Tag: Anti-graft

  • Fayose: Fed Govt’s anti-graft crusade partial

    Ekiti State Governor Ayo Fayose has accused President Muhammadu Buhari of partiality in his administration’s anti-corruption crusade.

    The governor accused the President of unleashing the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) on his political opponents and looking the other way when his allies are accused of corruption.

    He described the Buhari administration as “the most corrupt in the history of Nigeria”.

    Fayose said the President  treated corruption involving his men as a “family affair”.

    In a statement yesterday by his Special Assistant on Public Communication and New Media, Lere Olayinka, the governor described the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Dr Ibe Kachikwu’s allegation on the award of $25 billion contracts without due process against the Group Managing Director of Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), Dr. Maikanti Baru, as “messy and an embarrassment to the country”.

    Fayose said: “When miscreants write petitions to the EFCC against perceived opponents of President Buhari, EFCC will act immediately. But when known Nigerians, including members of Buhari’s government, raise allegation of corruption against close allies of the President, the EFCC will look the other way.

    “As posited by All Progressives Congress (APC) senator, Shehu Sani, we are in a situation where perfume is being sprayed on corruption when it affects Buhari’s men while insecticide is being sprayed on corruption when it involves perceived political opponents of the President.

    “When an allegation of corruption is made against Buhari’s men, EFCC acts like a pet dog. But when it is against those whose faces the President does not like, the anti-graft agency acts like a lion.

    “No nation can achieve greatness with such a partial leadership.”

    He added: “While Nigerians are still asking questions about what happened to the report of the committee that investigated the $43 million discovered in an apartment at Osborne Towers in Ikoyi, Lagos, an allegation of $25 billion was made by the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Ibe Kachikwu; and as usual, the allegation, as others before it, is being treated as a family affair.

    “Before now, the Acting Chairman of EFCC, Ibrahim Magu, was indicted of corruption by the Department of State Services (DSS) and all that was done by President Buhari was to ask the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami (SAN), to investigate the DSS report. Till today, nothing has been heard about it and Magu, despite his rejection by the Senate, is still acting as the EFCC chairman.

    “Today, Nigerians are yet to be told the owner of the Legico Shopping Plaza on Ahmadu Bello Way on Victoria Island in Lagos, inside which the EFCC claimed that it found N448.8 million cash.

  • Winning the anti-graft war

    SIR: Corruption is the canker worm that has eaten deep into the fabric of development in Nigeria. Every day we hear reports of one government official or another involved in graft often to the tune of millions of dollars and sometimes billions. According to the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development (DFID), in a report released in 2007, Nigeria’s political leaders have stolen about $400 billion dollars between 1960 and 2007. Corruption is so endemic in Nigeria that in the year 2000, Transparency International rated Nigeria as the most corrupt country in the world. This is in spite of the fact that successive governments in Nigeria since 1983 have declared one form of war on corruption or another in order to stop this hydra headed monster that has stymied the growth and development of this nation.

    The question is ‘How do we ensure that the current anti-graft war being waged by the Muhammadu Buhari-led administration does not go the way of others which ended in failure?

    First and foremost, we should realize that ending corruption in Nigeria is a collective effort and we are all foot soldiers in the war. We cannot afford to leave it to only the EFCC or the government agencies alone. The current whistle blower policy is a plus to the current anti-graft war as it has emboldened many hitherto timid Nigerians to expose corrupt Nigerians wherever they abound. It is only reasonable for the executive to send it as a bill to the legislature so that it can become an Act of Parliament thereby making it legal and difficult for subsequent administrations to change. Also, we should avoid acts of corruption in our daily lives as citizens because it is the follower ship that produces the leadership and not vice-versa. Let us not forget that many of our political leaders that we accuse of corrupt acts today were private citizens some 20 years ago.

    A situation whereby governors own private jets and have as much as a hundred cars in their fleet does not augur well for us or show good example to the citizens as many now think that public office is all about enjoyment and not service. We should borrow a leaf from the United States where the Secretary of Health and Human Services, Dr Thomas Price was recently forced to resign for using private jets for official travel instead of commercial airlines.

    The judiciary should be strengthened through the creation of special courts to try corruption cases and the cases should be dispensed with within a time frame of six months. The National Orientation Agency should embark on a nationwide campaign to sensitize Nigerians on the nexus between corruption and poverty. The reason why majority of Nigerians still hero-worship corrupt individuals in the society is because of their inability to make the connection between the two. The NOA should partner with the media and also carry out their campaigns mostly in the rural areas were ignorance, illiteracy and poverty is rampant.

    Finally, religious leaders should ensure that they preach the truth at all times and not focus on earthly and material achievements alone. They should emphasize spiritual values like love, honesty, integrity, faithfulness, etc. over and above the acquisition of earthly and material possessions. If we are to believe the words of the great German philosopher Karl Marx when he opined that ‘’Religion is the opium of the masses’’, then we can understand the great power of religious leaders over the masses of the Nigerian people. They should use their power constructively for national gain and not personal gain.

     

    • Peter Ovie Akus,

     Ifo, Ogun State.

  • Malami and anti-graft agencies

    Of all the vote-catching strategies laid out by the ruling All Progressives Congress in the lead up to the 2015 general elections, its promise to prosecute an all-out war against corruption was unquestionably the most compelling and believable. This is because its presidential candidate, Muhammadu Buhari, is widely known as a man of integrity with very strong aversion for corrupt practices.

    And so, due largely to its promise to fight corruption to a standstill and the credibility of the personality behind the pledge, APC was able to seize the mantle from the old guards of corruption and form a new government. Therefore, to refer to Buhari’s government as one of anti-corruption – one hoping to hinge its success in governance on how well it performs in this specific assignment – would not be out of place.

    To this administration’s credit, the last two years, or at least since one doughty, no-nonsense police officer named Ibrahim Magu became acting chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the anti-corruption war has been waged in a manner that has never been seen in the history of Nigeria.

    Amazing loads upon loads of stolen public funds in various currencies are being recovered and returned to government coffers. Thanks to the whistle-blower initiative, more and more disclosures about the hidden loots are being made to the relevant agencies. And unlike what obtained in the past, the big guns of society, hitherto untouchable, are regularly being hauled to the law courts on account of fraudulent activities. But as yet, no conviction of note has been recorded.

