Tag: anti-graft war

  • Former Delta commissioner hails Buhari’s anti-graft war

    A Former Commissioner for Special Duties in Delta State, Dr. Tony Nwaka, has lauded the efforts of the Buhari administration in its fight against corruption, saying it should be supported by all persons who mean well for the country.

    In a statement made available to The Nation, he also urged the Federal Government to deal decisively with the herdsmen/farmers issue, to silence the criticisms trailing the handling of the clashes.

    Nwaka, who recently defected from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC), said corruption has been a major bane militating against the development of the country.

    He said: “Let me state emphatically that the anti-graft war of the present administration at the centre is the main agenda that has endeared me to the ruling party. Yes, while some persons may say the anti-graft war is not near perfect, at least we should be happy that we now have someone in the person of Mr. President who has the courage and the genuine desire to rein in on the monster.

    “You will agree with me that corruption is one of the major problems that have plagued our nation for several decades now. Therefore, we should support the effort of Mr. President to reduce it to the barest minimum, if not stamp it out completely. For me, it is a step in the right direction, because it is obvious that with what is happening today, others who will come after Mr. President will have no option but to continue with the anti-graft war.”

    Nwaka, who was the Executive Assistant to Governor Ifeanyi Okowa on Education Matters, also enjoined the Federal Government to tackle the herdsmen/farmers clashes headlong before it degenerates.

    He said: “In fact, one of the commendable moves is the recent decision to visit the affected states by our dear President. While some may say it is almost belated, I believe there is no time that is late. What is important is that he is going to visit the affected states and the visits will no doubt help to ameliorate and assuage all anger.”

    Nwaka who called for unity among members of the APC in Delta State said it is necessary to present a united front, with the 2019 general elections drawing nearer. “This is one of my major desires for the party and I am determined to ensure that we bring a lasting peace to the party,” he added.

  • TI and the anti-graft war

    The Federal Government has deplored the country’s low ranking in the 2017 Corruption Perception Index (CPI) by Transparency International (TI). It is not backed by facts, the government says, citing its almost three years of anti-corruption war. Eric Ikhilae examines the anti-graft crusade, noting that it has recorded some success, but more still has to be done.

    The President Muhammadu Buhari-led ad-ministration’s anti-corruption war got a knock with the release of the 2017 Corruption Perception Index (CPI) by global watchdog, Transparency International (TI).

    It placed Nigeria 148th out of 180, despite almost three years of the administration’s anti-corruption war.

    According to TI, the CPI score relates to perceptions of the degree of corruption as experienced by business people and analysts and ranges between 100 (highly clean) and 0 (highly corrupt).

    Truly, the report dealt a blow to Buhari’s anti-corruption war, because it showed that, going by the nation’s rating in the last  five years, nothing really has changed.

    In the 2016 ranking, Nigeria scored 28. In 2015, it scored 26. In 2014, the country scored 27 and 25 in 2013.Nigeria was rated the 35th most corrupt nation on earth in 2012 when it scored 27.

    Expectedly, the government reacted angrily to the country’s ranking in the recently released corruption perception index, with government’s spokesman, Garba Shehhu, describing it as “misleading and unfair”.

    He argued that as against the impression created in the TI report, the government has recorded significant impact in its efforts to tame corruption and impunity in the management and application of public resources.

    According to him, the President has not only demonstrated the political will to fight corruption, but has also exhibited “the extraordinary courage to go after high profile looters, including former military service chiefs and Judges. It was once unthinkable to touch or prosecute the ‘big men’ for corruption in Nigeria, but President Buhari has ended impunity for corruption”.

    Shehu claimed that corruption was no longer fashionable in the country because it attracts consequences. He added that the rigid enforcement of the Treasury Single Account (TSA) has made life tougher for corrupt officials and about N738.9 billion was recovered in just two years of the Buhari administration.

    He added: “Anybody, who knows where Nigeria was coming from, would not believe that corruption is worse under the Buhari administration. We wonder where they (TI) got their facts from.

    “At a time, they are alleging increase in the incidence of corruption under this government, the whole of Africa is applauding by choosing President Buhari as the continental champion to lead the fight against it. Nothing can be more eloquent than this.”

    “In the end, this whole episode may turn out to be just a political distraction, given the strong views some of TI’s patrons have expressed against the Buhari Administration. This notwithstanding, facts are facts and those facts won’t cease to be facts even if you don’t care to pay attention to them,” Shehu said.

     

    Initiatives against corruption

    Indeed, this administration got to power on the strength of President Buhari’s pledge to fight corruption. Despite the initial lull experienced in the early days of this administration, it later got to business by taking some commendable steps aimed at tackling corruption.

    Some of such steps were the constitution of some investigating committees, including the one that probed the application of funds allocated by the President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration for the purchase of arms to fight insurgency. Another probed the finances of the armed forces, among others.

    The outcome of these various investigations formed the basis of the on-going prosecution of some politicians and former military chiefs across the country.

    The government equally created some institutions, formulated policies and initiated Bills for the enactment of laws to aid the anti-corruption fight.

    Some of such institutions included the Presidential Advisory Committee Against Corruption (PACAC), which among others, advises the President on how to direct the various anti-corruption initiatives.

    There is also the National Prosecution Co-ordination Committee (NPCC), which was inaugurated by Vice President Yemi Osinbajo on May 27, 2016 with the core responsibility of co-ordinating the prosecution of high profile cases.

    The NPCC is also required to scrutinise the proof of evidence and charges in high profile criminal cases in the country before arraignment. In addition, it will receive and analyse reports from the investigation and prosecution teams engaged to handle such cases.

    The committee is to guarantee prompt contact and synergy between investigators and the prosecutors of high profile criminal cases, manage information to the public on such cases as well as to ensure strict compliance to the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA), 2015.

    Also, the NPCC is to advise the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) on the exercise of his prosecutorial powers in Section 150 and 174 of the 1999 Constitution, prepare the policy strategy document for the co-ordination of investigation and prosecution of high profile criminal cases in Nigeria and to collate the list of such cases as well as assigning them to prosecution teams.

    The government also set up the Special Investigation Panel on the Recovery of Public Property, which is saddled with, aomg others, the responsibility of identifying and confisticating property unlawfully acquired by public officials.

    In April 2017, the government adopted a five-year strategy to combat corruption and corrupt tendencies in the country to the barest minimum.

    The AGF and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami (SAN) explained that the five-year strategy would serve as the driving force across board in both private and public sectors.

    He said the plan will involve prevention of corruption, public engagement, campaign for ethical reorientation, enforcement and sanctions and recovery of proceeds of corruption.

    On August 10, 2017, the government adopted what it called the National Policy on Justice (NPJ, an instrument aimed primarily at addressing the perennial delay in criminal justice administration in the country. This was intended to also aid the anti-corruption drive by ensuring prompt prosecution of corruption cases.

    Some of the objectives of NPJ include: to engender synergy and cooperation across the justice sector nationally – both at the national and state levels; promote independence and impartiality of the judiciary and ensure  fair and speedy dispensation of  justice and effective enforcement of court decisions.

