The Nation Newspaper

Tag: albatross

  • State police: Nigeria’s silent albatross

    State police: Nigeria’s silent albatross

    The Nigeria Police Force is a creation of statute by virtue of Section 214 of the Nigeria Constitution of 1999, as amended which states that:

    There shall be established a force to be known as The Nigeria Police Force and subject to the provision of this section, no other Police Force shall be established for Nigeria, or any part thereof”.

    The Constitution of Nigeria is a product of the collective will of the people of Nigeria. The preamble to the grundnorm also states:

    “We the people of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, having firmly and solemnly resolved: to live in unity and harmony as one indivisible and indissoluble sovereign nation under God.

    And for the purpose of promoting the good government and the welfare of all persons in our country…do hereby make, enact, and give to ourselves the following Constitution

    Therefore, the provisions of the constitution which is a reflection of the general will and a collective aspiration of the people of Nigeria is sacrosanct and upholding the spirit and intendment ought to be a religion. One of its intendments is that the Nigeria Police should be an institution to foster unity.

    From its amalgamation into a national force on April 1, 1930 under the command of an Inspector-General of Police, the force has fostered and nurtured unity. It is pertinent to mention that Nigeria did not spontaneously declare a civil war in 1967. Rather, it treaded with care and caution by taking police action to make room for peaceful negotiation.

    It is also pertinent to advert our minds to the abuse of the native authority police in the 1960s that led to the Agbekoya uprising against the federal authority, the Andokas, a police local authority controlled by the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) which was misused against political rivals. This led to the Willinks Minorities Commissions that visited Nigeria from 1957-58 and reported to the Constitution Reform Committee in London. Thereafter, it was resolved that the control of the Police should rest on federal hands.

    When an existing law is to be amended, the mischief to be cured must be identified. In the instant case, the fear of the absolute control of the police is allayed by Section 215 sub Section (4) where it states that: subject to the Provisions of this section, the Governor of a state or such Commissioner of the state as he may authorize in that behalf, may give to the Commissioner of Police of that state such lawful directions with respect to the maintenance and securing of public safety and order.

    The above express provision is adequate for the provision of security for the citizens of the state. It is adequate when the intention is with respect to the maintenance and security of public safety and public order.

    The above provision is powerful enough and sufficient to execute lawful duties, control crime and secure public safety and order, it is only inadequate when the executive has his own purpose to serve.

    Let us analyze this provision a bit with reference to the interpretation of statutes. In his book Drafting Conveyances and Wills, C. O. Adubi emphasizes the deep difference between SHALL and MAY when he states:

    The use of “SHALL” indicates that the legal subject is under an obligation to act in accordance with the terms of the provisions; if an obligation is not to be imposed, shall should not be used. The proper word to use is MAY. The use of MAY gives the legal subject authority to do the specified act; but the legal subject MAY or MAY not do so according to his discretion.

    It is doubtful if the absolute power being sought for now under State Police is for crime control, securing of public safety and public order within the state.

    The reason for this doubt is that before the chief executive of any state will decide that an act of commission or omission is a crime in a state, he is expected to have consulted his Council of Traditional Rulers, his security council and advisers, all of whom he has the power and access to consult before giving such order to the Commissioner of Police or “such Commissioner of the government of the state as he may authorize in that behalf”

    Assuming but not conceding that the consensus of all the levels of assessment and advisers is wrong, the Commissioner of Police is not to openly disobey the chief executive.

    But the provision of section 215 (4) gives the Commissioner an escape route. It states;

    Provided that before carrying out any such directions under the fore-going provisions of this sub-section, the Commissioner of Police may request that the matter be referred to the President or such Minister of the  Federation as may be authorized in that behalf by the President for his directions. 

    It is reasonable to infer from the above that “such Minister of the government of the Federation” in this context is principally the Inspector-General of Police.

    It is pertinent to draw attention to the express provision of section 215 (5) which states:

    The question whether any, and if so what, directions have been given under this section shall not be inquired into in any court. This is an ouster clause that denies the court jurisdiction in this executive decision. Jurisdiction is at the threshold to any judicial enquiry. It is fundamental.

    The second leg of the provision of section 215 (4) gives the Commissioner of Police an escape route to avoid disobeying the chief executive and protects him from carrying out unlawful or politically motivated directives. Hence, the use of the word MAY as opposed to the word SHALL in the first leg.

    If the Commissioner of Police refers the matter to the Inspector-General of Police, and the Inspector-General of Police takes directions from the President after all due consultations, that decision is final.

    In what circumstance can the spirit of this provision be invoked?