    As can be seen, it’s not been an easy fight. Corruption is refusing to be subdued. Government has lost some high-profile cases, while some others are stalemated. Cynics contend that failure to secure notable convictions is proof that government is shoddy in the way it is prosecuting the war; government officials counter that corruption is fighting back in a virulent manner.

    In a way, both are correct. While those who have made corruption a lifetime occupation won’t give up easily, it is also true that this administration routinely shoots itself in the foot as far as the anti-corruption campaign is concerned. Take for example, the unhealthy relationship between the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, and anti-corruption agencies like the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC).

    Sensing that it is being overshadowed by the two agencies, the AGF is angling to show its muscle as the pre-eminent government department in all matters legal, and especially as far as prosecuting corruption cases is concerned. Okoi Obono-Obla, Special Assistant to the President on Prosecutions, man Friday and agent provocateur, is the arrowhead in this needless exercise of power that is clearly aimed at meeting some self-serving political ends. At every given opportunity, Obono-Obla does not fail to reiterate the fable that the anti-corruption agencies are not co-operating with the office of the AGF. But the more likely position, in the assessment of many observers, is that these agencies are not willing to compromise in some high-profile cases in which the office of the AGF might be interested.

    That is why it is widely believed that other than crude, selfish politics, there can be no legitimate reason for the AGF’s latest threat, as conveyed by Obono-Obla, to report the heads of EFCC and ICPC to the presidency for refusing to hand over the case files of more than 35 former governors and senators. It is important to ask why the AGF wants these files. Why won’t he simply invite these agencies to a meeting to update him on the cases, and then explore ways of assisting in achieving diligent prosecution?

    No one is disputing the AGF’s status as the numero uno in the circumstance, but he should refrain from bearing down on these agencies as though they don’t have a statutory mandate to perform certain roles corresponding with his. To paraphrase a local proverb, the sky is wide enough for every bird to flap its wings.

    Instead of requesting cases started by other agencies, the AGF should initiate his own high-profile cases too to show that it not only barks but bites as well. Obono-Obla has accused the agencies of slowing down the anti-corruption war. Well, he has to show concrete proof of how this is happening before the charge can hold water, not by merely pointing to a refusal of the agencies to turn in files of the corruption cases they initiated.

    In any case the last time anyone heard of one group of government official publicly expressing misgivings about the other, it was one prominent member of the Presidential Advisory Committee Against Corruption (PACAC), also a senior Advocate of Nigeria, berating Obono-Obla’s boss for openly disagreeing with acting President Yemi Osinbajo on the retention of Magu as the chair of EFCC.

    This individual stopped short of calling for the AGF’s sack. Before then, this same member and another articulate colleague at a forum on corruption organized in Abuja by the Pyrates Confraternity, separately pronounced doubts about the commitment of the AGF to the anti-corruption efforts of the government on account of serial embarrassing defeats handed the government in key cases prosecuted by his office.

    The AGF should rather strive to allay the fears of the public and restore confidence in his office, not perpetually bicker with other agencies over cases he didn’t originate.

     

    • Onyeacholem is a journalist. He can be reached on gonyeacholem@gmail.com
  • Senate not sabotaging anti-graft war, says Uzodinma

    Senate not sabotaging anti-graft war, says Uzodinma

    •Senator fires back at ex-Milad Umar

    The Chairman of the Senate Joint Committee on Customs, Excise and Tariff and Marine Transport, Hope Uzodinma, yesterday faulted an allegation by a former Military Administrator of Kaduna State, Colonel Mohammed Dangiwa Umar (retd.) that senators were attempting to sabotage Federal Government’s anti-graft war.

    The senator said the allegation was reckless and “un-statesmanly” of the former military administrator.

    He expressed surprise that a respected public figure like Umar made such sweeping remarks about the National Assembly without having the facts to back up his claims.

    Uzodinma said it was unfortunate that Umar was allegedly being used to malign the integrity of the Senate to satisfy the Managing Director of Nigeria Ports Authority (NPA), Ms Hadiza Bala Usman.

    The senator accused the NPA chief, who he described as Umar’s daughter’s best friend.

    He added that Ms Usman was allegedly frustrating the current Senate investigation into the disappearance of over 282 containers from the ports without a kobo paid to the Federal Government as revenue, among others.

    Uzodinma took issues with Umar in a statement in Abuja.

    The statement said: “I have a lot of respect for Col Umar. In fact, I see him as a nationalist; but on this one, he goofed.

    “While appreciating the relationship between the NPA’s MD and Col Umar’s daughter, I still felt that the statesman in him should have moved him to look at the issues on the ground very dispassionately without bias.

    “Honestly, I still don’t understand why the Senate is being blackmailed for performing its constitutional role. A petition was written to my committee by a company, which said it imported rice and paid the relevant duties to the Nigeria Customs Service. Then, when the rice came in, the Customs seized the containers. So, we discussed the petition at the committee’s level and decided to = forward a letter to Customs.

    “In the letter, we said we received a letter from this company alleging maltreatment and we implore you to look at the merits or otherwise through your internal mechanisms.

    “We never directed the cargo to be released anywhere in the letter. I still have a copy of the letter and the reply from the Customs. Col Umar would have even spoken with Col. Hamed Ali of Customs to verify this before rushing to press with a fiction.”

    On Calabar Channel, Uzodinma said: “We are not investigating Calabar Channel dredging now.

    “The issue of my interest in Niger Global is neither here nor there because I had long been a businessman, even before venturing into politics. And the company was incorporated in 1995, long before the contract was awarded to it in 2004.

    “As at 2004, I was not a senator; I was a businessman. Immediately I aspired to the Senate in 2011, I resigned my chairmanship of the company.

    “So, we are not even investigating NPA on Calabar dredging; we are investigating infractions in the import-export cycle where vessels would come into the country and offload goods and return without a dime paid into government coffers.

    “How should this investigation not excite any patriotic Nigerian? Why the sustained blackmail from the stable of the NPA, whose MD has refused four invitations of the committee to appear before it to answer to these alleged infractions?”

