve. You know what, their blunders were too many and then they alienated the natives, the natives of Anang, the Efik, the Ibibios, remember this story, that war story did not start during the war. Eyo Ita was supposed to be the Premier of the Eastern Region. They didn’t let him, he had that in mind I have his picture. These people where actually waiting for a day like that day and they supported the federal troops. The Biafrans did not recruit these people into their army and those who went into their army did not like to be with Biafra. Udenwa wrote about that in his book. We recruited the natives because they could swim. Without Isaac Boro we wouldn’t have got Port Harcourt, that’s a fact. He taught me (I was his commander) how to walk on the marshy area. He would say ‘ Oga make you use your toes as if you are dancing ballet.’ And then I will use my toes and he would say Oga, you are not moving well and I will say oh shut up! But he taught me and we were successful. I am giving him the credit because that is what he deserves. I kept asking the same question, were the people Biafra or was Biafra the people in the book? If Biafra is for all of you and you have that calibre of politicians in the place, you have that calibre of engineers you had, you needed to have all hands on the deck. Whether you are from Bayelsa or anywhere, you all suffered during that killing in the north, during the unrest. All you needed to do was call back your key politicians and tell them to go and campaign. Zik and all of them; but Ojukwu put Okpara in jail. He jailed Okpara, he wanted Zik himself to fail, all his businesses were taken from him, and so they already had been defeated before the war started.

    The issue of believability is central to this account because it is a historical work and from the federal side, apart from Obasanjo’s book this is supposed to be another major work, why should we believe your own narrative? Two, you spoke of Obasanjo’s wrong pictures and wrong maps. I don’t know what you mean by wrong pictures. Three, you seem to have relied more on the power of memory in your recollection of events; there was no diary, why should we trust your account?

    You don’t have to trust me. I have 450 pictures in the place. For instance, Obasanjo said we had an Officers’ Mess, his picture is in the book, eating with bare hands without fork and knife and cracking chicken bone and there is no dining table. I am talking about facts and figures. If somebody is talking about your village for instance and he is telling you that there is a statue of Gowon in your village, you who own the village will say Na lie, na there them born me, na leg I take walk around pass this place and there is no statue like that. You will be talking facts and figures. I, Alabi-Isama commanded the troops that captured Obubra, the entire Cross River of today. I captured the entire Akwa Ibom of today, I led the troops that captured the Rivers State of today. I led the troops that captured the Bayelsa of today. I was there with my feet, the soldiers asked Oga, we go go again? I said we dey go. Eh I get blisters, I will remove my shoes, look at my own blisters and we were there together. My pictures are there in the book.

    They say pictures don’t lie, you said Obasanjo had wrong pictures?

    Yes the wrong pictures, for instance in his book he said I was at Itu and he was talking about Ikot Ekpene; he said that he was at Ikot Ekpene and he had a masterly briefing, the picture was Obeya at Itu, it was not Ikot Ekpene. And then there was another picture at Uli Airstrip where he said alright, all soldiers move out and he took the picture alone at the centre of Uli Airstrip. When Adekunle came to the war front after we had captured Port Harcourt, he said he would like to advance five miles with us. We showed him the map, we showed him where we were going, we showed him where we were and the type of enemy we would meet. He advanced with us and when we came back he announced, “everybody come, photographer, Alabi photographer come and take this picture.” There was a bit difference and I am saying so. I was there, he wasn’t there. He could not be writing about where he was not.

    This photographer was there with you?

    He was there. His picture is there in the book. So when I say a map is wrong, for instance, we went to close a border. Cameroon border at a place called Nsakpa. I can mention the name because I was there. And then he drew the map to show that we went through a road. We didn’t go there. I infiltrated 7000 troops and came out behind them when they were on the road. I told them I didn’t need casualties. I didn’t need dead bodies; I needed to capture the place. If I had followed the route, we would be fighting Biafran soldiers. I would have had casualties. How did you think we would have captured Port Harcourt in 30 days advancing from Calabar, 480 kilometres? We did not enter any town.

    So you are implying sir that Obasanjo’s work was a huge misrepresentation of what happened?

    What work did he do?

    The book

    Every part of the book.

    Hold on sir

    This is the book

    Was a huge misrepresentation of what happened?

    Yes.

    Apart from your centrality to the event, I am sure there are other senior people like yourself who perhaps for the sake of this question, who perhaps had the same idea of what happened contrary to what Obasanjo published. How come they had not come out before your own book to tell the federal story?