    If some squads of criminals in Maiduguri are moving towards Government House to attack it, can the second leg be invoked for the Commissioner of Police to turn a blind eye, take transport to Abuja for consultation before stopping them, even when he knows this a crime? The answer is no. Also, if some criminals are about to rob a bank, should the Commissioner of Police standby and run to Abuja before he can prevent the crime? He will be guilty of ineptitude, act of omission etc. Hence, these two provisions are adequate and sufficient to provide public safety and public order for the citizens of a state.

    The growth and development of Nigeria’s constitutional reforms have created an enduring flexible constitution that can cope with the diversity of Nigeria’s cultural differences and thereby strengthen the unity needed for Nigeria as a strong member of the African comity of nations. This is without prejudice to the fact that we have to jointly and collectively confront and remove injustice by harnessing our collective will and iron determination, to evolve strategies and action to confront injustice in the polity. Goodness is goodness and badness is badness. No other name for each.

    Even now that the deployment of the Nigeria Police is still subject to constitutional provisions and processes, thugs sponsored by subterranean   mentors still invade and scatter Houses of Assembly in Nigeria.

    Even with the control provided by section 215 (4) as stated above,  suspected agents of a state executive still invaded a court of law and disturbed judicial proceedings. Yet, some Nigerians are demanding for unfettered power for state executives. This is why Stephen F. Hayward in his book Churchill on Leadership says “health, intelligence and shrewdness are all good things in the abstract but they are bad things, in a bad person. Health, intelligence and shrewdness were bad things for Hitler because they enabled him to serve evil ends”.

    We should not behave like the moth fly. The moth fly hated its husband and threatened to burn its pregnancy. Anywhere the moth fly sees light in the village; it would struggle to enter the flame and would get stuck to the lantern or the flame. The moth fly ends up destroying itself before destroying the pregnancy that belongs to the husband.

    Do not make laws ad-hominiem – laws made with a particular person or group of persons are usually not objective.

    Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the legend and apostle of Nigeria’s unity says: I would rather be on the side of unity than to be on the side of disunity.

    At present, more than 50 percent of the population of the rank and file in a Police State Command is either indigenes of the state or of its neighbouring state and can speak the predominant language in the state. This is the cadre that interacts more closely with the indigenes and more conversant with the customs and traditions of the area. The senior officers are there to ensure that the custom and traditions are not repugnant to equity and can be of universal application, fairness and good conscience.

    To set up State Police between Nasarawa and Benue States or between Cross River and Imo around Iwukem /Azumini is to bury a time bomb.

    Let us not be copy cats at all times. Our constitutional development must be a reflection of our past experiences and hope for a united Nigeria devoid of oppression and injustice. That is what should demand our priority attention for now our constitutions must endeavor to be autochthonous.

    Between 1985 to 1986 during the time of trial and error with the Police Force. The fourth columnist came up with the novel and plausible policy that all police men from the rank of Deputy Superintendent of Police be deployed to serve in their state of origin. In less than a year thereafter there was a national complaint of tribalism and nepotism against most of the officers. No sooner the policy was tried than it was reversed. Security is not a trial and error affair in a country in which a permanent Secretary could not safely travel from Osun state to Abuja before she was trailed, shot on the head and matcheted. A country where worshippers could be callously shot and killed desecrating a sanctuary.

    While there may be some who need State Police to attain some positive ends, one cannot rule out some who need State Police to enable them lock up their political opponents three days before election only to get such detainees released after election, given the propensity of some African leaders to engage in the breach of the constitution rather than its observance.

    What a relief when a traveller to Bayelsa State runs into a group of policemen along the Zaria-Sokoto highway and he hears one of them say; anua e or te bra or Teju ke imomu menenghan or Te ke memuniya . Similarly when a Sokoto traveller runs into a team of policemen between Port Harcourt-Yenagoa highway and one of them says yaya kake or ina zua – or where are you travelling to? At least the traveller will feel at home for that moment.

    The most beautiful and attractive birds in the forest are the multi-coloured.

    We should emphasize those things that unite us and collectively confront the vices that divide us. State police is a step backwards. It is a retrogressive step toward nepotism and tribalism; it is a blind march towards disintegration.

     

    • Mr. Abayomi Oluwaoje Akeremale, a retired Commissioner of Police practices Law in Abuja.

     

  • In Ebonyi, Labour, APC now PDP’s albatross

    THE implosion of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) has thrown the gubernatorial race in the state open for all the thriving parties to feast in

    The stranglehold of the PDP in Ebonyi State seems destined to end following the mass exodus of major stakeholders to other parties to contest various positions in the forthcoming elections.