    The government, in November 2017 inaugurated the Audit Committee on Recovery and Management of Stolen Assets within and outside the country.

    While inaugurating the audit committee, President Buhari explained that it was intended to ensure that all returns filed by the various agencies were accurate and consistent with actual recoveries made.

    He said the committee was, therefore,  expected to judiciously undertake an audit of all recovery accounts established by government agencies from the date of opening such accounts up to April 10, 2017.

    In the area of legislation, the government initiated many Bills, some of which included Nigerian Financial Intelligence Bill; Proceeds of Crime Bill; Money Laundering Prevention and Prohibition Bill; Mutual Legal Assistance Bill and the Bill to establish Special Anti-Corruption Courts.

    Addressing a gathering recently in Abuja, Malami identified the several programmes initiated by this administration to aid the fight against corruption, which he said, included the Treasury Single Account (TSA); the Whistle Blower Programme; elimination of ghost workers from the payroll and aggressive investigation and prosecution of indicted persons.

    He said the government has also put in place a robust asset recovery programme; increased collaboration with foreign governments and partners; sanitised tax system, including the on-going Voluntary Assets and Income Declaration Scheme (VAIDS) and greater transparency and scrutiny in the expenditure of public funds, among others.

     

    Big men and their children

    on trial on corruption allegations

    In furtherance of its anti-corruption fight, the government, through its various agencies, is prosecuting high profile individuals, including politicians and former military chiefs with some convictions already recorded.

    Some of such politicains include former Adamawa State governors, Murtala Nyako and Ahmadu Fintiri; ex-Benue Governor, Gabriel Suswam; former Sokoto State Governor, Attahiru Bafarawa; ex Finanace Minister, Bashir Yuguda; former Katsina State Governor, Ibrahim Shema and ex-Jigawa Governor, Sule Lamido.

    Others are the Senate President, Dr Bukola Saraki; former National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Haliru Bello; former spokesman of the party, Olisa Metuh; former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Bala Mohammed; Ex-President Goodluck Jonatan’s Campaign Director, Femi Fani-Kayode and businessmen, Raymond Dokpesi and Jide Omokore.

    Also, some children of these influential individuals are equally on trial. They include Abdul-Aziz (a serving Senator and son of ex-Governor Nyako, being tried with his father for money laundering), Nanle (Dariye’s son also charged with laundering of N1.5b) and Sagir (son of ex-Governor Bafarawa).

    Others are Shamsudeen (son of Bala Mohammed being tried for money laundering), Abbah (son of Haliru Ballo being tried with his father on a N300m fraud charge) and Aminu and Mustapha (Lamido’s two sons being tried with their father for money laundering)

    The government is also prosecuting cases inherited from past administrations, which involve former governors Danjuma Goje, Rasheed Ladoja, Jolly Nyame, Joshua Dariye and Orji Kalu.

    Also, ex-military chiefs have been put on trial for corruption. Some of those on trial include former Chief of Defence Staff, Air Chief Marshal Alex Badeh (rtd); former Chief of Air Staff, Umar Dikko; former Chief of Naval Staff, Vice Admiral Usman Jibrin (rtd); former Chief of Air Staff, Adesola Amosu and Air Vice Marshal Alkali Mawu (rtd).

    Others are former member, Presidential Investigating Committee on Arms Procurement, Air Commodore Mohammed Umar Diko; National Security Adviser, Col  Sambo Dasuki (rtd) and his former aide, Col. Nicholas Ashinze (rtd).

    The Judiciary is not spared in the anti-corruption war of this administration as some judges and senior lawyers have been brought before the court on corruption related charges. Those still on trial include Supreme Court Justice Sylvester Ngwuta; Justice Rita Ofili-Ajumogobia of the Federal High Court and Justice James Agbadu-Fishim of the National Industrial Court.

    The government has appealed the Court of Appeal judgment, which quashed the charges against Justice Hyeladzira Nganjiwa of Federal High Court.

    Some of the senior lawyers also on trial on allegation of corruption are Dele Belgore (SAN), Godwin Obla (SAN) and Joseph Nwobike (SAN).

     

    Some recorded success

    Although no accurate figures exist in relation to the actual amount of looted public funds recovered so far, government agencies and individuals involved in the efforts to recover such funds have given hints of the level of success recorded.

    While receiving members of the Senate Committee on Judiciary, Human Rights and Legal Matters in his office in 2017, Malami disclosed that government’s efforts had led to the recovery of over N15billion and $10.5m in 2016 alone.

    Acting Chairman of Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Ibrahim Magu, while speaking in Abuja recently, identified some instances of success in the anti-corruption fight to include the $43,449,947, £27,800 and N23,218,000 cash recovered in a private residence on Osborne Road, Ikoyi in 2017, which has since been forfeited to the Federal Government, following a June 6, 2017 order of forfeiture made by Justice Muslim Hassan of the Federal High Court, Lagos.

    He added: “Between January and August 30, 2017, the EFCC recovered N409,270,706,686.75; $69,501,156.67; £231,118.69; €610,816.20; Dirham 443,400.00 and 70,500.00 Saudi Riyal.”

    According to Magu, the EFCC recovered over N329 billion from a group of oil marketers in July 2017 for the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), adding that the Commission recorded 137 convictions nationwide by August of 2017, rising from the 125 convictions recorded in 2016, and 103 secured in 2015.

    On February 28, this year, a Federal High Court in Lagos granted a permanent forfeiture order on two properties said to have been acquired for $3.6 million and $1.2 million by former Petroleum Minister, Diezani Alison-Madueke.

     

    Identified drawbacks

    Despite this impressive record of achievement, many believed there is enough basis to justify the ranking accorded the country on the TI corruption perception index for 2017.

    This, they argued, is because in recent time, there has been a shift in the general perception of this administration’s sincerity in the anti-corruption fight, particularly in cases involving individuals close to President Buhari.

    Some recent cases that lent credence to this perception of selectivity in the anti-corruption war include the government’s reluctance to bring charges against former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Babachir Lawal, indicted for corruption and former Director-General of the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), Ambassador Ayo Oke, who allegedly admitted being behind the huge cash recovered by the EFCC in a private residence in Ikoyi, Lagos.

    Critics also cited the controversial reinstatement of former Chairman of the Presidential Task Team on Pension Reforms, Abdulrasheed Maina, who has been declared wanted by the EFCC on corruption allegations.

    They also referred to the recent case of the Executive Secretary of the National Health Insurance Scheme(NHIS) Prof Usman Yusuf, who was suspended by the Minister of Health Isaac Adewole, but was allegedly recalled by the Presidency without consulting the Health Minister.

    Yusuf was suspended in July, last year, following which an investigating panel was constituted by the NHIS’ parent ministry, Health Ministry, to investigate the allegations levelled against him

    The panel, in its report, described Yusuf as a public servant, who “portrayed a holier-than-thou attitude but in the background, milked the agency dry” by conniving with others to perpetrate fraud to the tune of over N919m.

