He was the apple of Asiwaju’s eyes, once upon a time. Many political actors in the Southwest and beyond perceived him as a sort of deputy leader, a likely heir. This was indisputable. He was a member of the kitchen cabinet in Bourdillon: a confidant, trusted ally, and dependable loyalist.
It was said that even the leader, vouching for his undiluted loyalty, once declared that if Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola stormed his room with a knife, cutlass, or gun, he would not panic because of the trust and confidence he reposed in him.
Also, the indomitable disciple, who has understandably attracted envy and jealousy from other committed followers due to his closeness to the leader, once said if he was with his wife in the other room and the Jagaban Borgu summoned him, he would instantly abandon her to answer his call.
Such was the bond of unity, amity, and political fraternity between President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his beloved associate that the leader decided to sponsor him to become governor of Osun State after serving under his leadership in Lagos State as Works and Infrastructure Commissioner for almost eight years.
If Aregbesola had not been a governor, he may not have become Interior Minister under former President Muhammadu Buhari. His base was Lagos, where he honed his political skills, made name, and became famous before returning home to serve his people.
Ironically, Osun politics threw a wedge between the benefactor and godson.
The foundation of friendship was erected on the similarity of ideas, shared vision, and passion for service by the political colossus and his devotee, whom he had groomed for political leadership. Aregbesola is a great mobiliser and organiser who has served the progressive cause in the Southwest states of Lagos and Osun under the leadership and guidance of Tinubu.
At his ‘Aregbe Till Daybreak’ in Osogbo, the state capital, Aregbesola declared: “I am as large in Osun as I am large in Lagos.” It was an understatement. He was the political leader of the most populated sub-zone in Lagos West, Alimoso, fondly referred to in those days as the Tinubu country. Although he failed to get its Social Democratic Party (SDP) ticket for the House of Representatives in the Third Republic, the engineer bounced back as axis leader when Tinubu, former governor of Lagos, appointed him a commissioner.
In Lagos politics, Aregbesola welded enormous and intimidating influence, determining the fate of many young politicians who later rose to stardom. He was the door to the leader, his chief adviser and political enforcer, a status that other devotees like Dr. Muiz Banire (SAN) and Cardinal James Odunmbaku once intermittently shared with him in the moment of cardinal decision-making on political work at the grassroots, when Prince Abiodun Ogunleye and Otunba Dele Ajomale were party chairmen. Aregbesola was also one of the liaison officers between the state government and the civil society, another constituency of his boss.
More significantly, Aregbesola is closely associated with one of the big caucuses, the Mandate Movement, which is locked in partisan conflict and hot competition for intra-party power and influence with the Justice Forum in the state chapter of the ruling party from the days of the Alliance for Democracy (AD), through the Action Congress (AC) and the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), to the All Progressives Congress (APC). The Justice Forum is an association of old political warhorses who have rendered invaluable services to the state and the country in challenging times. Tinubu is the acknowledged patron of the two caucuses.
Tinubu embarked on his liberation mission in the Southwest as a progressive leader without rival and the last man standing, following the political earthquake that swept the AD governors of Oyo, Ondo, Osun, Ogun, and Ekiti in 2003.
It was a hectic battle, particularly in Ekiti and Osun where Kayode Fayemi and Aregbesola were symbols of the struggle. In Osun, when Aregbesola was initially resisted by party men who described him as a Lagos politician, Tinubu’s towering influence and clout paved the way for reabsorbing him into his state’s mainstream politics. Throughout his eight years in power, he never let the party down, although the grave economic crisis of those times frustrated prompt and timely fulfilment of statutory financial obligations to workers
But, since 2018 when Aregbesola completed his two-term tenure, Osun APC has been in trouble. The bone of contention was intra-party squabble and disagreement over succession. While Tinubu rooted for Alhaji Gboyega Oyetola, the Chief of Staff under Aregbesola, it appeared that Aregbesola had a different idea or agenda.