  • ‘We must all join  the anti-graft war’

    ‘We must all join the anti-graft war’

    Chief Bisi Ogunjobi, Ondo State-born septuagenarian meets the criteria of the typical Nigerian ‘Big Man’ considering the fact that he is a man of means who also has the right connections, carriage and charisma to go with it. But he is shorn of all the airs and haughtiness you naturally would expect from the typical bourgeois. Suave and gentlemanly, the elder statesman who boasts of over 30 years of meritorious service at the African Development Bank(AfDB) where he rose to the highest leadership cadre before his retirement in 2005, remains committed to the ideas and ideals of development both in the continent and Nigeria in particular. In this interview with Ibrahim Apekhade Yusuf, he attempts a prognosis of the sociopolitical and economic crisis assailing the continent, Nigeria and proffers workable solutions. Excerpts:

    YOU are presenting two separate books to the public this week, A Journey in African Development, which is your autobiography and the other, is Transformative Paradigms in African Development.  What informed the writing of these books?

    Let me say that putting down my experiences through the years in the African Development Bank (AfDB), is informed by what I will say the need to get the new generation to appreciate what events have taken place in the course of my career in the African Development Bank. I’ll say that maybe close to half of my life, at least more than half of my adult life, were spent in the AfDB. When I look at the Bank and I see context in which we found ourselves, it’s basically about human development; how to improve the life of an ordinary man. And this is done through the main items of life: provision of shelter, infrastructure, food, health and development of the human capital. These are key areas in the development of any human being. And the level of development of such indices in the developing and in developed countries marks the differences between the social life of an African and that of the European. That is access to these facilities makes the difference. From an African, access to housing, good roads, electricity, and to general infrastructure like health, education much lower than we have in the developed countries. And that is the raison d’être for creating the African Development Bank and I was lucky at a relatively early age to have been involved with that. So my career path went through that. And I had the opportunity while in the Bank to work in all parts of Africa. I worked in the Southern Africa for many years where I was the Bank’s representative for the nine South African countries. I worked in North Africa including: Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, Algeria, and Libya. I worked in West Africa, the whole of 16 ECOWAS countries. I was once the Bank’s Vice-President in charge of Central Africa. And that is the story of my journey in terms of geographical spread. But of course, I interacted with other international organisations like the World Bank and Islamic Development Bank, European Investment Bank that also work on African development. That is another strand of my journey. In terms of the nature, I worked with in the Central Bank of Nigeria, which is an institution not just in monetary policy but also in the development areas. I worked with Islamic Development Bank which very interestingly, although I’m a Christian and an elder in the church, is an Islamic Bank. And the reason why I could work there is simply because of my expertise. Because when Islamic Development Bank builds a road in Nigeria, the road is not going to be used by Muslims or Christians only. Unfortunately, this has been twisted in a way that people don’t see the development perspective of that institution in the continent.

    Naturally, your career trajectory comes with a lot of experience. From your interactions with people in the world, what would you say is the distinguishing factor between the African and the rest of the world? I ask that question advisedly because you talk about indices of measuring development like access to health, education and all of that, which is still a big deal here but are a given elsewhere. So why has Africans failed to follow the path of success others take for granted? What do you think is missing?

    I think this is a very important question and I will just sum it as governance. Governance is the way we manage human and material resources for the benefit of the people we govern. And the major difference in the two sets of countries that we are talking about is governance because in the process of that governance, you build institutions. In the process of that governance, you create human capital. That is you build people who have the education, knowledge and the capacity to move the economy forward. So in one of the chapters in my book, Transformative Paradigms in African Development,   there is a key topic on governance, which is considered the key, the driver and virtually all in all to make a country or the economy progress in the direction that we are talking about. It was a paper I delivered sometimes ago. You see in the most developed countries, when you’re appointed to a position you want to see the contributions you can make to improve the place better than you met it. And of course, the system is in place that reduces or least checkmates the abuse of that office. And more importantly, if you abuse that office, there is in place structures, rules and regulations that will discipline such a person. All these are much weaker in the developing countries, so that the management of those resources is not in the same direction. It is not that our people are less intelligent, no. It’s not even education alone; it’s just your sense of responsibility towards the assignment which you are capable. And I feel that to a large extent, if you look at the history of all these countries, we have been talking of corruption everywhere, not in this regime alone. We have been talking about it in the previous administrations and all that. I think those are the stumbling blocks for this country to be where we should be, particularly when everybody knows that we have what it takes in terms of human and material resources. But in the management of these resources, governance is the key to our addressing the situation.

    I recalled that in the past, Nigeria has had a smooth sail in terms of accessing funding from many Development Finance Institutions (DFIs). We just got some monies from some DFIs and still hoping for more. But just few weeks ago, the European Union said Nigeria and a few other countries was going to be blacklisted from further enjoying foreign interventions because of mismanagement of past resources. Given this donor-apathy by these institutions, some schools of thoughts have even argued that Nigeria should not be among countries seeking donor-funds in the first place. Do you share such sentiments and what do you think the country can do to be self-reliant?

    Well, I think that no country can develop with donor resources because donor resources are supposed to be to complement your own resources. So the management of your resources either the one you got naturally or the one you mobilise from the international community must be done the same way. If you don’t properly manage your own resources, you will not be able to do the same even when it comes from external donors. So the issue is management and it’s going to be even worse because you have to pay back those loans. Today everybody is talking about debt sustainability in this country. If you look at the simple fact that in 2005 or 2004, when we had to get out of the debt trap when we had about $30 billion and today we have $60billion external debt. You want to ask question, what have we used those resources for? You want to ask yourself, what impacts had the projects which we borrowed those funds for had made on Nigerians? I think it’s a legitimate question today. When people ask me the question, why have we gotten where we are? You see one of the major problems facing this country is implementation of projects and the consistency of government policies, irrespective of the government that is on board, irrespective of the permanent secretaries and irrespective of the ministers in government. So when you have consistent policies and the management of those policies which strangles the implementation of those policies will have difficulties in moving in one direction.

    Two key points from your response is that the country is battling the problem of inconsistent policies and mismanagement of resources. Would you want to expatiate?