    For instance, of the 24 legislators in the state House of Assembly, at least 10 are now in the Labour Party, with many of them contesting for the position they occupy. One of them, Eni Uduma Chima, who has been adjudged as the most vibrant lawmaker in the house, is running for House of Representatives seat for Afikpo North/South Constituency, under the LP and if feelers are anything to go by, he is as good as having won the seat.

    The same scenario is also playing out in Abakaliki/ Izzi Federal Constituency, where another state lawmaker, Mrs Helen Nwaobasi, is tipped to clinch the position under the Labour Party (LP).

    The reasons for this are simple, the PDP, unlike in previous elections, have fielded many unpopular candidates in most positions, a direct aftermath of the exodus of most popular candidates to the Labour Party and other parties including the All Progressives Congress (APC) and All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA).

    However, where the competitiveness of the election is more telling is in the state gubernatorial election, where two senators, a deputy governor and one of the top business moguls in the state are jostling for election.

    Unlike in the previous elections where other parties just fielded candidates to fulfil all righteousness, this time around, the PDP is not finding it easy.

    The decision of the national executive of the party to hijack the party machinery from Governor Martin Elechi and surrender same to a cabal of buccaneer politicians at the last minute seem to have backfired.

    When Adamu Muazu was made the National Chairman of the party, many believed that being a former governor, he is likely to have a harmonious relationship with the governors during the elections, but the reverse seems to be the case in Ebonyi.

    The fact remains that the way Nigerian politics is structured today, for any party to make impact in the elections, it should have the backing of all governors under its platform.

    The free fall of the PDP today and the monstrous rising profile of the APC presents proof of this. While the PDP has had issues with many of its governors, (about six even defected to the APC) the APC on the other hand has had very cordial relationship with its governors leading to the meteoric rise since its inception.

    Muazu, a former governor himself, was expected to understand this fact and work towards resolving issues with the governors, caused by his predecessor, but the situation has worsened under his watch.

    Feelers from Ebonyi State Government House shows that the powers that be feel that Governor Martin Elechi has been the most supportive and loyal governor to the party and the President, and so, for the party to threat him so shabbily, smacks of crass ignorance, betrayal and ingratitude of the highest order.

    A source close to the seat of power in Abakaliki said to even hand over the machinery to Elechi’s deputy, Engr Dave Umahi, is shaping up to be one of the greatest miscalculations of the present leadership of the party.

    Investigations shows that Muazu in the case of Ebonyi State failed to adhere to one major cardinal rule of PDP that the interest of the party supercedes all personal interests, when he decided to listen to ex-governor Sam Egwu, his close friend and former colleague, who he wanted to go to the Senate.

    Report shows that Muazu allegedly handed the party machinery to Umahi because Elechi refused to promise to deliver the party’s ticket for Ebonyi North Senatorial seat to Egwu, preferring to heed Muazu’s earlier order to return at least two of the three current senators for continuity and quality purposes.

    Angered by Elechi’s ‘refusal,’ the party therefore handed over the machiney to Umahi an action which insiders say may be detrimental to the party’s cause today.

    The national leadership was also sold on a lie that Umahi was actually the one who delivered the party in previous elections and not Elechi which Muazu was alleged to have gullibly bought into.

    But just a few weeks after, that hypothesis has proven to be very wrong as the PDP in the state, has been left in shambles a few weeks to the elections.

    Further proof that Elechi is still the main man in the state came to light when Umahi in his acceptance speech, after being declared the winner of the gubernatorial primaries at the Abakaliki Township Stadium, openly begged Elechi to forgive him.

    The deputy governor, rattled by mass defection of his party members to the LP, also begged some clergy men and other top politicians close to the governor to help persuade the governor to meet with him but all his attempts were rebuffed.

    The Umahi camp then ambushed the governor during the budget presentation day at the House of Assembly, during a closed door session where the deputy and the lawmakers loyal to Nwazunku begged the governor for forgiveness all to no avail.

    The question is, if indeed he was the mastermind of all election victories of the party in the past, why is he begging the governor for forgiveness. Why the plot to impeach the governor using the legislators loyal to Nwazunku, who are in the minority in the house? We learnt that Nwazunku’s supporters in the House are just ten out of 24 state lawmakers.

     Labour Party on a rescue mission

    A few days after the PDP primaries, another party, the Labour Party, held its primaries at the same venue. Unlike what happened during the PDP primaries, the crowd that attended the first primaries/rally of the party in the state was mammoth and unprecedented in the state for such a new party.

    Even more suprising was the report that the party did not mobilize them in any way, but that the supporters came on their own to the venue to show that they are fed up with the ruling party in the state.