However, as the ruling party could not put its house in order, the PDP spotted an opportunity to confront the rival platform. Consequently, ACN could only win narrowly in 2018. The last-minute mobilisation involved people like Iyiola Omisore, Olu Agunloye, and Fayemi. The victory was achieved through a strenuous battle.
Despite its victory, the party remained divided. It became difficult to mend the cracks. Reconciliation became futile. Although Tinubu asked former Governor Bisi Akande to reconcile the warring camps ahead of the 2022 governorship poll, the efforts were futile. Things started falling apart and the centre could not hold. The split structure lost its strength and APC could not retain power in Osun. Outside power, chieftains were left in the cold, aptly locked in antagonism and bitterness.
The beneficiary of the division was Governor Ademola ‘Dancer’ Adeleke, who has not matched the performance, and therefore, cannot enjoy the ratings of his more experienced predecessors – Oyetola, Aregbesola, Olagunsoye Oyinlola, Akande and Isiaka Adeleke, his elder brother.
From a post-primary crisis, through the poorly managed election that drew the curtains on APC’s tenancy in Osun Government House, to the post-election blame game and acrimony, the party became distressed and completely polarised. Therefore, Osun APC has waged more wars against itself than the PDP, making a virile opposition in Osun almost impossible.
The hide-and-seek game gave way to open hostilities that were carried to social media. In a moment of anger, words are like eggs. Once they fall, they scatter. Ordinarily, Yoruba would say there is no remedy.
To observers, Aregbesola later made the mistake of distancing himself from his leader to the extent that when Tinubu was going round the country to realise his presidential ambition, he was not beside his leader. Nigerians noticed the gap and the glaring shortfall in role fulfillment. Also, during the election, Aregbesola was not around to mobilise for him. Therefore, Tinubu became president without his input. Many Nigerians who were taken aback sensed a parting of ways.
Old politicians who remembered the previous dispensations warned about the consequences of likely regression to past pitfalls. They recalled the unresolved discord among the pathfinders – the Awo/SLA tango, the Ajasin/Omoboriowo rift, Bola Ige/Sunday Afolabi quarrel, the D’irovan episode, the split in Afenifere, and the Tinubu/Dawodu feud, which had affected the cohesion of the regional progressive bloc. None of these crises was resolved. For example, when Awo and Ayo Rosiji, former Action Group (AG) national secretary, later met after the civil war, four years after the collapse of the First Republic and eight years after the 1962 AG split in Jos, the two leaders could not reconcile. A historian, Dr. Nina Mba, who was Rosiji’s biographer, said that afterwards, there was “no real renewal of contact”.
Osun APC warriors turned a deaf ear to the lessons of history. They broke into factions and old colleagues became sworn enemies. The chain of events in Osun finally culminated in the suspension of the former governor. It was a turning point in the illustrious political career of the charismatic politician and former minister. If the flexing of muscles between Irerioluwa (supporters of Oyetola) and Oranmiyan forces (followers of Aregbesola) persists, Aregbesola may even be expelled from the chapter.
The turn of events should be worrisome to discerning party elders whose duty is to reconcile the factions and bring the two divides to the table of brotherhood. Reconciliation is an unfinished business in the Osun progressive family. Speed is required as the state would start warming up for electioneering next year.
There is no permanent friend or foe. The key issue in politics is interests, which must align. The two warring camps should settle their differences and combine their strengths ahead of the next governorship poll in the state. President should not be distracted by any war of attrition in any state of the Southwest, which is his primary base.
Tinubu’s antecedents attest to his open heart and capacity for bridge-building. Many followers fell out with him, but the President welcomed them back to his court. They were reintegrated into the party structures. It is the fallout of his tolerance and sense of accommodation. It is the height of a forgiving spirit.
The Osun gladiators should emulate these attributes of conciliatory leadership. It is time to forget the acrimonious past and embrace a peaceful future for the progressives to regain the State of the Living Spring.