    I think the issue here goes beyond giving advice because the decision makers are the ones who know exactly where they are taking us to, so is not the advice. I can have a situation to say, irrespective of the advice, what we are saying is that the government should have the clear direction of where they want to move the country. And that is where, when we now have this three-year programme, they will now have the economy framework which the government want to know, its economy recovery from the recession we are now and of course, growth. And of course when you look at the title of the programme combined recovery and roadmap. So the key element in that show is what we are familiar with and they expect that this will enable us to move in that direction. Of course, this is also now going to be bedevilled by politics, and whether you like it or not because 2019 is when another president would be installed and 2018 is the period when the electioneering would be kicked off and to a large extent politics might compromise the economics. And that is the fear which we have.

    Are these fears founded or unfounded?

    I think it’s a natural development. If you are a government and you want to come back, then in implementing the programmes there is the possibility of not devoting the entire resources and time to those issues because you have an election at hand and don’t forget the opposition party will be working to ensure that they cannot demonstrate whether they have better alternative. So in a time of electioneering, priorities will change and priority will be given, may be perhaps to politics rather to economics. And I think that it’s a natural tendency everywhere not peculiar to this country alone.

    We’re in a recession which has lingered for over one year and government and its spin doctors have made several assurances that this will be a thing of the past before the third quarter, judging by what the top echelons of the CBN said recently. But there are no visible signs anywhere?

    Let’s look at it this way, if you see from the time the new administration came in, they started with a number of policies particularly in the area of agriculture. You see those policies and now the results of those policies are coming out particularly with respect to food production. We are now in the fourth or fifth raining season, therefore the policies in agriculture are now taking root and we’re seeing positive impact of the government policies in that area because if you look at the growth rate in the agricultural sector, it’s much higher than any other sector. To a large extent also, you find that the Central Bank of Nigeria has been able to tamper the volatility of the naira exchange rate. There was a time when it was over N500 to the dollar. Now I think it’s N360 to a dollar. So you can see the impact of those policies gradually sipping in. I think there is a better synergy now between monetary policy and fiscal policy between the Ministry of Finance and the CBN. There is a lot of enlightenment on why people should pay their taxes because that is a major area of revenue generation. You see that even the price of diesel has come down partly because the refinery has increased the production in the country both in Kaduna and Port Harcourt. So we are gradually seeing the impact of the various policies that have been put in place. But the problem which I raised is how can you make sure that this is not compromised by the elections in 2018 leading to 2019? I think that is the key. If the government stays on track we will be able to achieve some level of success.

    You talked about borrowing from the international community. From the double talk from the minister, she is saying yes, we want to borrow, and no we’re not going to borrow. I think those are the sort of things that give you the impression that people are not getting their handle on the economy. But I think that should not be attributed to individuals. But you know this is the first time that the budget is taking out of the Ministry of Finance. In many countries, Finance and Budget are together. But in a few other countries, they are separated just like we have here. So I believe the experience of this new structure definitely is having an impact in the way the economy is being managed. Hopefully, by the next round when we’re now fully familiar with this, things might improve.

    As you acknowledged, there are a few positives by this government including the Single Treasury Account (TSA) which has stemmed leakages in the MDAs substantially among other things. However, a lot of people share the view and very strongly too that these are really not something to cheer about, especially the war on corruption which remains largely a circus show because not any big fish has been brought to book. Do you think the government is on the right track as far as the war on corruption is concerned?

    I think first of all, we should know that the war on corruption is the most important war we need to fight in this country. How it is done, how effective it is, and the impact will be judged more effectively when all of us are parts and parcel of that war. Not just the government, the private sector, the individual, the institutions must all support the government policy on anti-corruption because if we look at the negative impact of corruption, it affects everybody. And therefore, the way to look at it is in its multifaceted dimensions. The judiciary, the legislative and the executive must be on the same wave length; where you don’t have that happening, that’s when we now talk of the government being selective and all that. The government is looking at only those who are not in government, which is the opposition. There is a Yoruba adage which says: ‘Eni je gbi, lon ku gbi… (If you eat mysterious food, you die mysteriously). If you’re not infringed on whether you’re in opposition or in government, you will not be affected. Besides, everybody is focusing on the federal government, why are we not focusing at the state level? Why are we not focusing at the local government? Until we have this fight or war on corruption not just at the centre but also at the state and local government levels, we will not be able to succeed as a nation. Until the legislative, the judiciary and the executive arm of government can combine in looking at it together it will be very difficult to succeed. And the question should be the moment somebody is caught the law should take its course. I think everybody will today accept that the current administration has done a lot in bringing it to the fore. How effective it has been, that’s a different interpretation. But one thing one can say is that if people are hiding the money in the closet and burial ground, it shows that they cannot put it in the banks anymore, which means the banks which used to be source of money laundering are also been very careful. I think the fight should go on but it should go a little beyond those specific individuals. We should look at the institutions. How can we make EFCC more effective, how can we give it more teeth to bite, how can we reorient the ordinary man on the streets that look don’t compromise and be able to say no to corruption. Look at the corruption people are saying, but even the ordinary man on the streets is guilty as charged. You want to get things from a ministry, the obstacles are there and unless you play balls with them, then it becomes much more difficult. It’s a form of corruption. It is rampant in schools, in the universities, offices, churches, mosques, everywhere and nobody is talking about it. I think the war on corruption has to be a holistic approach, not just leaving it in the hands of the government. I think the government has given the framework and let us all join together.

    As an insider could you tell us what the modus operandi of AfDB’s operations?

    Well, the bank when of course, it started was based on contributions from African countries. We gathered at the time $250million, which the Bank started with. But today, the capital of the Bank is over $10billion. Not only that we get money from or shares by African countries. The Bank has been opened to non African countries. So as of today, we have about 54 African countries and about 27 non African countries who are shareholders. So they have contributions to the Bank. But more importantly, the Bank by its balance sheet goes to the capital market to borrow and borrows at extremely fine rates. So that’s why it’s able to lend to the various countries. So it is more of the strength of the Bank’s balance sheet that allows them to borrow at the international capital market. And of course, the subscription of the member countries they use as guarantees. The Bank is solid, the shares are owned by America, Britain, and Nigeria is the largest African shareholder.

    What is the size of Nigeria’s equity currently?

    It’s about 10 per cent.

    In terms of getting intervention is it based on the level of shares owned by countries?