    It said, as the head of NHIS, Yusuf was personally responsible for all administrative, procurement and financial lapses.

    Beside the public perception, there exists deep rooted contradictions in the government, which sees critical agencies and personnel of government working at cross purposes.

    Critics wondered what reasonable government will close its eyes to the open disagreement between the Malami and Magu on key issues relating to the handling of high profile corruption cases and the status of the NFIU, over which there is threat to expel the country from Egmont Group of financial intelligent units.

    They argued that the contradictions  in this government accounted for why the head of the Department of State Services (DSS), an appointee of the president, would issue a negative report, which the Senate relied on to refuse Magu’s appointment confirmation, notwithstanding being  another appointee of the same President Buhari.

    It has also been argued that these contradictions accounted for the raiding of the houses of some judges and the eventual arraignment of some in court, even when such judges were yet to conclude hearing on some corruption cases before them. That action by the DSS, no doubt, affected proceedings in some pending corruption cases.

    For instance, the trial of former Imo State Governor, Ikedi Ohakim, was nearing conclusion before Justice Adeniyi Ademola when the judge was arrested and arraigned before the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) on charges of corruption. Similar development delayed proceedings in the trial of Lamido, his children and others.

    Critics cited the seeming perpetual conflict between the National Assembly and the Executive, which has also impacted negatively on the anti-corruption fight. Many relevant anti-corruption related bills are left unpassed.

    Today, the Senate has refused to confirm the President’s nominees to key anti-corruption agencies such as the Independent Corrupt Practices and other related offences Commission (ICPC), the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB), among others.

     

    Suggested way out

    Critics argued that the current general skepticism about this administration’s commitment to the anti-corruption fight requires deliberate efforts on the part of the President to address the identified drawbacks.

    To them, President Buhari needs to ensure proper co-ordination among his appointees and impress on them the need to buy into his agenda of non-discriminatory fight against corruption.

    The President, they contended, needs to convince the National Assembly, which incidentally is controlled by his party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), to realise that its refusal to confirm the appointees and enact relevant anti-corruption related laws were hindering success in the fight against corruption.

    Critics also argued that there was the urgent need for Malami to realise that, as the AGF, it was his core responsibility to serve as the arrowhead of the anti-graft war by providing the needed leadership and co-ordination required among all the prosecuting agencies of the Federal Government to avoid incidents of conflicts

    The AGF, they added, should ensure adequate funding of the NPCC for effective performance of its various responsibilities.

     

     

     

     

     

  • Anti-graft war: Lessons from Singapore

    Institutions must be strengthened. President Buhari is on the right path, but he won’t succeed unless institutions are built. The president will be in office for eight years at most. If there is one good quality corrupt people have, it is patience. They can sleep for eight years and emerge as monsters in the ninth year.- Prof Patrick Lumumba, Former Director of Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission

    Corruption is a complex phenomenon and its effect on development varies with each country. But while the costs may vary and systemic corruption may co-exist with strong economic performance, experience shows that corruption is bad for development.

    With reference to Nigeria, corruption has almost become a culture; a situation which has tolled heavily not only on the country’s development but also on its image. Indeed, it has retarded its development to such an alarming extent that the vast majority of the populace now live in abject poverty, having serially lost their commonwealth to a deeply entrenched band of thieving elite. This fact is well documented by the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, African Union and anti-graft watchdogs such as the Global Financial Integrity, a US-based group. Corruption has assumed the most topical issue of discourses on governance in Nigeria today.

    And no wonder, Nigeria’s progress has been significantly impeded by the country’s inability to manage its immense oil wealth for the benefit of all its citizens. The major preoccupation of the elites has been how to corner the nation’s resources and this they have ruthlessly done in the last decades. According to Prof. Jide Osuntokun, “the kind of looting we are being told happened is enough to depress any sane and patriotic Nigerian. The level of looting poses existential threat to this republic.  In China some of what happened in the recent past would have attracted ultimate punishment”.

    It was, therefore, not surprising that the last Presidential election in Nigeria was swayed by the opposition party’s seeming tough stand against corruption. As observed by Godwin Onyeacholem, of all the vote-catching strategies laid out by the ruling All Progressives Congress in the lead up to the 2015 general elections, its promise to prosecute an all-out war against corruption was unquestionably the most compelling and believable. Thus, at inception, the President Muhammadu Buhari-led government identified corruption as the bane of Nigeria’s socio-economic development and vowed to nip it in the bud just like Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, announced, after Singapore attained independence, that he was “sickened” by decadence and corruption, and pledged to rid Singapore of graft. The Singaporean leader lived up to his promise. This is not the case in Nigeria because two and a half years after the APC took the reins of power, Nigerians seem not to believe that the various anti-corruption laws apply to all and that the government will enforce the laws without fear or favour.

    Singapore is a high-income economy with a gross national income of $52,090 per capita, as of 2015. The country provides one of the world’s most business-friendly regulatory environments for local entrepreneurs and is ranked among the world’s most competitive economies. In the decades after independence, Singapore rapidly developed from a low-income country to a high-income country. GDP grew at an average of 7.7% since independence; in the first 25 years, growth topped 9.2%. Per capita GDP over the same periods grew by 5.4% and 7.2%.

    In 2015, Singapore was named the eighth least-corrupt in the Corruption Perceptions Index released by the Berlin-based watchdog, Transparency International. Singapore received an overall score of 85 out of 100.

    How did Singapore become one of the countries with the lowest crime and corruption rates in the world? How has Singapore achieved some measure of success in eradicating corruption? Since Singapore attained self-government in 1959, corruption control has been top of the government agenda. Corruption control has become a strategic tenet of governance. The smooth conduct of government affairs had to be grounded on a rational basis, with clear rules for all to follow. It provides the predictability and confidence for the public to rely on the government to discharge its duty without bias. Strong political will, effective laws, independent judiciary, effective enforcement and responsive public service are the hallmarks of anti-corruption in Singapore.

    Political will is a key ingredient in the transformation effort from Singapore’s corruption infested past as it forms that all-important sub-structure upon which all the superstructures of anti-corruption work rest. It provides the soil and the nutrient which allow the seeds of anti-corruption work to germinate and grow. With strong political will, the country institutionalised a robust, comprehensive anti-corruption framework that encompasses carefully crafted laws, rigorous law enforcement, the public service and public outreach. It enacted the Prevention of Corruption Act (PCA), which puts the burden of proof on the accused to show that he acquired his wealth legally. Any unexplained wealth disproportionate to known sources of income is presumed to be from graft and can be confiscated.

    Singapore has also developed a system that “eschews corruption” as it officially opened the Corruption Reporting and Heritage Centre (CRHC) in June 2017. Stressing the important role of the public in maintaining a corruption-free country, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong said the new centre demonstrates the government’s desire to treat each complaint seriously and transparently, and urged the public to step forward should they suspect any corrupt behaviour. Complaints lodged in person are most effective as the CPIB can obtain further details about suspected corrupt practices more readily.