    According to one of the supporters, Mrs James Obi, from Uburu in Ohaozara LGA, Umahi’s hometown, they were there to show solidarity to the party which is out to liberate them from the bondage of the PDP.

    “We are here to support the Labour Party, PDP imprisoned Ohaozara, the hitherto, brotherly love and peace between the three towns in Ohaozara; namely Uburu, Ugwulangwu and Okposi, before the coming of the PDP has turned to hatred and distrust”.

    “Today, what you have is violence, killings, kidnapping, poverty, hunger and underdevelopment. The local government, which used to be in the forefront of development in Ebonyi South in the past is now a shadow of itself, all because of the PDP”.

    “And now they want to transfer the same underdevelopment to the entire state, we won’t allow it, we want total liberation and that is why we are for Labour Party.”

    At the primaries, Chief Edward Nkwegu, top businessman and CEO of Edon Group, emerged as the party’s flagbearer.

    Two Senators for APGA and APC

    The two other leading opposition party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) and All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) chose two former Senators to fly its flag. They are Senator Julius Ali Ucha for APC and Senator Anthony Agbo (APGA). Though relatively very popular in the state, the duo face an uphill task to beat Umahi and Edon to the coveted governorship seat.

    This is because the duo may not posses the financial war chest of the Deputy Governor or the state backing of Edon. Being former Senators, they have been out of seculation for quite some time politically.

    The candidates Edward Nkwegu (APGA)

    Dr. Edward Nkwegu (OFR, KSJI) is an Architect turned business mogul. He attended Isiohumini Community Primary School, Izzi L.G.A. and Nnodo Boys Secondary School, Abakaliki.

    He is a graduate of Enugu State University of Science and Technology, Enugu State.

    He holds a B.SC (Hons) in Architecture and a Masters Degree in Environmental Management. His business and managerial skills have seen him building a business empire spanning various sectors of the economy, including Hospitality Industry, Entertainment, Banking, Construction etc.

    He is currently the Chairman, Board of Directors of EDON Group which has the following subsidiaries; Edon (Nig) Ltd; Edon Aluminum and Manufacturing Company (Nig) Ltd; Barcelona Hotels and Gardens (Nig) Ltd, Enugu and Abuja; Nkwegu and Partners Nig.) Ltd and Ndiagu Micro Finance Bank Ltd Abakaliki.

    He is from Izzi clan in Ebonyi North, the zone with the highest voting population of about 47 percent.

    He is also allegedly backed by the state government, which means that the machinery of government at the grassroots, the LGA Chairmen and Development Centre Coordinators are allegedly working to deliver him.

    He is also believed to have a stockpile of cash that he is ready to deploy to win the elections. He is also seen as an untainted politician as he has never held any political office.

    But the PDP sees this as a weak point, arguing that he has no experience to run the state. However, his supporters argue that having overseen the rise of his business empire from scratch, he has enough experience to govern the state.

     Dave Umahi (PDP)

    The incumbent Deputy Governor of the Ebonyi State has had a meteoric rise in politics, after the unprecedented success he recorded in his private business.

    With little or no experience in politics, he was made the Acting State Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party in 2007 and the substantive Chairman in 2009, a position he held till 2011 when he was chosen by Elechi as his running mate in the gubernatorial election.

    A Civil Engineer turned politician, he has since assumption of office kept a low profile, a sharp contrast from his flamboyant lifestyle when he was PDP State Chairman.

    However, it is believed that he had stepped on a lot of toes during his time as the PDP chairman, and they may have sworn to thwart his gubernatorial ambition. During the week, he published a list of members of his campaign committee made up of some big wigs of the party, but many of them rejected the appointment even though they pledged to work for the Jonathan/Sambo candidature.

    In all, the Deputy Governor, faces an uphill task of reconciling with such aggrieved stakeholders, but be that as it may be, he is also believed to have a large stockpile of cash which he is ready to deploy to win the general election.

    He attended Umunaga Primary School in Uburu from 1971 to 1977when he bagged his First School Leaving Certificate. Engr. Unahi began his secondary education at Ishiagu High School in 1978 and did class 1 and first term of class 2 in 1979 before he was admitted into the prestigious Government Secondary School, Afikpo, where he completed his secondary school education and passed his WAEC.

    He proceeded to the Anambra State University of Science and Technology where he obtained a Bachelor of Science Degree in Civil Engineering from 1982 to 1987.

    His candidature has continued to be a divisive and controversial one going into the elections, despite his sustained media campaigns and attempts to mend fences with major stakeholders many of whom have continued to move to the Labour Party in droves.