    They don’t have the pictures; it will be your word versus my word. Obasanjo was the president of the country he was the head of state of the country. Alabi was nobody; you never fight anybody standing when you are lying down.

    So the strength of your book lies in the pictures?

    That’s it. That’s all. Otherwise it would be my words versus his words.

    Still on the blunders, you also said that the Biafran troops spread themselves unnecessarily in the Midwest so they wasted troops?

    They did the same thing even in the main war itself because you see in the world war the Japanese were all over Mariana Island in the Pacific and the Americans would just touch a hole. I love General Paton. From Obubra, (I wished there is a black board here,) I would have drawn this map, I know the whole place, I was there. From Obubra to Port Harcourt is over 1000 kilometres, how many people will you put in every inch of the kilometre? Between one kilometre and the other, there is a gap. So let us say that they put 10, 10,000 you would have had more than a million in the army, they didn’t have it. Let’s assume for the purpose of this discussion that they had a thousand or 10, 000 in one point. I went to Port Harcourt with 35, 000, blew through the place. We knew the style, we went to the same military school and during those strategy discussions with Adekunle, he would be Biafran today, I will be Nigerian. If you do this, how will you do this? And invariably, all we discussed came to pass. For instance Biafra came to counter attack in Ikot Ekpene. They went as far as to a place called Ikpe junction. They had no more reserves. I had not even attacked them. They just saw an open place. Ikpe junction was a killing ground. They didn’t do all that and then, you know why we didn’t eat bush meat? If a soldier would kill bush meat he would have to shoot, the others, maybe Nigerians themselves would kill him because from the direction of shot we would open fire. We never ate bush meat and the soldiers know that. And so when our troops would fire somewhere, Biafrans would fire to the place. Ha! Now we know where they are. We had no intelligence report of where they were. We used to send ladies to go along with refugees and the ladies would tell us what they saw, how many they saw, which building they were staying in and so on.

    There is a question about logistics am worried about, 35 000 men is a large number so how were you able to manage and move that number?

    I am happy you asked that question because I was 27 years old. How much of it did I know? But one thing I was taught was that if your logistics is wrong you will lose the war. General Alexander Madiebo told me that central cooking was not possible for them after the first two, three months of the war. So they lived on the land. So the logistics was out of this world. I wrote about that as part of our challenges. First of all, you had to cook for 35,000 men, how did I do it? I divided them into sections of tens and they would go and cook. You’ll come to the central bulk breaking point, you collect your garri or your yam or whatever and you will go and cook for your 10 men. It was easy to manage 10 men and that means there are about 3,500 cooking places. Where was the firewood or where was the gas or where was the electricity to cook? We depended on the marine commando ladies we recruited. Many of them died of landmines looking for firewood, so you can see that even those ones on intelligence on radio and all that were not as important as those ones supplying us fire woods for cooking. The logistic was enormous. In the mangrove forest, in the water logged areas, it was enormous. For instance, we built pontoons to cross Opobo River. It’s all in the book.

    Certainly the logistical challenges must have influenced the duration of the war, what other things do you think contributed to making the war last as long as it did?

    Well, definitely not from Adekunle’s side. He wanted me to capture Obubra in 30 days, everybody running kitikiti, today if you start walking from Calabar to Port Harcourt, I don’t know whether you will make it in 30 days. Then we were fighting, we were advancing, we were moving and even Gen Madiebo in his book said that within one hour or so, we had captured about 50 miles. How was that possible, he asked? It was the tactics and the strategy. It worked; if it didn’t work we would have been drinking water at the Atlantic Ocean. Our backs to the Atlantic our chest to the Biafran bullets; we had nowhere to run to and if the logistics went wrong, the soldiers would starve, they will not be able to move. If the ammunitions were not enough, they will not be able to fight. If their shoes had blisters and no socks and no foot powder, they will not be able to advance. So many things were involved. The morale of the troops depended on the morale of the officer himself. The officer himself must be seen with the troops. The Biafrans didn’t do that.

    About how many men do you think you lost, just an estimate on your own side?

    In 3rd Marine Commando, I lost eight from Calabar to Port Harcourt.

    All through the war?

    I did not lose any single one in Obubra. Two officers – Captain Fashola at Bori and Isaac Boro at Okrika and I have records.

    I don’t think you have sufficiently addressed the question of why the war lasted that long?

    It lasted that long because Biafrans themselves did not just give up, it was their tactics and strategies that were wrong and they believed they were doing well. The amount of ammunitions and weapons with which they went to the Mid-west could have been used in defending Biafra. In this case the Biafrans put in