    While this may be a variant of Nigeria’s whistle-blower policy, what is, however, worrisome is how the National Assembly, that pontificates on being the champion of anti-graft law, seems to be averse to such policy/law in its internal operations as manifested in the suspension of its members. For instance, Ali Ndume, a member of the Senate, was suspended by the Senate for triggering investigations into allegations of forgery against the Senate President, Bukola Saraki, and Kogi State Senator, Dino Melaye. Also, the House of Representatives in 2016 suspended the former chairman of Appropriation Committee, Abdulmumini Jibrin, for a period of 180 legislative sitting days. Jibrin had accused the Speaker of the House, Yakubu Dogara and other principal officers of the lower legislative chamber of padding the 2016 budget to the tune of over N40bn. This ugly development might have justified the submission of Adebanwi and Obadare that the gravest threats to anti-corruption campaigns often emanate from a combination of intra-elite rancour and political intrigue, based on corrupt practices which are reflections of deeper socio-political pathologies of a ‘normal’ post-colonial state.

    Having tough laws is no guarantee that there is effective enforcement. If there are tough laws but lax enforcement, corruption will still flourish because the corrupt escape detection and investigation. The situation will be like having a good battle plan but poor troops. The integrity of the government, the system and the men and women in charge has been key to Singapore’s success. In 1986, Lee’s minister of national development, an architect named Teh Cheang Wan, was investigated for accepting kickbacks from two real-estate developers. He killed himself with a fatal dose of barbiturates, maintaining, in a suicide note addressed to Lee Kuan Yew, “It is only right that I should pay the highest penalty for my mistake”.

    Today, Singapore enjoys a well-earned reputation for high level of incorruptibility. And this is not by accident or a feat achieved through sheer luck or wishful thinking. Indeed, the Nigerian political leadership urgently needs a compelling tutorial from Singapore, at least in the spirit of South-south knowledge transfer for which Singapore is a model, on elementary and essentials (both infrastructure and supra-structure) of anti-corruption strategies.

    In spite of the gains recorded through the new whistle-blower strategy of the federal government in the last few months, it is strongly held in many quarters that the whole anti-corruption crusade of the Buhari administration is fast losing steam. In other words, the substance of the anti-graft war is being eroded daily. The tragi-comedy that literally epitomises the activities of some public office holders and agencies of government in this regard is worrisome.

    • Dr. Omilusi writes from Ekiti State University, Ado Ekiti.
  • Minister to media: don’t mock anti-graft war

    Minister to media: don’t mock anti-graft war

    Minister of Information and Culture Alhaji Lai Mohammed has appealed to the media not to mock the Federal Government’s anti-corruption war, urging media practitioners to support the administration’s fight against the menace.

    He stressed that as the fourth estate of the realm, the media cannot afford to sit on the fence in the battle to rid the nation of corruption.

    He spoke yesterday in Abuja while opening the 68th General Assembly of the Broadcasting Organisations of Nigeria (BON).

    The minister said while the media should not hesitate to criticise the government’s strategy on the war against corruption, when necessary, it should do so without mocking the government.

    “In recent times, it is not unusual to read such headlines as ‘Buhari’s government losing anti-corruption war’, ‘Buhari’s anti-corruption war is failing’, ‘Arewa youths knock President Buhari over failing anti-corruption war’. This is sheer mockery. And this war is not Buhari’s war. It is our war,” he said.

    On why all hands must be on deck to fight corruption, Mohammed said corruption was responsible for the many ills being experienced in the country, including erratic power supply, poorly-equipped hospitals, lack of motorable roads, poor quality of life, poor economy, lack of jobs and insecurity.

    “After previous administrations spent billions of dollars on power, all we inherited – when we took over on  May 29, 2015 – was 2,690 megawatts. That is due to corruption. After previous governments budgeted billions for roads over the years, what we inherited are death traps. That is due to corruption. Why did Boko Haram thrive for so long? The answer is corruption, because money meant for the purchase of weapons for the military were simply diverted. Why did we inherit an economy in dire straits? It is corruption. For a country that sold oil at over 100 dollars per barrel for years, we simply failed to save for the rainy day, and when the rain came, it beat us silly,” he said.

    The minister said the war against corruption was the toughest of the three broad issues that the Buhari administration campaigned with, “because fighting corruption anywhere is like walking a lonely road”.

    Mohammed said the war against corruption becomes tougher when the media is not on board.

    He said because of the courageous leadership provided by the President, “despite the fact that corruption is fighting back furiously, the administration is winning the war”.

    “For our efforts so far, we have so much to showcase: Because we are tackling corruption, we have succeeded in raising power generation from 2,690 to an all-time high of 7,001MW. Because we are tackling corruption, we are saving N25 billion monthly by cutting unnecessary allowances of officials. Because we are tackling corruption, we have added 500 million dollars to our Sovereign Wealth Fund that stagnated at the $1 billion that was used to set it up. We have raised our foreign reserves from $23 billion to $35 billion dollars. We stopped the payment of phantom subsidy of between N800 billion and N1.3 trillion annually, yet petroleum products are available at competitive prices.

    “We recovered at least $43 million and 56 houses from just one former government official. We have recovered $2.9 billion from looters so far. Our Whistle-blower policy has led to the recovery of $151 million and N8 billion in looted funds from just three sources,” the minister said.

     

  • Media should support anti-graft war – Mohammed

    Media should support anti-graft war – Mohammed

    The Federal Government on Monday urged the media to support the anti-corruption campaign and desist from mocking the process.

    The Minister of Information and Culture, Lai Mohammed, made the call at the opening of the 68th General Assembly of the Broadcasting Organisation of Nigeria (BON) in Abuja.

    Mohammed said the media as the Fourth Estate of the Realm could not afford to sit on the fence in the fight against corruption.

    He said the government was not averse to constructive criticism of the process, adding that it was wrong for the media to mock the anti-graft war through their reporting.

    He said: “Without mincing words, let me use this platform to appeal directly to the media in general to join this administration in facing the problem of corruption.

    “In recent times, it is not unusual to read such headlines as ‘Buhari’s Government Losing Anti-Corruption War,’ `Buhari’s Anti-Corruption War is Failing,’ ‘Arewa Youths Knock President Buhari over Failing Anti-corruption War.’

    “This is sheer mockery, not reporting, and this war is not Buhari’s war. It is our war.

    “As we have said times without number, this fight must not be seen as Buhari’s fight. It must not be seen as the Federal Government’s fight. It is our fight.

    READ ALSO:  We’ll sustain anti-graft war despite criticism – Buhari

    “We are not saying the media should not criticize us over our strategy for the fight, but they should stop mocking us.

    “If we fail to win by defeating corruption, it will simply kill us as a nation,’’

    The minister noted that if the media continued to celebrate every setback suffered in prosecuting corruption cases, it will give succour to the corrupt.

    He said Nigeria was winning the war against corruption with the type of leadership provided by Buhari.