    But, all informed observers know that any candidate can only underate him at his own peril as the recent primaries have shown that he always has an ace up his sleeves and is always one step ahead of his opponents.

    His alleged divide and rule policy of administration during his tenure as the PDP Chairman allegedly triggered the chains of reactions that have today snowballed into the current crisis currently plaguing the party.

    This has placed him at loggerheads with the state government. They alleged that while he was singing the praises of the administration of Governor Elechi a few months back, he was busy plotting how to hijack the party machinery from the governor.

     Senator Julius Ucha (APC)

    The two time Senator represented Ebonyi Central Senatorial District in the National Assembly where he once chaired the Senate Committee on Works.

    Before that, he was the Spaeker of Ebonyi State House of Assembly. Ucha and Elechi fell apart politically in 2011 when he went toe to toe against the incumbent governor Elechi of the PDP.

    Then, he flew the flag of the All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP), one of the parties that later metamorphosed into the APC.

    In that election, he gave Elechi a run for his money though Elechi later emerged victorious, a result he contested up to the Supreme Court.

    He is said to be the leader of the party in the state going by the high number of delegates in the Central and Northern part of the state he controls.

    Ucha still commands a lot of following in the state especially among the party’s faithful.

    But having been in political hiatus since 2011, his critics say his popularity has taken a serious downward turn. Some of his critics have tried to buttress this view by alleging that in the APC’s governorship primaries he only narrowly beat Mr. Austin Edeze to the ticket.

    Also, since he won the ticket, little has been heard of him in terms of aggressive mobilization and campaign for the elections, which is a few weeks ahead, leading political analysts to conclude that he is just in the race for relevance purposes unlike in the 2011 election when he gave Elechi a run for his money.

    The crisis in his state chapter of the APC is another factor that is not helping his cause as many aggrieved members are accused of working against his success in the elections.

    These are some of the primary issues that may challenge his chances at the general election, notwithstanding his popularity as an individual and the increasing influence of his political party, the APC.

    But in politics, surprise is the root of the game, especially in today’s Ebonyi State where the crisis in PDP has opened up the game to all. Ucha is also too well experienced and popular to be taken for granted.

    Senator Anthony Agbo (APGA)

    Apart from his large posters which adorn the nooks and crannies of Ebonyi North and some parts of Ebonyi Central, nothing much indicates that Senator Agbo is really serious with his gubernatorial aspiration under the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA).

    He was the first person to declare interest to contest this year’s gubernatorial election in the state but since then, nothing much has been heard from the Senator apart from occasional press releases he issues to reporters.

    The Senator however is expected to clinch his Ohaukwu Lcal Government Area stronghold.

    The platform he is running under, APGA, is also not helping his cause as the party has no structure in the state and thus cannot offer him much in terms of voter mobilization and loyalty.

     Issues and predictions

    The battle from the foregoing is between the current Deputy Governor, Dave Umahi, Labour Party’s Edward Nkwegu and All Progressives Congress’ Senator Julius Ucha.

    While Umahi is from the Southern part of the state which has five local government areas namely, Afikpo South, Afikpo North, Ohaozara, Ivo and Onicha, Nkwegu is from Izzi clan which is dominant in Ebonyi North Senatorial zone.

    Of the four local governments in the zone, three, namely Izzi, Ebonyi and Abakaliki are dominantly Izzi while the forth local government, Ohaukwu, is a mixture of other minority clans in the area.

    More still, the zone is said to have the highest number of voters with 47 percent compared to the South where Umahi hails from which has just a little above 20 percent leaving the Central Zone with about 30 percent of the voters.

    Now a further breakdown shows that Afikpo North and Afikpo South is likely to deliver block votes to the Labour Party. Afikpo North’s grouse against the PDP, especially the deputy governor, is that he short down the gubernatorial ambition of their son and former Health Minister, Prof Onyebuchi Chukwu.

    For Afikpo North, there has been no love lost between the people of the area and Dave Umahi. Over 90 percent of the major stakeholders in the area are believed to have defected to the Labour Party. I fact, the local government is seen as a no go area for the PDP in the elections provided the votes count.

    In the three remaining LGAs of Ivo,Ohaozara and Onicha, from investigations, the votes are likely to be split. In Ohaozara, Dave Umahi’s stronghold, it may not be all that smooth ride for him when one takes into cognizance the fact that the area is made up of three major blocks, Okposi, Uburu and Ugwulangwu.

    While it is not yet clear how the people of Ugwulangwu will vote, reports suggest Okposi will likely deliver protest votes against PDP for obvious reasons. The other two parties will work hard here to share the protest votes. But in Uburu APC stands a chance of getting substantial votes because of the popularity of Dr Ogbonnaya Onu who hails from the same town.