    Not at all. Your access to the funding by the Bank is not related to your shares. If you have good projects, you benefit if you don’t have, you don’t. It’s as simple as that. But we also have the Concessional Fund, which is the African Development Fund, which is resources provided by the non African countries to the Bank to support African countries, at least on concessional terms. The interest rate is almost zero but with a commitment fee of about one per cent. That is the resources provided by these countries on a three-year basis, we call it the Replenishment Fund. It is a combination of these that constitute resources of the Bank.

    At the same time, Nigeria way back in 1976 set up the Nigerian Trust Fund in the Bank with an endowment of about $80million to support other African countries and this has been exclusively managed by the AfDB to support other African countries. The resources are well managed and today we will be looking at about $500million, in terms of the Nigerian Trust Fund resources in the Bank.

    Looking back at 70, what are the fond memories of growing up, your source of inspiration and all that?

    Definitely, I have every reason to thank God for what He has done in my life. I come from a relatively well-off family because my father was a businessman. He was an illiterate because he never went to school and my mother too. But both of them had passion for education and therefore insisted that all of us had to go to school. That then gave you the advantage of standing on the higher pedestal in life. And that I thank my parents for, for giving me that opportunity to start at the higher level than a lot of contemporaries. I was very much impressed at a very young age by the school uniform. The school in my town, Ikare, Ondo State, that is Victory College, from time to time, you see the pupils in their uniforms, donning white shirt and navy-blue shorts. As a little boy that had a big impression on me that I wanted to be like those students. Then in 1958, the late Ambassador Ayodele, he is from my place. He was not an ambassador at that time, was coming from Fourah Bay University, in Sierra Leone after his graduation and all the pupils were supposed to line up to welcome him when he was coming from the university. And everybody said, oh, he is coming from Ilu oyinbo (white man’s land). Nobody knew the difference. Of course, it’s overseas. And we all went to meet and I said to myself, ‘look, I want to be welcomed the way that man was welcomed.’ So my ambition at that time was to say I want to be a graduate. But at the end of the day, I had my first degree at the University of Ibadan and nobody lined up to welcome me. (Laughs)… I think those are the two things that I remember very clearly that inspired me. But I was also lucky to have a wonderful principal in my first year in school, at Ado Ekiti Grammar School. And that is Oba J. F Alabi. By August 10 this year, he will be 101. He was my mentor. He took special interest in me from day one when my father brought me to the school and I’m very grateful to him. When he celebrated his 100 years, I was with him, and by God’s grace, I’ll be with him on his 101 years celebration.

    What are you doing in retirement now?

    Well, I think my passion nowadays is for my Foundation. I have the Bisi Ogunjobi Foundation (BOF), which I started in 1991. We had our 25th anniversary last year. It’s all to support youth’s empowerment and community development. We have given out scholarships, we have been organising lecture series and we have diversified into supporting paediatrics, that is young children in hospitals.

    Why specifically, did you set up the BOF?

    You see, one of the reasons why we created the BOF was that when I was in the primary school, I had one of my classmates, very brilliant chap and he had a fantastic handwriting. When he writes, you think it has been typewritten. And my handwriting is not very good. At times, I cannot even read what I have written. But he never had the opportunity to go to secondary school. In those days, my father would buy books for me and I will take my books to him to write my name in my books. That shows the quality of his handwriting which I admired. By the time, we left primary school; I went straight to a secondary school. You know those days some people go to modern school before they go to secondary school. But I was lucky to go directly to secondary school. From there, I went for my A-levels in Ibadan Grammar School before I went to the university. So by the time I graduated, I was still relatively young, I was 23 years and within one year of graduation I had a car. And I was driving and I stopped at a petrol station somewhere in Ekiti, Ikere and the person who came to attend to me was this fellow from my primary school days and that made an impact on me. And then I asked myself, ‘how much more I’m brilliant than this fellow? If he had had the opportunities which my parents gave me may be he will not be where he is. He could have been a better person. So that is the motivation that made me say , yes, if there is anything I can do to support indigent students , I will do that. And that is why we created the BOF. That has been my passion and I enjoy doing that. We thank God for what he has been able to use us for because what I have been praying for is Oluwa lo mi fun ise re ati ogo re. (Lord, use me as your vessel) and that has been my philosophy in life.

  • PACAC seeks quick passage of anti-graft laws

    Presidential Advisory Committee Against Corruption (PACAC) Executive Secretary Prof. Bolaji Owasanoye has urged the Senate to pass pending bills on the anti-corruption war into law.

    He said several of such bills have been pending for long without consideration.

    Owasanoye spoke with reporters at a one-day Conference on Financial System Integrity Improvement, organised by PACAC, the Association of Certified Accountants (ACCA), the Chattered Institute of Bankers of Nigeria (CIBN) and the Convention on Business Integrity (CBI).

    According to him, apart from the Mutual Legal Assistance law that has been passed, others such as the Proceeds of Crime Bill, have been “hanging”.

    Owasanoye said: “They (senators) have passed the Mutual Legal Assistance legislation, which is to facilitate and improve exchange of information and evidence between states. The House of Representatives passed the Proceeds of Crime Act, which is going through the motions in the Senate.

    “But we’ll admit that the process is very slow. This is with regard in particular to certain key legislations, such as Proceeds of Crime Bill, Witness Protection Bill, Whistleblower Bill, Crime Data Register Bill and the Money Laundering Bill, which have been hanging there.

    “So, there is no doubt that there is merit in the criticism that pro-anti-corruption bills are not moving as quickly as we would love to see them move.”

    The PACAC chairman urged the lawmakers to speed up the consideration of the bill on special crime court, which he said will enhance the anti-graft war when passed.

    “We’ll like to see also the Special Crimes Court bill passed expeditiously, so that all of this would help improve the fight against corruption. All the bills are before the National Assembly.

    “We would wish to see faster processing of such legislation. But, at the same time, we’re not necessarily saying they should compromise quality or standards,” he said.

  • Anti-graft war, law, morality and justice

    SIR; That Nigeria ranks high among the most corrupt nations of the world is no more news. The tree of corruption planted shortly after independence has developed to an IROKO tree with deep seated roots bearing robust but poisonous fruits found all over the country in decayed infrastructure, collapsed educational and health facilities, unemployment, youth restlessness among others.

    The present administration led by President Muhammadu Buhari made war against corruption a hallmark of its manifesto. The battle has been taken to the doorstep of the past administration with mind-boggling revelations of treasury looting. Politicians and public servants have been found with massive wealth in bank statements and property beyond known income. Monies in local and foreign currencies have been found hidden in unthinkable places.