    Mohammed added: “Yes, corruption is fighting back furiously, but it cannot match the courage, the determination and the commitment of this administration, nor can it dampen the leadership of President Buhari.

    READ ALSO:  Buhari seeks judiciary’s support for anti-graft battle

    “We are tackling corruption; we have added $500 million to our Sovereign Wealth Fund that stagnated at the one-billion-dollar that was used to set it up.

    “We have raised our foreign reserves from $23 billion to $35 billion.

    “We stopped the payment of phantom subsidy of between N800 billion and N1.3 trillion annually, yet petroleum products are available at competitive prices.”

    NAN

  • Buhari: We’ll  sustain anti-graft  war despite  criticism

    Buhari: We’ll sustain anti-graft war despite criticism

    •Promises not to sack workers

    The anti-corruption war will remain unrelenting despite the massive criticisms against it, President Muhammadu Buhari has stated.

    He vowed that all looters of public funds will be brought to book regardless of whose ox is gored.

    Buhari, who was apparently reacting to insinuations the fight has not yielded any positive impact, said the responsibility of the Executive is to investigate and prosecute, leaving the judiciary to convict offenders.

    The President spoke in an interview published in the 2017/2018 Nigeria Outlook, a study on the economy, governance and investment opportunities in the country compiled by a team of professionals led by Reginald Ibe and Dahiru Ali.

    He said: “We are succeeding in the anti corruption war. Cases are being investigated and those indicted are prosecuted. The number of convictions is not within the ambit of the Executive.

    “Ours is to investigate and charge to court while it is the duty of the judiciary to convict. We can’t be prosecutor and jury at the same time.

    “We respect the principle of separation of power as enshrined in our constitution. We don’t teleguide the judiciary and the onus is on that institution to do its work expeditiously.

    “The anti corruption war is not limited in scope. Anybody that runs foul of the law will answer for it.”

    He went on: “We will strengthen the war in due course. You don’t need a national debate to fight corruption.

    “You just need to crack down on corrupt people without fear or favour. We will strengthen the war and fight it at all levels.”

    President Buhari said the major task of his government is to make an enduring impact on Nigerians, lamenting that for many decades “we paid lip service to diversifying the economy.

    “But we merely succeeded in turning ourselves into a mono economy. And when oil price crashed, we simply crashed with it as a nation.

    “It should never happen again and that is why we are focused on agriculture, mines and steel development as well as manufacturing.

    “We will lay a solid foundation and build on it. That will ensure that Nigeria will never be at the mercy of just one commodity again.

    “Oil will still get attention but it gets it along with any other commodities. That is our goal, and Nigeria and the international community can count on our single mindedness as an administration. We are determined to make a difference.”

    On overbloated public service and whether the government has plans to down size, Buhari said: “There is time for everything. This time of parlous economic reality is not the right time to send more people into the Labour market. This is a government with a human face.

    “We met a monthly wage bill of the public service at about N165 billion. It is very easy to say downsize.

    “But we preferred to audit the system and scores of thousands of ghost workers have been discovered in the process.

    “We saved more than N20 billion which has reduced the monthly wage bill significantly. We will continue to audit the process, get the correct number of workers we have, rather than retrench and cause more misery.

    “I have said it before and I say it again. If I have my way, no single Nigerian will lose his or her job at this time.”

     

  • Anti-graft war: Buhari is lone ranger, says Falana

    Anti-graft war: Buhari is lone ranger, says Falana

    •Activist-lawyer warns against using recovered loot to fund budget

    President Muhammadu Buhari is a lone ranger in the fight against corruption, Lagos lawyer Mr. Femi Falana (SAN) has said.

    He warned the government against using recovered money to fund the budget.

    Instead, Falana said the money should be placed in a special fund for specific projects like the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF).

    The human rights activist spoke yesterday in Abuja at the National Stakeholders Summit on Whistleblowing organised by African Centre for Media and Information Literacy (AFRICMIL).

    Falana likened Buhari’s anti-graft war to a Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces without a troop behind him, a situation he described as a limitation.

    To buttress his point, he cited the many cases of corruption allegations that had come up under the administration.

    He said: “The bulk of allegations that is oozing out of Villa are disturbing. You must understand the limitation of the ongoing war by the All Progressives Congress (APC). In fact, as far as many people are concerned, our President is a Commander-in-Chief without troops behind him.”

    He added that the President is facing a contradiction just as he did in 1983.

    His words: “He wanted to fight corruption and unfortunately, he ran into contradiction as he is already running into now. Some of the people serving under him didn’t believe in the fight against corruption. So, they expose him to ridicule and that is what is going on now.”

    Citing the outcry of the President’s wife over the situation of the Presidential Villa’s Clinic, which got a budget of N3 billion and yet had no single syringe, Falana said: “If you watch closely what is going on, the bulk of allegations of corruption against the government are oozing out from the Villa and other places.”

    He chided the handling of whistleblowing policy.

    The senior lawyer said 10 whistleblowers had either been sacked or charged to court.

    Falana noted that if the country wants to fight corruption, the whistleblowing programme should be moved out of the Ministry of Finance.

    “I am sure you all already know the Ikoyi cash scandal. The man, who gave the information to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), was detained by the Directorate of State Services (DSS). As if that was not enough, he was taken to Yaba Psychiatric Hospital. For him to be demanding for five per cent of $43 million (N14billion), he must be a mad man. So, the government took him to Yaba; he was admitted. He told the doctors that I am not mad; they are owing me money based on their own policy. “

    Noting that the war against corruption was been prosecuted very well, he, however, doubted the sincerity of the three  tiers of government in the fight.

    He said: “Out of the 774 local government areas in the country, no one is fighting corruption. Out of the 36 states governors, no one is fighting corruption. So, the task ahead of us is herculean.

    “You will be surprise to know that none of the states controlled by the All Progressives Congress (APC) is fighting corruption anywhere. The National Assembly as you know has frustrated all bills drafted by the executive and submitted to them to aid the fight against corruption. Therefore, the fight ahead of us is monumental.”

    He described Okorocha’s recent reception for South Africa President as an insult to Nigeria.

    To make the whistleblower policy work, Falana suggested that the whistleblowing unit, which is warehoused in the Ministry of Finance, be moved away from there and be put under an independent body.

    AFRICMIL Coordinator Mr. Chido Onumah said the summit was aimed at interrogating the whistleblower policy.

    The summit with the theme, “Fight against corruption: Harnessing the whistleblowing opportunity”, according to Onumah, was one of the many interventions under the project to ensure protection for whistleblowers.

    Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, who was the chairman of the event, warned that corruption still remains the country’s greatest enemy.

    He said it was not out of place for government to provide little incentives for whistleblowers.

     

  • Citizens’ role in anti-graft war, by experts

    Citizens’ role in anti-graft war, by experts

    The government cannot successfully fight corruption unless citizens take ownership of the struggle, say legal experts at a roundtable organised by the Socio-Economic Right and Accountability Project (SERAP). JOSEPH JIBUEZE writes.