    For Onicha, the stakeholders are divided but the Labour Party controls the grassroots government in the areas, especially the local government Chairman and Development Centre Coordinators and this will make it extremely difficult for a landslide victory for the PDP.

    The same scenario is expected to play out in Ivo where the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Senator Anyim Pius Anyim, a supporter of Umahi, is locked in supremacy battle with Chief Aro Nweke former Commissioner for Poverty Alleviation and Economic Empowerment for Ishiagu, the major town in the area.

    For Akaeze, the second major town, the major stakeholders, namely Senator Anyim Udeh and the Council Caretaker Chairman, Joseph Obasi, are allegedly said to be backing the Labour Party.

    So, even though the Deputy Governor is from the South, he is not expected to have a landslide victory in the area provided the votes count.

    In Ebonyi Central, APC’s Senator Ucha is expected to win Ezza North and Ishielu local governments, while Ezza South is fast becoming the stronghold of the Labour Party since the removal of Hon. Laz Ogbee as Chairman from the ruling of an Abakaliki High Court, which sacked all the council chairmen.

    Ikwo, the largest council in the area, and Elechi’s stronghold, is definitely going to vote for Labour, so in the Central, the PDP is likely to loose if the elections are free and fair.

    For the North, which has the largest voting population, the three Izzi local government areas are expected to vote for their son,Chief Edward Nkwegu while the remaining local government is expected to be split amongst the parties with APGA taking a larger chunk of the votes due to the fact that their son is the party’s flagbearer.

    Now, a lot may change between now and the election time as the candidates intensify their campaigns but keen political analysts believe the battle will be close with many refusing to rule out the possibility of a run-off election if there is no major winner of the election.

  • Abati’s albatross

    In a rare and revealing interview dripping with circumstantial logic, Dr. Reuben Abati, Special Adviser to the President on Media and Publicity, illuminated his official philosophy and guiding principle in the face of perhaps well-founded accusation of changeability in his practice. Not surprisingly, he spoke defensively, but unwittingly betrayed his self-serving thinking and superficiality.

    “An invitation to serve your country is the highest honour that can be bestowed upon anybody,” he stressed with a hint of vainglory, grossly playing down the implication of the nature of the administration. There is sufficient evidence that political progressivism is alien to his boss, President Goodluck Jonathan; and his inclusion in the team of old ideas not only contradicts his professional antecedents as a presumably forward-looking high-profile newspaper columnist, it also questions the perception.

    Abati’s apparent explanation of the incongruity was an exercise in sophisticated sophistry, leaving him open to even worse delineation, for he then presented the image of a hitherto uninformed commentator, which is absurd, given his status. According to him, “And having spent some time in government, I have seen that public officials are there also to make a difference.” Could this admission of education mean that his days as a notable government critic were informed by ignorance, which he now regrets? What does this picture say of his past glory? Even more, what is the public supposed to believe, now that an analyst and event-interpreter of his standing has, by implication, disclaimed his history?

    It is fascinating that he chose two uncomplimentary metaphors as self-description, saying, “I do my best as the President’s parrot and town crier.” Within the framework of this understanding of his work, it was strikingly incongruous when he claimed, “I don’t lie to the public. I explain things to the public. I put things in context…” Clearly, there is some confusion here because, by definition, a parrot is a quintessential mimic, meaning that if Jonathan is lying, then his mouth-piece must be lying as well. Also, the town crier is well defined by his slavish labour, meaning that whatever explanation or contextualisation he does is controlled by the authorities he represents. It is interesting and rather unflattering that the import of his self-qualification was apparently lost on Abati who, incidentally, has a doctorate in Literature, a subject that is concerned with diction.

    One aspect of the interview was a perfect example of that logical fallacy called Argumentum ad hominem, which involves an assault on a critic in order to discredit an argument or opinion. It is noteworthy that such method is generally regarded as the weapon of the immature or unintelligent who are unable to counter the other party using sound logic or superior intelligence. In short, it is the refuge of the dodger. Abati’s words : “From what I have seen , people who criticise me and say he is no longer critical, he has joined them, he is now eating, can’t you see he has added weight from too much eating, are just being mischievous or hypocritical.” His defence, presumptuous and suggestive of blackmail, was: “The same people will wish to be on this side, they will wish to be in government, and I see many of these same critical persons, perpetually hanging around government looking for this and that, practically begging, soliciting, hustling, but they go out there and pretend to be otherwise. But that is a story for another day. And their story will be told someday.”

