Tag: Atiku Abubakar

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar on Friday cautioned that the North risks prolonged stagnation and worsening insecurity unless its leaders urgently rebuild unity, reset priorities and confront the region’s deepening developmental challenges with courage and clarity.

Speaking at the 25th anniversary dinner of the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) in Kaduna, Atiku said the forum’s endurance “through thick and thin” over the past two decades reflects its importance, but stressed that the North must move beyond nostalgia toward honest reflection and strategic action.

He paid glowing tributes to past ACF leaders who, he noted, “weathered enormous political and social storms” to sustain the organisation. 

He prayed for the repose of their souls and urged present leaders to uphold their legacy.

Recalling his early days as Vice President in 1999, Atiku said the North at the time was deeply fragmented along various political blocs. 

One of his first assignments, he said, was to rally the region under one umbrella.

He narrated how wide consultations led to the formation of a reconciliation committee headed by the Emir of Ilorin, Ibrahim Sulu-Gambari, to unify different northern interest groups—an effort that culminated in the creation of the ACF.

Atiku admitted that the merger process was tough but ultimately successful, bringing leaders together under the guidance of former Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon, and the late M.D. Yusufu. “Unity was our first priority,” he said.

He emphasized that the ACF was founded not only for political cohesion but also to drive development across the North, aligning with the vision of Sir Ahmadu Bello. 

Atiku reminded the gathering that the Sardauna’s core priorities—education, agriculture and industrial growth—remain indispensable today.

He quoted at length from Ahmadu Bello’s 1961 address, which emphasized agricultural expansion, soil conservation, livestock improvement, and creating the conditions for education and industry to thrive.

Atiku said that by 1999 these priorities “had acquired a new significance,” prompting him to initiate a Northern Education Project headed by Prof. Adamu Baiki to diagnose and revive the region’s collapsing education system.

He said the findings were alarming, prompting reforms including rewriting teacher inspection manuals, building capacity and restoring dignity to the teaching profession through awards and motivation schemes.

According to him, enrolment and transition rates doubled in several northern states by the end of their first term, with the records still available at Arewa House.

He also highlighted efforts through the Northern Development Project (NDP) to reform agriculture by reviewing policies, rebuilding value chains and addressing climate-related challenges affecting yields.

On industry, he said a survey uncovered longstanding obstacles, energy poverty, finance gaps, raw material shortages and multiple taxation, which he noted regrettably persist “two decades later.”

Atiku said the discussion of these past efforts was not to lament but to “wake the North from complacency” and remind leaders of the urgency of building on earlier foundations.

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Turning to unity, Atiku warned that diversity was becoming a weapon in the hands of adversaries who, he said, exploit fear, technology and disinformation to sow discord and target the region’s resources.

He stressed that the North must learn from countries like India and China which have managed far greater ethnic diversity and still achieved economic transformation.

He quoted Ahmadu Bello’s 1960 speech in Los Angeles, where the Sardauna described diversity as a strength and warned against those who “set tribe against tribe, Christian against Muslim.”

Atiku raised tough questions on the future of the North, especially regarding population growth, food security, education, jobs and the region’s preparedness for the knowledge-driven global economy.

He warned that the 21st century will not tolerate “complacency, absentee leadership or leadership without vision,” insisting that the North must brace up urgently.

As he concluded, the former Vice President urged Northern leaders to decide how they want to be remembered; “as those who sacrificed for their people or those who only buttered their bread.”

He appealed for renewed unity, insisting that if there was ever a moment for the North to come together, “that time is now.”

He prayed for God’s guidance as the region confronts its challenges and thanked the ACF for its role in shaping northern consciousness.

Former Vice President and 2023 presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, has handed over one of his houses in Yola, the Adamawa State capital, to the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

The building is to henceforth serve as the Adamawa State secretariat of the coalition platform.

The house, which is located in a choice area of Jimeta near the famous Mubi Roundabout, once served as the Adamawa State secretariat of the PDP and remained in the party’s colours as of last night.