    Corruption has devastating effects on majority of citizens. When resources meant for public health, security, welfare of the aged and education is diverted by a few, it is the citizens who suffer the consequences.

    Yet, due to extreme poverty, ethnicity, lack of trust and belief in the leadership, and inadequate mobilisation, among others, many Nigerians do not see the fight against corruption as theirs. Some act as if it is government’s business alone.

    But, legal experts at “the strategic dialogue on mobilising the citizens to demand anti-corruption reforms and an end to impunity for grand corruption in Nigeria,” organised by the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP), believe the anti-corruption war cannot be fought successfully without citizens’ support and buy-in.

    Professor of International Law and Jurisprudence Akin Oyebode said despite all the hue and cry over the debilitating consequences of corruption, the virus has continued to fester.

    According to  him,  it is not enough to have “fanciful” anti-corruption laws.

    “More important is the need to get the generality of the popular masses wedded to the crusade in order to make it a success. The reticence and lethargy of our people generally would need to be confronted.  Without the cooperation and collaboration of generality of the people, the anti-corruption bodies might end up little more than paper tigers,” he said.

    To Oyebode, a lot of work still needs to be done to ensure the understanding of requisite anti-corruption legislation and appreciation of the government’s commitment to its anti-corruption policy.

    Most importantly, he said the people should be made aware of the nexus between corruption by the political leadership and their niggardly circumstances.

    “Once they realise that misappropriation of the nation’s resources by leaders at various levels leads to their impoverishment, their approval and support for all measures adopted to contain graft and unjust enrichment within the polity become pretty well assured,” he said.

    Next, he said the people should be enlisted in the war against corruption by encouraging them to engage in mass action through their participation in rallies, street demonstrations, public debates and writes-up in the mass media against corrupt practices.

    More anti-corruption clubs need to be organised in the schools and higher educational institutions to collaborate in waging the anti-corruption struggle, he said.

    According to him, citizens will be easily bought over to join the battle if they sense that it is sincere and devoid of double standards.

    “No better encouragement and sensitisation against corruption exist more than the palpable resolve of the government to take decisive action against those who have been proved to violate the laws and social ethos against the odious and unwholesome practice of corruption.

    “By effecting prompt and adequate sanction against acts of malfeasance, the anti-corruption crusade would win new and more committed converts among the population,” he said.

    Religious bodies, churches and mosques, he said, should not be left out of the anti-corruption crusade.

    “The leaders of religious organisations should be encouraged to be at the vanguard of the campaign against corrupt practices, more so as they exercise tremendous influence and impact among their various congregations,” he said.

    According to Oyebode, Nigerians must no longer remain passive but must take ownership of the struggle.

    “It is my considered opinion that the effort to contain corrupt practices should no longer be seen as just that of the government. Of equal if not, in fact, more important role is that of society which need to be on the same page if the anti-corruption war is to succeed.

    “The efficacy of anti-corruption legislation coupled with judicial pronouncements and conviction and sentencing of corrupt elements would require the complement of mass action and commitment arising from general awareness and resolve to collaborate with on-going efforts.

    “Inevitably, government action in this regard must be undertaken for the anti-corruption struggle to bear fruit,” he said.

    Special Assistant to the President on Prosecution Okoi Obono-Obla described corruption as a tumor that has destroyed the socio-economic prospects of development in Nigeria since after independence.

    According to him, in view of the devastating impact of corruption, there is every need to eradicate or at least minimise it.

    “More disturbing is the contribution of corruption in creating a widening gap between the wealthy and the poor in our society. In terms of ‘inequality’, there exist a large and growing gap between the rich and the poor as more than 112 million Nigerians are living below poverty level,” he said.

    Obono-Obla said corruption festered due to a weak and inept leadership in the past and an un-dying greed amongst the populace.

    On its prevalence, he said: “Corruption lives amongst us and can be spotted in every sphere of the society- in Families, among friends, government offices, religious bodies, private sector, and as well as the educational sector.

    Obono-Obla said Nigeria was once a society with conscience, where most citizens seriously frowned at criminal conduct and people were advised to disassociate themselves from criminal elements.

    “But in today’s Nigeria the reverse is the case. It is only in Nigeria that criminals become heroes; given various chieftaincy titles, even recommended for National honours and honorary doctorate degrees of Universities are awarded based on stolen wealth from the public tilt, unmindful of the harm caused the nation by such people.

    “We have even seen churches organising thanksgiving services for convicted criminals after serving their jail terms!” he said.

    Obono-Obla said despite skepticisms, mobilising citizens can be a highly effective tool in combating corruption.

    “The challenge is for the citizens to accept the task by building a social capital and effort until a tipping point is reached where being corrupt becomes too risky. As citizens, ours task is to play a crucial role of demanding transparency and accountability.

    “We must also put pressure on government to end impunity for corruption to curb malfeasance by public officials. It is worthy of note that the citizen has the civic responsibility to monitor, analyse and report what they see and what actions state institutions like the Judiciary and others take on corruption cases.

    “Citizens should shun their neighbors who show off with unearned wealth; who live in affluence and drive exotic automobiles without verifiable means of livelihood.

    “It is the responsibility of citizens to whitsleblow a minister, director, commissioners or any public servant who suddenly become rich after appointment into government.  Citizens should cut their coat according to their sizes rather than pretending! Citizens should not wait to be paid incentives before reporting corruption

    To achieve a successful anti-corruption strategy, the media must let the public to be aware of the alarming nature and levels of corruption in the interests of transparency, accountability, and integrity. Nigeria needs an informed public to make informed decisions,” Obono-Obla said.

    To him, a major impediment to the anti-graft war is the people’s attitude to it, especially those who see it as political vendetta or selective political fight.

    “This I strongly disagree. Combating corruption needs an all-inclusive approach of enforcement with prevention and detective measures, including enhanced whistleblower mechanisms.

    “We must start working together to reinvent governance for the 21st Century; this we can achieve by supporting and aiding government institutions charged with such duties of stamping out corruption in our nation,” Obono-Obla said.

    Speaking at the maiden strategic media roundtable dialogue on combating corruption and impunity organised by SERAP in February, A  senior lawyer, Tayo Oyetibo (SAN), regretted that due to poverty, many youths readily become willing tool in the hands of the politically exposed corrupt politicians, especially during elections.

    Social perception, he said, also promotes corruption when the affluent flaunt their wealth, becoming a source of envy for many.

    “Little or no regard is paid to how the wealth was acquired. Unfortunately, the craze to live big like my next door neighbour mentality often drive not a few to engage in corrupt practices with a view to acquiring undeserved wealth.

    “For the political class, the gullibility of a great number of the populace serves as an incentive to these corrupt spoliators to continue in their corrupt practices whilst the public in general are denied qualitative education, affordable healthcare system, good road network and other public amenities,” he said.