    When will Abati be generous with such tantalising and damning exposé? Given that he demonstrated an overwhelming sense of outrage, it would have been more like human nature if he had revealed identities. Why should the public applaud his dramatic mud-slinging at no one in particular, but at nebulous ghosts? On specificity, which is at the heart of journalism, his first love, and communication in general, he scored an abysmal zero.

    In a display of wrong-headed satisfaction with his performance in allegedly taming the opposition, Abati’s crowing was a sad commentary on civility. Referring to his verbal battles, he gloated, saying, “ Fashakin has learnt to conduct himself like a gentleman. Even Lai Mohammed has since become a fine gentleman. They all seem to understand the ground rules now.” This was his conceited way of saying that he had employed sewer language to answer critics of the administration, and was unapologetic about it. According to him, “If you try to ridicule the President, I am not likely to be nice to you at all. If you throw a punch, I will connect you with an upper cut and maybe a kick to the groin.” Certainly, Abati is entitled to his pugilistic imagery and karate fantasy, but he might be mistaken in supposing that he could make gentlemen of others through thuggish means.

    Perhaps the greatest indication of Establishment mentality was Abati’s promotion of a simplistic interpretation of the government’s failings. He reduced the alarming and fundamental reality of a visionless government to a far-fetched argument about petty political rivalry. It was a moment of ironic vacuity when he offered what should pass for embarrassing thoughtlessness. According to Jonathan’s spokesman, “What we have seen is that immediately President Jonathan won the election, the bad losers in the other political parties just resolved that they would not allow his government to function. That is not statesmanship or sportsmanship and it is cruel.”

    It is unclear whether Abati himself believed his own words, which would be not only absolutely pathetic, but also utterly amusing, if he did. It was a glaring demonstration of how not to think, and a large discredit to his learning. It is even more disturbing that he claimed to be unchanged, saying, “It is still the same head, the same personality.”

    In the end, it would appear that the attraction of public office has become an albatross around Abati’s neck, which is a cause for concern. Sadly, he seems too engrossed to recognise that he needs contemplative sobriety. “Exciting!” he responded to a question about his experience in office. “In fact, I am enjoying the work. It provides me an opportunity not just to serve but also to learn,” he added. The big question is: what has he learned?

    • Macaulay is on the editorial board of The Nation

  • Drugs: Nigeria’s albatross

    Drugs: Nigeria’s albatross

    Nigeria has the unenviable record of being the African country with the most citizens in foreign prisons, mostly in South-East Asia. As at the last count from the Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs, more than 9,000 Nigerians are currently languishing in foreign prisons for different offences.

    According to the Director-General National Drug Law Enforcement Agency, NDLEA Mr. Femi Ajayi, out of the total number of Nigerians in foreign prison, over 6000 of them were convicted of drug related offences.

    According to him, a conservative estimate shows that there are 4,000 Nigerians in Iranian prisons; Brazil 500, Thailand 500, Malaysia 300. Others are: India 400 China (368).

    Indonesia (110), Japan (80), Vietnam (24) and Nepal (17).

    Former foreign affairs Minister Gbenga Ashiru had lamented the ‘get rich quick’ syndrome which led many Nigerians into the drug trade to the Asian countries where the penalty for drug trafficking is mostly death.

    Nigerian prisoners in South East Asia are said to be in terrible conditions with many of them cramped together in a small cell and often denied of their rights to get bail. One prisoner who served 10 years in Thailand for drug offences told The Nation in May that Nigerians mostly are denied legal representation.

    ” Many of them often die waiting for their legal representation. If you are convicted for drugs only a miracle can get you out,” he said.

    Recently, the NDLEA had stepped up its machineries to apprehend would be drug traffickers in Nigeria. The Muritala Muhammed International Airport (MMIA) has become an albatross for most drug traffickers in Nigeria. According to Ajayi, the agency will not relent in apprehending drug traffickers and restoring the positive image of the nation in international community.

     

  • PDP and 2015 albatross

    PDP and 2015 albatross

    It is axiomatic the current crises of confidence in the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), is deeply rooted in the 2015 elections.

    Not surprisingly, the dramatis personae in this ugly battle are former President Olusegun Obasanjo and President Goodluck Jonathan.

    At stake is the soul of the party, especially given the non-democratic antecedents of the party in matters of party primaries. The struggle is further accentuated by feelers that Jonathan has an eye on another term even as Obasanjo wants power to revert to the north. He had even been reported to have preferred the pair of governors Sule Lamido and Chibuike Amaechi of Jigawa and Rivers states respectively.