The allocation of his property for ADC’s use is said to be among Atiku’s moves towards making the coalition platform a major party in Adamawa State.

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He had made one of his boldest statements about the ADC last month when he resigned from the PDP and was quickly followed by the defection of his high-profile associates into the coalition platform.

Atiku’s associates who have followed him to the ADC include the Adamawa State governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2023, Senator Aishatu Ahmed (Binani), and APC governor between 2025 and 2019, Senator Jibrilla Bindow.

A national official of the ADC and ardent Atiku supporter, Umar Jada, who is of Jada descent as Atiku, has described the property gift as a leap towards strengthening the coalition’s presence in Adamawa State.

Jada, who is the Assistant National Organising Secretary/Zonal Organising Secretary of the ADC, noted that the facility would provide the party with a befitting work environment.

Efforts to speak with ADC State Chairman Shehu Yohanna for comments were unsuccessful last night.

But another state official of the party, who spoke in confidence with our correspondent, confirmed the handover of the former Vice President’s property for ADC’s use.

The official said the house had not been painted in ADC colours because the PDP had not removed its assets from the house.

Atiku Abubakar yesterday lived up to expectation as the most inconsistent political megastar of the Fourth Republic.

For the third time in a decade, he has defected from his original platform, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), with or without provocation. The defection was not surprising. His suporters in the opposition party, based on his directive, had moved to the African Democratic Congress (ADC), which is the bitter sister of the mainstream PDP.

The original ADC was a carcas. It was an asset. Only its liabilities were inherited. It was a party on the fringe and battling with in-fighting. Following the hostile takeover of the party, some members went to court to complain that its constitution was grossly violated. The fight has not abated.

The reason for always jumping ship is in the public glare. It is Atiku’s quest for presidency, which has eluded him seven times. The serial defections, it can be argued, are also in the exercise of his freedom of association.

Each time he defected, the PDP, more or less, became a major cauality of assault arising from the de-marketing of the platform by the Atiku propaganda machinery. But on each occasion, his next point of call always became hotter, forcing a hostile retreat amd eventual retracing of steps. At that point, the reality of gross miscalulation always dawned on the ‘Aticulated Gang.’

Driven by the same ambition, the former vice president announced that he had quit the crisis-ridden PDP. It was his third time of leaving the party in disarray, following its polarisation by his aspiration.

The first time was in 2006, when he ran to former Governor Bola Tinubu of Lagos, due to the political heat in Aso Villa, having been derobed by his estranged boss, the ever combative President Olusegun Obasanjo. In distress, he sought for a refuge and the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) offered him a solace.

But the PDP was too formidable. In that flawed poll of 2007, Atiku was defeated by President Umaru Yar’Adua, younger brother of his leader, the late Gen. Shehu Yar’Adua, on whose back he rode to limelight in the aborted Third Republic.

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Three mistakes were committed. First, before the poll, he picked Senator Ben Obi without consulting the Southwest progressive bloc that stood behind him in the time of trouble. The agreement was that the ACN presidential candidate would come from the region.

Second, these progressive elements advised that since Umaru, younger brother of Shehu, who had been declared winner, had waved the olive branch, protracted litigation against him should be avoided in memory of the leader of the Peoples Democratic Movement (PDM), the Yar’Adua machinery that threw him up as vice president in 1999.  He disagreed.

Three, after losing at the court, Atiku grudgingly left the ACN for the PDP, to the conternation of Tinubu/Akande/Adesina/Osoba forces, who learnt about his return to the PDP on the pages of newspapers.

In the PDP, his old foe and albatross, Obasanjo was waiting for him. When he unfolded his ambition, the Ebora Owu retorted: ‘I dey laugh o.’ Subsequently, a very damaging testimony surfaced in his book: ‘My Watch,’ on why he believes Atiku cannot be trusted with power. In 2011, although Atiku was preferred as the northern candidate over the Evil Genuis, former military President Ibrahim Babangida, he could not defeat Dr. Goodluck Jonathan at the PDP presidential primary.