    In developed countries which we constantly refer to as models, corruption has become a moral issue and the burden of name and shame make it degrading to move near anything like it.

    Unlike what it was Nigeria when citizens honour and respect family names, parents were known to have rejected money and gifts from wards whose income could not justify such gestures. Corruption has progressively become a passion and fashion that some parents practically push their children to crave for illicit wealth. More worrisome is the shameful acts of communities and tribal groups who gather to celebrate kinsmen indicted or jailed for corrupt enrichment.

    The battle line in the anti-graft war is between morality, law and justice. The law we inherited from colonial masters that jailed offenders in UK and convicts a poor man in Nigeria is bent in favour of the rich who secures bail on compassionate ground, gets a long adjournment and eventually acquitted on no case submission based on technicalities of law. The victim is the nation and her citizens. Justice perverted is an encouragement to engage in crime.

    The society from households, communities, schools and worship centres must rise and unite in the fight against the challenges and evils that corruption constitutes. Acting President, Prof Yemi Osinbajo enthused that worshipcentres should reject money from thefaithful whose source is unknown.

    President Buhari has justified his election in the fight corruption.Contrary to cries of witch-hunting, corruption war cannot be won on federal character, ethnic or religious considerations. Every finger found in the pot of corruption must be called to account .

    The present economic situation presents an opportunity to say – NO MORE Corruption in Nigeria.

     

    • Remi Oyebamiji,

    Lagos.

  • Methodist Diocese to NASS, others: join anti-graft war

    The Methodist Church Metropolitan Diocese of Ikeja has hailed the federal government for the sustained anti-graft war.

    The war, it said, has been yielding results with focused, dogged onslaughts on all sectors of the economy.

    In a communique at its maiden synod, the Diocese called on other arms of government to join the executive in ridding the nation of corruption.

    According to the Synod presided over by Bishop Stephen Adegbite: ‘’no arm of a government should be seen to be mounting a stumbling block against concerted efforts geared towards winning this war.’’

    It also praised the ant-terrorism war, lauding international agencies for the recent release of 82 Chibok girls.

    On the economy, it noted the parlous state of the nation, calling on government to consider agriculture as a viable option for diversification.

    It said: ‘’Diversification of our economy must be given priority if we are to overcome the recession in which our economy currently lies.’’

    The Diocese expressed serious concerns over the activities of killer-herdsmen across the nation, calling on the federal government to address the situation with the same verve and commitment with which the Boko Haram menace was tackled.

    It further called for immediate enactment of laws that will guide cattle grazing on public lands.

    On the menace of kidnapping, the Diocese expressed disgust it has gained grounds in nearly every section of the country.

    It wondered how they are able to move the amount of cash they receive as ransom around without any trace or possible tracking, calling on security agencies to rise to the occasion.

  • Sagay to Judiciary: You’re hostile towards anti-graft war 

    Sagay to Judiciary: You’re hostile towards anti-graft war 

    … PACAC chair slams NJC for condoning corrupt judges

     

     

    Presidential Advisory Committee Against Corruption (PACAC) chairman Prof Itse Sagay (SAN) Wednesday accused the judiciary of undermining the war against corruption.

    He said the judiciary has shown hostility towards efforts to rid the country of graft.

    “The judiciary is not on board in the anti-corruption fight,” Sagay said.

    It was his closing remarks at a conference on “Promoting International Cooperation in Combating Illicit Financial Flows and Enhancing Asset Recovery to Foster Sustainable Development” in Abuja.

    The three-day conference was organised by PACAC in collaboration with the ministries of Justice and Foreign Affairs.

    Eminent professor of International law and jurisprudence, Akin Oyebode, agreed with Sagay’s assessment.

    He said the judiciary has lost its glory and needs “redemption” from its “transgressions”.

    Sagay faulted the National Judicial Council (NJC) for recalling judges who were suspended over corruption allegations.

    He said one of the recalled judges, whose name he did not reveal, was notorious for making financial demands from lawyers and accepting gratifications.

    To him, such a judge should not be allowed to remain on the Bench.

    The PACAC chairman also criticised the recall of Justice Adeniyi Ademola of the Federal High Court in Abuja.

    The judge was arraigned on 18 counts of corruption charges, but an FCT High Court upheld his no-case submission and struck out the case.

    The prosecution appealed the verdict, while there is a pending charge against Justice Ademola at the Code of Conduct Tribunal.

    Sagay said: “NJC’s decision to recall them, especially Ademola, whose case is a life case, and others who have not been charged but are going to be charged, for me, is a sign of hostility to the fight against corruption.

    “We cannot afford the judicial hierarchy to engage in espirit de corps (a shared feeling of loyalty) with members of their group that have fallen in the corruption struggle.

    “They must join the executive whose mantra is total or near elimination of corruption for the sake of the survival of this country. Judges have a duty to join in this determination.

    “So, that sort of decision that was taken gives the impression that they are hostile to the struggle. That’s one reason I said they’re not on board,” he told newsmen on the sidelines of the conference.

    According to Sagay, corruption is so rife in the judiciary that some judges brazenly demand money from lawyers, and despite being aware of such judges, NJC tolerates them.

    “There so many judges now who demand money from lawyers or accept money from them. I know a judge who will come to you today and say: ‘My mother died, please send money to me’. Lawyers will send N200, 000 to him. The next day, he’d say: ‘My daughter is getting married’. Another day: ‘My uncle has been made a chief, we’re contributing.’

    “Nobody in the judicial hierarchy will deny that these judges exist. And one of them is among those going back now. He has collected money from hundreds of lawyers. And everybody knows this.

    “Should that person be on the Bench? He has desecrated the bench; he has brought it down; he’s a common beggar, who is ready to compromise his position if you give him money on the excuse of burying his father.

    “That man has millions of naira and dollars in his account already accumulated through this means. People like that are being asked to go back. That’s why I said the judiciary, for now, is not with us in the struggle against corruption, and they need to be with us if that struggle is not to crash and if this country is not to crash with it,” Sagay said.

    He said PACAC would continue to engage with the judiciary to make judges realise that the country’s future is bleak if they do not join the battle.