    According to the SAN, there is no paucity of anti-corruption laws in Nigeria. “We refuse to accept any postulation or notion that corruption is part of our culture in Nigeria. Rather, we are persuaded in our view that the inadequacies of the system and poor leadership have accentuated the problem of corruption in Nigeria,” he said.

    Oyetibo said the citizens must speak up against corrupt practices and abhor them, considering their effect.

    According to him, citizens have a “duty to speak up and act against corrupt practices so that a national value, ethos and principle, which abhor corruption in all ramifications would evolve”.

     

     

     

     

     

     

  • ‘Govt should institutionalise anti-graft war’

    ‘Govt should institutionalise anti-graft war’

    Senior Advocate of Nigeria Abdulhakeem Uthman Mustapha attended the Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. He holds a Masters degree in International Business Law from the Suffolk Law School in Boston, United States. He also holds an MBA from the Business School, Netherlands, and has attended courses at Harvard Business School and Manchester Business School. In this interview with ERIC IKHILAE, he speaks on corruption, loot recovery and restructuring

    How would you assess this government in relation to its adherence to the rule of law and obedience to court orders?

    If you look at it from context of before 1999 when we had military rule and now, one could say substantial progress has been made.  There was a time when it was celebrated that the government has said it would obey court order. We have now passed that stage.  I think, where we are now, the government is relatively obeying court orders. Where that is not done, it is important for the people in government to know that it is in the interest of the government and the governed that rule of law should take precedence, and that we should obey court orders. If we don’t, it is a recipe for anarchy, and it is not acceptable.

    On fight against corruption

    Like I said earlier, corruption is a big monster that takes resources away from key sectors. When you want to fight something that is abnormal, at times, you need abnormal strategy. So far, I understand that a lot of money has been recovered. To that extent, the government has tried. However, there is a difference between fighting corruption and fighting corrupt people. Somebody drew my attention to this, that when the 9/11 incident happened, the US government set up a panel, which produced a four thousand- page document. And, they examined the infraction holistically and came up with recommendations on how to prevent a future occurrence. Fighting corruption would mean that you first identify the weaknesses and leakages in the system and come up with strategies to address them.  On the other hand, fighting corrupt persons is picking somebody up, checking his resources and taking back what he/her unlawfully acquired.  The two are important, but the one that is more important is fighting corruption. And, fighting corruption means that you put some structures in place.  You institutionalise some procedures that would prevent the occurrence of future infractions. In the area of fighting corruption, the government needs to improve more drastically.   So far, relatively, the government is doing its bit. Unlike before when there was so much impunity in government. If you are in government now and you want to do anything shady, you have to be very careful, because the thought that a Magu will come and pounce on you is enough deterrence.  So, to that extent, yes the government has done well, but it can be improved upon.

    On difficulty retreiving looted funds

    We need to understand something very well. The Western world talks about egalitarian society in the day and at night, they say something else. There are much impediments to the repatriation of these funds.  The resources are being used to develop their own countries. And if eventually, you pass through all the gamut of their procedure, they still take a chunk of the money for themselves.  We need to understand that they are reluctant to release these funds. So, we need new thinking, new ideas.  We need to be dynamic in our approach; we need to be realistic and practical. We also need to understand that the foreign governments are extremely reluctant to release this money.  I remember a time when the Swiss government told Nigeria that, well you have met all the conditions, but we want to know what you will spend the money on. That is an insult.  Somebody took our money to your country illegally, and you are now giving us conditions on what we should do with the money. That is not only insulting, they are infringing on our sovereignty. So, it boils down to the fact that we should fight corruption by making it difficult, if not impossible, for people to take our money abroad. That is the starting point.  We don’t have control over what the foreign governments will do with that money, but we have control over how this money should not be taken out.

    On report that the judiciary comes next to the police in corruption ranking

    I have been going to court all my adult life. This issue of corruption in the judiciary is like the case of one bad apple spoiling the whole basket. The bulk of Nigerian judges are very hard-working and are not corrupt. There are few individuals, and that happens in every society. Everybody cannot think the same way.  You should not forget that the Judiciary has an internal mechanism of cleansing the system and removing these bad people, once they are identified.  Like I said earlier, if we want to fight corruption, we should not expect the court to look for evidence to convict an accused person. It is the responsibility of another arm of government.  If there is corruption in the system, it should be investigated and anyone found guilty should be punished. The judges don’t have immunity.  So, the state should do its investigation properly. Not sting operation. The state should go out to get facts and evidence with which it can effectively prosecute anyone found to be involved in corruption.

    On challenges of arbitration practice

    The problem is the enforcement of awards. We need to look at that, because immediately an award is given the person who it is against, they will now go to court to challenge the award. And that makes nonsense of the whole process. I know of some banks that no longer put arbitration clause in their agreement, because they know that, instead of saving time, it wastes time and sometime compounds the problem.  So, we need a legislation or procedure that will make award final. What we do in this office and some other places is to make the award final. If the two parties know that they are sincere and are picking the arbitrator and the referees in a very fair and just manner, then the award should be final.

    On how to make the system work

    I want to thank the eight National Assembly for introducing the independent candidacy option. I hope it will encourage some people to come out without going through the rigour of party primaries that are often bedevilled with corruption. In terms of restructuring, yes. I think the centre appears to be too large. And the resources there appears to be too much. It is my opinion that things like state policing should be allowed.  If the governors want to tell you the truth, you will find that they fund most of the police operations in their states. But, they do not have control over the same police. Nobody can deny that there might be abuses here and there. I remember that, before the broadcast and aviation industries were deregulated, people expressed fear that the private investors could abuse the privilege. But, we are wiser today. If we allow state policing, in my opi nion, I think Nigeria will be better policed. So, restructuring, yes. But, we need to look at the fact that the major problem of Nigeria is leadership.

    On returning to 1963 Constitution

    Definitely the presidential system of government is too expensive for a country like ours.  I think a hybrid of some of the provisions in this Constitution and what you have in that of 1963, with a little devolution of power to the states will do. But, we need to be careful.  Currently, at the federal level, we have some semblance of checks and balances. We have the National Assembly that sometimes, calls the Executive to order. But, with respect, and I stand to be corrected, that is not the situation in most of the states.  The state Assemblies are like appendages or parastatals under the Executive. If we retain this current structure and we devolve more power and resources to the state level, we might be worse off than we are now.  So, we need to separate the noise from the real issues and understand what we want. We should not allow this bandwagon to push us into taking a decision, so that we do not end up like the Brexit. We need to be sure that we are making the right choice.

    On the best system

    I think it is a hybrid. The parliamentary system works better in a way, because if you are part of the executive and you are a legislator, you are forced to understand the problems and dynamics of the society. And you have to be substantially prepared.  With respect, a lot of our legislators are absentees. They hardly go to the place. So, in my opinion, a hybrid of that will work. I also think we need to look at the area of whether we need to have the Senate and the House of Representatives at the same time with our current resources. Frankly, we need to review the structure that we currently operate. Because it is not delivering and it is taking too much of our resources. We should restructure to reflect true federalism, where some of the items in the Exclusive Legislative List are devolved to the Concurrent List. But, more importantly, we need to look at the drivers of the system if we really want to move forward.