Atiku’s habit in those days was jetting out of the country to cool off in Dubai, instead of teaming up with party leaders to build, rebuild and fortify the party ahead of next elections.

As preparations for 2015 polls started, the former vice president returned to the drawing board to strategise. Zoning favoured the North, his bloc geo-political zone. Therefore, he suddenly left the PDP for the All Progressives Congress (APC), describing Dr. Jonathan as a clueless leader.

However, those he left in 2006 have become the pillars of the party. Mutual trust and confidence already ruptured, they gravitated towars Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, who secured the presidential ticket. Atiku came third at the primary held at the Teslim Balogun Stadium in Surulere, Lagos, trailing the Kwankwasiya Movement leader, Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso.

Subsequently, Atiku dumped APC for PDP. Luck smiled on him. He got the ticket. But during the 2019 poll, he could not displace Buhari, the man with the famed 12 million votes. He worked hard also in 2023, but without success.

That constant setback has characterised his political career from the Third Republic. Athough he vied for the highest office in 1993 at the Jos convention of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP), Yar’Adua directed him to step down for the late Chief Moshood Abiola.

In 2003, he made a feeble attempt, backed by Governors James Ibori (Delta State), Orji Kalu (Abia) and other notable big wigs who loathed the former president’s highhandedness, making OBJ to prostrate for him while seeking his support for a second term. That, some analysts, have argued, became his undoing. The ambition also collapsed in 2007, 2011, 2015, 2019 and 2023.

By 2027, Atiku would be 81. It is not a big deal. Africa still harbours older people who are presidents of their far-flung, bewildered countries. The politician from Adamawa is forging on with courage, despite the multiple difficulties, having been strengthened by the marabout prediction that he will one day become president. Other conditions given by the spiritual consultants, which may also be crucial to the fulfilment of the prophecy, are not known to other stakeholders.

But what is the fuss about ADC? PDP just split into two, and the camp of Atiku has borrowed a weak platform for 2027 exercise. ADC is not a party that would give opportunity for a competitive presidential convention. The focus of its key leaders – David Mark, Tom Ikimi and David Mark – is to make Atiku president.

However, the camp,’in a fit of propaganda,’ keeps alluding to imaginary coalition to convey an impression that it has tentacles beyond the PDP. Atiku could not rally his sizeable supporters to form a new party as Asiwaju Tinubu did in 2006/2007. There is still much time, but the huddles are burdensome. Also, he could not mobilise other opposition parties or contemplate any alliance, fusion or merger, particularly the type that gave birth to the APC.

But it is solely the ‘Atiku Party,’ which is free from the complaints by a section of the PDP about the  politics of marginalisation and exclusion arising from the choice of the national chairman and presidential candidate from the same bloc geo-political zone.

Atiku’s supporters are merely transforming into ADC members in few states, unable to attract more converts or convince more Nigerians to join them. It is because it has a narrow, particularistic agenda. So far, notable APC leaders have not defected to the party. But the party is backed by a section of the adversarial media dedicated to fighting President Tinubu.

 Individuals like Rotimi Amaechi, Nosiru El-Rufai and Rauf Aregbesola who are flocking to the party never made any impact on their former party, the APC, in 2019. While Amaechi and Aregbesola did not support Asiwaju Tinubu,  El-Rufai could not deliver Kaduna to the party during the presidential election.

The objective of the party is to dislodge APC.

Would Atiku step down for Obi, if he defects from the crisis-ridden Labour Party (LP) to ADC? If Atiku picks him as running mate, would the ‘obidients’ embrace the second fiddle?

Obi has approached ADC with his personal agenda. He said if he wins, he would do one term. He is brandishing this option in utter sensitivity to the feeling in the North that the South is only entitled to one term more. It is doubtful if the North will be swayed by the gamble. No politically conscious will trust the promise of one term by an Executive President under a presidential system of government.