    “We interact with judges a lot, from the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) to the magistrates. We’ve visited most of them, and we’ll keep on visiting and talking and persuading them to realise that it is in their own interest to be as fervent and determined and passionate about elimiminating the sourge of corruption, and that any of their brethren who is suspected to be guilty of corruption is a destroyer of all that the judiciary stands for. He’s an enemy of the judiciary.

    “The judiciary, in my view, is the highest of the three arms of government. When a judge descends from that level and comes into the mud to join in looting and accepting money from lawyers who have no name to protect, the judicial hierarchy, the clean ones should come down hard on such judges, harder than the poor man who is sentenced everyday for stealing a goat.

    “The judge who is guilty of corruption is almost guilty of a crime against humanity, because what he is doing is to undermine the whole integrity of the state.

    “It means that when we have a major issue that can affect the future of the country, we can’t go to him, because he’s dishonest, he lacks integrity and is fraudulent and will not decide the case according to the justice of it.

    “So it’s a very dangerous thing that is happening now and the judges must embrace the fight against corruption otherwise this country has no future,” Sagay said.

    The PACAC chairman said there was no pressure from the executive on the judiciary to convict those accused of corruption at all cost.

    However, he urged judges not to consider only the legal aspects of a case, but the justice side as well.

    Sagay said: “They should apply the law and justice. Law without justice is useless.

    “When a case comes before a judge, before he even hears the legal arguments, he looks at the facts and claims. He should be able to say in his mind: ‘Justice seems to be on this side’. There are some cases in which the legal arguments favour one side. But that side is the unjust side.

    “The English legal system and common law has educated us and given us a culture of being able to, as a judge, look at the case, use our own creativity to ensure justice is not lost because of legal arguments, and to use creative argument to ensure that justice prevails. That’s the way we were trained, but that is not happening.”

    For Prof Oyebode, the judiciary should redeem itself if it is to remain the common man’s last hope.

    “I think the judiciary now seeks redemption because of its transgressions. We just have to wish them well and hope that a greater day lies ahead for judges in contemporary times,” he said.

    According to him, appointment of “misfits” as judges contributed to the fall in standards.

    Oyebode said: “Prof Sagay, many years ago, wrote a book saluting the Supreme Court in terms of the judgment they handed down and the effervescence of the judiciary under the leadership of people like the late Kayode Eso, the late Chukwudifu Oputa and other distinguished jurists. They gave a testament to posterity.

    “But, since then a lot of water has passed under the bridge. There have been some misfits appointed to the judiciary – those who have abused or compromised their high judicial office.

    “The judiciary is the custodian of due process and rule of law, and if gold rusts, what should iron do? I am part of those who believe that a people get the judiciary that they deserve.

    “If Nigerians believe that the judiciary has a role to play in the scheme of things, then they must fight and defend the appointees, hoping that the appointees themselves would reflect the confidence that people reside in them.

    “There was a time we had great judges who never compromised their status, role or function. I can’t say that today for some of our judicial officers.

    “It’s not that there are no good men and women in courts. I’m glad to observe that none of my students in the Supreme Court and other courts had been found wanting. I’m not claiming credit for their acting according to their judicial office though.

    “In 1992, I gave a lecture at the Bar conference in Port Harcourt. The title was: ‘Is the judiciary still the last hope of the common man?’ The jury is still out on whether the judiciary can play their allotted role of being the last hope for the common man.”

     

  • Saraki, Dogara renew hostility against anti-graft batlle

    Saraki, Dogara renew hostility against anti-graft batlle

    Nigerians are angry with Senate President Bukola Saraki and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Yakubu Hon. Dogara, for mocking the anti-corruption crusade of President Muhammadu Buhari. Observers believe their disposition development has called to question the loyalty of the leaders of the National Assembly to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), which they belong. Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN reports.

    The cold war between the executive and the legislature is far from being over. At a recent book launch in Abuja, the leaders of the National Assembly took a swipe on the Federal Government’s anti-corruption fight. Senate President Bukola Saraki claimed that the anti-graft war was sensational and selective while the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Hon. Yakubu Dogara, insisted the war was only dealing with the symptoms of corruption.

    Analysts could not understand why the leadership of the National Assembly chose to castigate the executive in public. They noted that this is the first time in the history of democratic governance where both arms of government controlled by a party would disagree openly on a policy that is contained in the party’s manifesto.

    They described the attack on the policy as the climax of party indiscipline and disloyalty, since both of them were elected on the platform of the APC. The questions being asked are: What moral justification do they have to subject the party’s programme to public ridicule? Assuming they are not satisfied with the method deployed by the executive to fight corruption, can’t they use party’s internal communication lines to express their reservations and make suggestions?

    Prior to this development, both chambers had held the executive into ransom for what they described as the failure to implement parliamentary resolutions. As a result, the legislators had refused to consider proposals from the executive. The face-off took its toll on governance; it slowed down the decision-making process and also heightened political tension. For instance, the list of Resident Electoral Commissioners (REC) and ministerial nominees forwarded to the Senate were kept in abeyance. Why should the National Assembly dominated by the APC members be playing the role of the opposition? Can’t they resolve their differences at party caucus level, rather than working at cross-purposes?

    Afenifere chieftain Senator Ayo Fasanmi said the comments of both leaders were very unfortunate. He said they are trying to recant the statement to safe face. To the elder statesman, no amount of denial would absolve them from anti-party activities; it is on record that they branded President Muhammadu Buhari’s fight against corruption a ruse.

    Fasanmi said anyone saying Buhari’s anti-graft war is not on course needed to re-examine himself, considering the huge success recorded in recovering the public fund looted by the Peoples Democratic Party members (PDP) and their collaborators in the civil service.

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    He said: “President Buhari should not be distracted by the antics of forces of corruption. He should get along; he should not be discouraged. Fighting corruption in Nigeria is a difficult task that must be done if we don’t want corruption to kill this country.

    I made bold to say that Buhari is on course; the forces of corruption will capitulate whether they like it or not. The progressive forces which Buhari personify will overwhelm the forces of corruption in this country. If not for Buhari, only God knows what would have become of Nigeria if we had continued in the era of stealing-is-no-corruption.