    Why Obasanjo wants to ditch Jonathan now even with the pivotal role he played in his emergence as the president in the face of protests from the north remains a matter of conjecture. There are two possible scenarios. The first is that he may not have been satisfied with Jonathan’s performance rating and therefore wants him out by all means. But his conduct and utterances on the Jonathan-led regime do not seem to lend much credence to this line of thought. Even then, the virulent opposition he is leading against the president less than two years in his current tenure is a big distraction and sufficient disincentive to performance. It is a remote possibility that unsatisfactory performance could be the issue.

    The second putative reason is that Obasanjo wants Jonathan out in order to make amends for his mortal mistake in subverting the zoning arrangement of his party at its last presidential primaries. He was a key figure among those who invented warped logic to support the retention of power in the south when the first term of Yar’Adua expired at his death. Like Obasanjo, many southerners supported that position especially given their aversion to the domination of that office by the north in the past and the arrogance of power that went with it. Ironically, PDP governors from the north sold out for reasons best known to them. But the northern oligarchy has since not hidden its anger and frustrations on the issue.

    It is trite to posit that the escalation of violence in the country took a very dangerous dimension after the emergence of Jonathan at the presidential primaries. It is for the same reason that northern leaders have since taken up arms against some of the settled issues of our federation such as derivation and the onshore/offshore dichotomy among other issues they see as conferring some advantage to the south. That is also why they have now realized that poverty is the source of the insecurity in the north and must be redressed through federal action by negotiating with the insurgents.

    There is therefore the feeling that the desperation of Obasanjo to get Jonathan out and have the presidency return to the north, is part of the overall calculations to appease that section of the country and stem the tide of insecurity. This scenario appears more plausible.

    It was the same mindset that manifested in Obasanjo’s contradictory statements on Jonathan’s approach to the fight against the Boko Haram scourge

    At first, he was for brute force but later reversed himself with the carrot and stick approach. This revisionism fits into the character of a well crafted script to pander to the sensibilities of the north as atonement for that error. That is why Obasanjo has abandoned the man he forced unto the highest office in the land irrespective of his suitability for the job. What has happened between the time he erected all manner of subterfuge to get Jonathan elected and now to warrant the devious scheme to whittle down his powers?

    Nothing except perhaps, Jonathan’s touted 2015 ambition stands against his desire to have power return to the north as a recompense for his sin. Obasanjo wants to be the lynchpin of political power in this country. He wants to call the shots and control everything in and out of office. Yet, the same man would not tolerate what he is now doing to Jonathan during his regime without his challenger suffering direly for it. Maybe Jonathan has no big stick to wield.

    Beyond lust for power and the desire to have power return to the north through the PDP, are contradictions that have been thrown up by the indecent manner Obasanjo is going about the entire affair. The tinge of desperation that goes with his action, gives the feeling of a man in a haste to remedy a bad situation. In it also, is the feeling that a colossal error has been made and everything must be done to redress it else things get out of hands. It is a veiled admission that the current insecurity in the country is largely political and can only be stemmed by redressing the political grievances that gave rise to it. The impression we get is that returning power to the north in 2015 will bring an end to the senseless destruction of lives and property by insurgents.

    There are serious issues bound to be thrown up by this line of thought and pacifist disposition. The first is that the insecurity that has held this nation down in the last two years was politically motivated. Being a child of politics, once we address the source of that grievance (power balance) peace will be restored. This raises another serious contradiction on the propriety of returning power to those who almost destroyed the country because power temporarily eluded them. Questions are bound to be raised as to the end those people intend to deploy power especially with the indecent desperation they sabotaged our collective interests just for the sake of it.

    If power is sought for public good, why destroy the same people for whose benefit it is purportedly sought? Why sow insurrection and decapitate the same country you want to lead just because of a singular act of indiscretion by your political party? What guarantee is there that this category of people will not embark on vengeance once they get hold of power and further heat up the polity? These are the foreboding posers.

    One irreducible fact here is that the PDP has already burnt its hands by not playing according to its own rules. Whatever hurried effort Obasanjo now makes to redress this self-inflicted act of indiscretion is bound to create more monsters. There is nothing on earth barring the north from holding on to power when once they grab it because a wrong precedent has been laid. This is more so as the impression is being conveyed that armed tactics by insurgents is all it takes to succumb. And when they refuse to rotate power, no body will have the moral courage to challenge them because a monster had already been created.

    In all, the PDP has failed this country. It seems obvious we can no longer have peace through it either now or even when there is a change of guards amongst its members. It has lost the moral right to inspire confidence and wield the people together for their collective good. Its continued rule has become an albatross incapable of guaranteeing the peace and general wellbeing of our toiling people.