Actually, zoning voices are rising again. The rotation battle cry united the APC, which picked Asiwaju Tinubu from the South. The belief is that if the late President Muhammadu Buhari from North had two terms, President Tinubu from the South should also do eight years in the spirit of equity, fairplay and justice.

If Obi does not join Atiku, he would run in LP or any other party. The country would be back to something essentially similar to 2023, with APC, LP and the twins – PDP and PDP-ADC fighting for power.

The gross loser may be the PDP. It is now brutally decimated. But that could not be averted too because there was no way Atiku could have secured its ticket. Yet, in terms of history, structure and exploits, ADC cannot match the PDP.

The PDP can now put its house in order by resolving outstanding crisis. The party can even strike a pact with the APC.

Atiku’s resignation is consistent with his political attitude. But how far can he go?

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar is no longer Waziri Adamawa.

He lost the revered tittle following the new edict by the Adamawa State government.

The edict strips all traditional tittle holders in Emirates other than the one they hail from, of such tittles.

Atiku, formerly Turaki Adamawa before his elevation to Waziri, hails from Ganye Emirate under which is hometown Jada falls.

The tittle Waziri is in the Adamawa Emirate.

The Adamawa State government yesterday insisted that the former vice president was not the target of the new edict.

In a June 20 circular signed by Permanent Secretary of the Department of Chieftaincy Affairs Mrs Adama Felicity Mamman, the state government said the directive was part of a broader restructuring of traditional institutions following the creation of seven new emirates and chiefdoms.

Commissioner of Information, Iliya James, told our correspondent that the reform is aimed at providing a guide to the various emirates and chiefdoms, with the intent to prevent a situation in which people from outside could dictate how the emirates and chiefdoms are run.

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“When you have kingmakers for a kingdom coming from outside the kingdom to decide who becomes king, you could one day have the king from outside,” the commissioner said.

The Adamawa Emirate is the foremost traditional institution in the state, with many other prominent council members from outside the emirate who are affected by the new order.

They include a famous businessman, Abdulkadir Aminu Mbamba, who holds the title of Wali Adamawa; former chief judge of the state, Justice Nathan Musa, who holds the title of Wakili Alkalan Adamawa; and former Adamawa Speaker James Barka, who is the Magatakarda Adamawa.

The three hail from the Hong local government area, which was in Adamawa Emirate before late last year when Hong was carved out to stand as an autonomous chiefdom as Huba Chiefdom.

The Adamawa Emirate as well as the Mubi Emirate became the biggest casualties when seven chiefdoms and emirates were created by the Ahmad Fintiri government last year. The Adamawa Emirate, which used to comprise eight local government areas, is now left with only five, namely Yola South, Yola North, Mayo-Belwa, Girei, and some parts of Song LGA.

According to information from the Adamawa Emirate council, the Waziri title holds prime ministerial significance and it is the most prominent title in the emirate cabinet, second only to the Lamido. Originating from the Sokoto Caliphate, the Adamawa emirate follows the traditions of other northern emirates.

While anyone from the Adamawa emirate territory who has recorded notable achievements and is loyal to the emirate’s institution can potentially become Waziri, there are cultural, historical, and royal considerations to be made. A person whose mother is from a royal family is often preferred for the position of Waziri, as it is believed that such a person aligns with the emirate’s traditions.

The Waziri holds a significant position of leadership within the Adamawa emirate council and confides in other members of the cabinet, including the Galadima and other titleholders like the Wali, Yerima, Sardauna, Dallatu, and other council members.

While there are about 100 traditional title holders within the emirate, not all of them are members of the traditional council.

The most immediate decision-making body within the council is made up of members who attend weekly meetings, which typically take place every Thursday. These meetings include members of the council and a good number of council members who are also part of the king makers, chaired by the Lamido himself. It is during these meetings that crucial decisions regarding the governance and development of the emirate are made. The Adamawa emirate council remains a symbol of leadership and tradition, with the Waziri serving as a vital figure within its ranks.