    Public Affairs analyst Dr Friday Ibok described the APC as a ruling party that is not in power in the legislature. He said the power was eroded by personal interests. He said: “You should remember how Saraki and Dogara emerged as leaders of both chambers. They were not the ruling party’s candidates; they defied the party’s instruction and with the support of members of the PDP, they sailed through. How would you expect them to respect party supremacy?

    “The APC got it wrong from day one when Saraki and Dogara defied the party instruction and there was no sanction against them. That is why they talk any how; criticise the party’s policies in the public with impunity. Such will never happen in a disciplined party. There is what we call collective responsibility. You can disagree within the party, but not without. If they are not satisfied with Buhari’s style of fighting corruption they should write him a memo, detail their observations and suggestions on how to improve on the anti-graft war.

    “To me, Saraki and Dogara have exhibited political immaturity and indiscipline by criticising the party’s programme openly. The support of the PDP members for the Senate President and the Speaker of the House, who are APC members against the position of the APC government is not just because the PDP lawmakers voted for them, but it is part of the script written before they agreed to join forces with some APC lawmakers to weaken the avowed crusade against corruption and win back power in 2019.”

    On what should be done to restore normalcy within the party, Ibok warned against what he described as the personalisation of the problems of the party and advised the leaders of the APC to handle the anti-party activities of Saraki and Dogara with extra care so that it will not destabilise the party.

    A lawyer and civil right activist, Mr Monday Ubani, said he was not surprised that the leaders of National Assembly are mocking Buhari’s anti-corruption fight, because they have never supported the president in his effort to expose the corrupt politicians.

    Ubani cited the treatment of the Acting Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC), Mr Ibrahim Magu, when he appeared before the Senate for confirmation and the non-passage of bills sent to the National Assembly by the executive that would have enhanced the fight against corruption. He said some of them have been lying there for more than a year without consideration by the federal lawmakers.

    He added: “Nigerians are in support of the anti-graft war of President Muhammadu Buhari’s government. Corruption has retarded the development of this country; the enemies of progress are saying no; they won’t succeed. Now that Buhari is out there for medical attention, they are beating their chest that the fight against corruption would not succeed. Many of them are praying that Buhari should not come back alive. We are praying for him to get over his health problems and return home to continue his good work.”

    However, Ubani wants the anti-corruption war extended to all sectors. He said: “It should not be restricted to politicians alone. The police still collects bribe openly from motorists on the road; the immigration and customs officials still demand for bribe at the points of entry and departure; to obtain national passport the immigration officers collect gratification; the Road Safety corps members still get kick-backs from those who apply for driver’s licence.” He said the anti-corruption fight should look in the direction of the civil servants who are enmeshed in corrupt practices.

    Ubani added: “We should build a system that will sustain the fight against corruption like it is being done in advanced democracies. We should involve people in the fight and that is why I like the whistle-blowing policy of this administration. Since it was introduced, the EFFC has made many discoveries and recoveries of looted funds. The policy is working, because people are carried along by the government in its anti-corruption crusade.”

    A banker, Usman Abubakar, agreed with Ubani that the legislature is not on the same page with the executive on the fight against corruption. He said the reason being that some of the members of the Senate were former governors with baggage. They will resist any attempt to wage war against corruption, he emphasised.

    Abubakar said they kicked against Magu because he would not spare anyone in the course of investigating corrupt officials, no matter their status. He added: “He was treated shabbily when he appeared for confirmation; he was not allowed to defend himself against the report of the Directorate of State Service (DSS) that alleged him of corrupt practices.”

    He said Nigerians should not be surprised that Saraki and Dogara are mocking the anti-corruption crusade, because both of them emerged as leaders of both chambers in a questionable manner. He said they were not the party’s nominees.

    Abubakar said: “Only God knows how much they used to bribe the PDP legislators to clinch the leadership positions. We should blame President Buhari for the leadership problem in the National Assembly. If he had shown interest and come out to support the APC nominees for Senate President and the House Speaker, we won’t find ourselves in this terrible situation whereby members of the ruling party have constituted themselves into opposition; thereby undermining the efforts of the executive. The APC senators perform the role of opposition to the delight of PDP members.

    “To me, the Eighth National Assembly is the worst in the history of democratic governance in this country. The Senate President, Saraki is facing a criminal charge before the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT) over false declaration of asset. He goes from the hallowed Chamber of the Senate to face trial and return to the Senate to preside over the proceedings. Saraki has desecrated that office. In other climes, when people holding public office are alleged of crime and charged to court, they will step aside till the trial is over and the judgment delivered.

    “What I find intriguing is that Saraki has the gut to be telling Buhari how to fight corruption. He should be told that this is not the first time Buhari is fighting corruption in this country. When he was a military ruler between December 1983 and August 1984, Buhari clamped down on corrupt politicians of the Second Republic and purged them of the stolen public funds and assets. If we were under military rule, the likes of Saraki would have known his fate by now.”

    Civil rights activist Mashood Erubami described Saraki and Dogara’s negative comments as a product of the opposition forces, which the fight is actually targeted.

    He said the criticisms were coming from those who are being tried for the offences of corruption, but are being slowly tried due to the connivance of the bar and the bench. He said the case are not being speedily disposed. He said they should have been banned from politics and clamped into jail, to serve as a deterrent to others.

    Erubami said the notion that the current anti-corruption crusade has failed because no suspect had been convicted is not true, because of open conspiracy between certain institutions of government that are determined to frustrate APC/Buhari focussed anti-corruption fight. That explains why despite the criminal justice adjudication system, cases are still taking longer time than necessary to be determined.

    He said: “Presently, there are forces that have constituted themselves into opposition in the police, EFCC, the legislature, the judiciary including the bar that is waging counter offensives against the anti-corruption struggle of the Buhari administration. They are against the anti-corruption war and are currently fighting back the crusade to sanitise the society, using their monopoly without discretion to debar accountability through weakening the anti-corruption institutions.”

    Erubami, who is also the President, Nigeria Voters Assembly (VOTAS), said: “Any individual or institution found to be siding the derailment of the processes of enforcing deterrence against commission of the crimes of corruption, one of which is prosecution and imprisonment when found culpable, cannot be said to be favourably disposed to fighting corruption which obviously has been the main reason why conviction has been hard to come by. More so because some of the judges who are expected to dispense justice equitably are themselves very corrupt.”