    On IPOB’s proscription

    We need to look at it from the angles of strict legal and social.  In terms of legal requirement, the impression I have is that IPOB is registered in Nigeria. Under the Terrorism Act, the provision for how an organisation can be declared a terrorist organisation is very clear.  What the Nigerian Army did was wrong. I think they later came out to say they didn’t say that much. It is for the Attorney General or the National Security Adviser (NSA) to approach the court. And that has been done from the legal perspective; safe for the fact that IPOB is alleged not to be registered in Nigeria. But, that is a different thing entirely. If it is not registered in Nigeria, then Nigerian court does not have jurisdiction on it.  But, the reality is that there is IPOB in Nigeria, whether it is registered or not is a different thing entirely. From social point of view, there is a school of thought the believe that the activities of Boko Haram would have been severely curtailed if there was a timely action on the part of the government. So, to that extent, may be outlawing IPOB would have been a precautionary measure.  There is no part of this country that I have not travelled to. I have more friends who are Igbos, and I am from Ilorin. Nigerians, we have come to leave with each other. It is just like Prof Chinua Achebe said, that we are neighbours and nobody will go for each other. If you look at the real sector of Nigerian economy, from the motor parks to where you buy auto spare parts, to the garages, Nigerians have integrated. We all are affected by the same problems, which include poverty, lack of infrastructure and leadership deficit.

    On national character

    That is very relative. You need to look at successive governments and how these appointments are done, because there is a constitutional provision as to representation, whether ministerial or in other capacities. That, to me, has been fulfilled. It is part of the corruption in the system for you to say one ministry is juicy and the other is not. We should discard such habit. It is very nauseating. We are about 180 million Nigerians. We should always pick the best to represent us, irrespective of where he/she comes from. We need to get to a stage in Nigeria where we will allow competence to take precedence. The problem with Nigeria is leadership. The earlier we address it, the better for us.

    On Constitution amendment

    The Constitution is, more or less, an agreement. It is a document that needs to be reviewed from time to time. The original American constitution has been so amended that there is no one single clause in that constitution that has not been visited one time or the other. In Nigeria, it has been amendment today, tomorrow and the next. What we need is that we should allow the Constitution to work. We have not really given it time before we say we are amending again. Amending the Constitution or document, in appropriate cases, is not bad. But, if the players are sincere and put the society above their own interest, it is a document we can all work with. It can be amended from time to time, but it is not a document that we can holistically say is not good. May be, in appropriate cases, the amendment could be few times, otherwise it defeats one of the features of law, which is that law must be certain. If you amend today, and three to six months after, you are talking of amendment, it would not augur well for anybody.

    On special courts

    The initiative is a good one. It is well overdue. For those familiar with court system in other jurisdictions, there are specialised courts that handle things. In fact, if you look at the evolutionary nature of arbitration, it is because there are some specialised issues that the conventional court might really not understand, and you need a specialised court to be able to address it. So, setting up special courts that would try corruption cases is a fantastic idea. We need to understand that corruption takes resources away from the critical sectors, like heath care, roads, education, among others, and put them in individuals’ hands. And, it gets to a stage where individuals, via corruption, become bigger than the state. That becomes a big challenge. So, anything that will curb excesses or arrest the issue of corruption in Nigeria should be a welcome development.

    On tackling delays

    Much more still need to be done, particularly on the part of the prosecutors. The idea of arresting before looking for evidence is wrong. It does not work anywhere. The state counsel need to do their homework very well. They need to do more of forensic investigation. The world has gone beyond the archaic way our people conduct investigation here. They need to learn to deploy more of information and communication technologies to conduct forensic investigation. More importantly, the courts need infrastructure. Most of our courts lack the necessary facilities. The idea of a judge recording proceedings in long hand is completely unacceptable. If you go to some African countries like Ghana, Togo and Kenya, they have gone beyond that. If Nigerians wants to fight corruption, they should blame the judiciary less. They should address the infrastructural decay in the judiciary and see whether or not it will perform. It is only when the court is appropriately funded that it can deliver on its mandate. Secondly, it is important that we understand that the judiciary is an arm of the government and not a parastatal under the executive. The need to uphold the independence of the judiciary is quite important. What goes around comes around. The man, who is in the executive today may need the service of the court tomorrow. So, it is in our collective interest to ensure that the Judiciary is properly funded and is allowed its independence, to be able to protect the interests and rights of everybody, and to protect the rule of law.

    On disobedience to court orders

    You see, if the decisions of courts are not obeyed, it is certainly a prelude to anarchy. It is not the responsibility of the court to enforce its judgment. That is the duty of the law enforcement agencies. It is condemnable and dangerous for any agency or arm of government not to obey court orders.

    On Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA)

    I think the law is revolutionary. Two years is too short for one to fully assess it. Some of its provisions would have to be given judicial interpretations. But, it is a right in the right direction, especially in criminal prosecution. The ACJA has addressed the idea of interlocutory appeal that could stall the prosecution of cases. There are other so many revolutionary aspects of the law. The issue of bail is a constitutional one. You are presumed innocent until the contrary is proved. Before the advent of the ACJA, it was not very clear. But, with the Act, it is now almost compulsory that a defendant is entitled to bail. So, there are so many salutary provisions in it that is revolutionary. But, like I said, it is still at its evolutionary stage. I am happy that the provision that, interlocutory appeal should not stall proceedings, has been given a judicial stamp by the Supreme Court.

    On decongesting the courts

    Like I said, it is still very early. But, I think in the context of expeditious criminal prosecution, yes. But, the congesting of courts is not so much of the provisions of law. It is more of the arrest, prosecution and even the prison system, which to my mind, is very archaic and needs to be changed. If the police are still investigating a matter, the person should be entitled to bail. More than half of the inmates in our prisons today are suspects. Some of them might have been grated administrative bail at the police level, but they are unable to meet the condition. If somebody is selling pure water and you ask him/her to bring a surety that has two or three million naira, that is not fair. That is even contrary to the presumption of innocent.

     

  • Support anti-graft war, ACF tells Nigerians

    Support anti-graft war, ACF tells Nigerians

    The apex northern socio-cultural group, Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF), has appealed to Nigerians to support the anti-corruption war of the current administration.

    It lamented the nation has not delivered on its full potentials 57 years after independence.

    ACF, in a statement by its National Publicity Secretary, Muhammad Biu, however, pointed out: “we cannot ignore the fact that, despite the upheavals due to shortcomings, we have been able to sustain the unity and stability of the country.

    “We have also recorded and witnessed some progress in many areas that include education, infrastructural development, economy and relative political stability.”

    It added: “Our leaders should refrain from fanning the embers of disunity, promotion of cleavages along ethnic and religious lines, rather, emphasis should be on the things that unite and make us great as a nation.

    “At 57, Nigerians expect to see more of transparency, prudence, fairness and equity in governance and to feel the dividends of democracy.”