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Tag: Awo

  • What have politicians learnt from Awo?

    What have politicians learnt from Awo?

    The first Premier of the defunct Western Region, the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, bequeathed many legacies to the political class. Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN examines how Awo’s thoughts can assist in tackling the country’s political and socio-economic problems.

    Twenty-nine years after his death, Nigerians are still talking about the ideas and legacies of the first Premier of Western Region, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, with nostalgia. With the benefit of hindsight, many observers believe the thoughts of the late sage are still relevant and can make a difference in tackling Nigeria’s current problems.

    Awolowo’s thoughts were the focus of discussion at a recent commemorative symposium to mark his birthday. This is understandable. The ascendancy of the Yoruba people today in the areas of education, commerce, arts and the attendants socio-cultural advancement, emanated from Awolowo’s visionary leadership in the old Western Region. Through progressive social engineering and strategic policies, his government changed the profile of the region for ever. By making election promises and fulfilling them within a few years, Awolowo had led his region to evolve a culture that demands and evaluates a socio-economic programme from those who seek to govern.

    Awolowo was a great political thinker who committed many of his thoughts to writing. From 1946, he started a long career in political writing, which flourished whether he was in freedom or in detention, whether he was in power or out of it. His thoughts continue to flourish till today.

    It was in Ibadan that his political life began to unfold: he served there as secretary of the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) before he went abroad to study Law in Great Britain. Back home from Britain, Awolowo formed the cultural group known as “Egbe Omo Oduduwa in 1949 and a political party, the Action Group, (AG), in 1951also known as “Egbe Afenifere” in Western part of Nigeria, as part of the programme for the emancipation of Yoruba race.

    His party won the first elections ever conducted in the Western Region. As a result of that victory, it formed the first elected government in the region, and Awolowo became the leader of Government Business and Minister of Local Government in 1952. In 1954, he became the first Premier of the Western Region. His party won the elections again in May 1956 and Awo retained his position as Premier. He voluntarily gave up that position when, on December 12, 1959, he got elected into the House of Representatives where he became the Leader of Opposition at the Federal legislature.

     

    Awo, a visionary leader

    Unlike many of the present day politicians who regard power as self-serving, he had the correct perspective of the concept of power. He understood it as a means to an end. His welfarist policy was unexcelled. What made this remarkable was that the level of literacy then was far below what obtains today and it was easier to be selfish and corrupt without detection then than now. But, Awo believed that the purpose of governance was for the promotion of the welfare and happiness of the people.

    This was the submission of a United States-based university don, Professor Segun Gbadegesin, in his lecture at the commemorative symposium. The professor of Philosophy remarked that through progressive social engineering and strategic policies, Awolowo’s government changed the profile of Western Region for ever.

    Gbadegesin said it was in recognition of his superlative accomplishment that the people formally installed him as Asiwaju (forerunner) of Yorubaland; thus becoming the second person after the great Oduduwa, progenitor of the Yoruba race, to be so acknowledged.

    He described Awo as a visionary leader that would look at issues beyond the apparent and make pronouncements that invariably turned out to be prophetic. A case in point was the warning he gave to Alhaji Shehu Shagari’s government in 1981that the Nigerian economy was heading for the rock. The potentates in that government tagged Awo a prophet of doom. Two years after the prophetic statement, the Nigerian economy nosedived; the ship of the state tottered precariously leading to a military putsch that swept Shagari out of power on December 31, 1983.

     

    His enduring legacies

    Gbadegesin said Awolowo’s greatest achievements resulted from the foresight, clear sense of direction and sheer competence that he brought into government. He said: “At the beginning of his tenure, he quickly reformed the local government system in the defunct Western Region and took revolutionary steps to Nigerianise and improve its civil service. An extremely good judge of men’s qualities, he had also put together a very efficient team of ministers. Having taken those steps, he was set to achieve within five years a string of “firsts” in the history of Africa.

    “Between 1954 and 1959, his government evolved, and was served by the most efficient civil service in Black Africa. He introduced and successfully implemented the first free primary education programme in Nigeria; the first free medical service programme for children up to the age of 18. His famous free primary education was so hugely successful that the region became the most literate in the federation.

    “Convinced of powers of information as a veritable tool of education, entertainment and social advancement, Awo established the first African television station, the Western Nigeria Television (WNTV) in 1959. So novel was that feat that it was reported that some political leaders of newly independent African countries made ‘pilgrimage’ to Ibadan, the capital of Western Nigeria, just to see the television.

    “It was Awolowo’s blueprint that led to the emergence of Africa’s first conglomerate, the Oodua Group of Companies in 1962; the founding of the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife) also in 1962; the Liberty Stadium in 1960 and the building of the Cocoa House — then the tallest building in tropical Africa — in 1965. He took bold steps to revolutionise the production and marketing of cocoa in the region. He created the infrastructure for rural development by promoting 900 cooperative societies in about three years and provided within five years almost 10 times as many miles of road as he inherited from the British administration.”

    He said Awolowo introduced and successfully managed the first minimum wage policy in Nigeria. “The implementation of the minimum wage, which doubled the amount paid to workers of the same level in some other parts of the country, began in October 1954. His government set up Nigeria’s first industrial complex at Ikeja, Lagos; the first commercial housing estates at Ikeja and Bodija, Ibadan,” the professor added.

     

    Lessons for leaders

    The summary of Awolowo’s achievement listed above underscored invaluable virtues which made the late icon such a political legend and from which present leaders can learn from.

    It is very sad that a nation that has produced the likes of Awolowo is today brimming mostly with selfish politicians who are only interested in self-enrichment, evincing egoism, deceit and callousness. The leaders are regaling themselves with state-of-the-art luxuries, while the national minimum wage for famished workers remained a paltry N18,000 and all human development indices have remained abysmally low.  Some states have even threatened to review the minimum wage downward because of what they called paucity of funds.

    Gbadegesin said most of the politicians in Yorubaland today are fond of using Awo’s goodwill as a launching pad for political relevance and that most of them end up betraying Awo’s philosophy.

    The failure of the Awo’s disciples in and outside the government to emulate his virtues drew the ire of the participants at the symposium held in Ikenne, last Thursday.

    The guest lecturer fired the first salvo when he reprimanded the Awolowo’s disciples for compromising the ideals bequeathed to them by the late sage. He noted that they have failed to cooperate to uplift the message of their great master and leader.

    He said: “Today, there are original disciples of Awo. There are also second and third generation followers. They all take seriously the man we regarded as Sage, the Averter, Baba, Philosopher, and politician benefactor. The irony is that while they all accept him as their political leader, study his words and truly to emulate his deeds and look forward to a reunion with him some day, while here on earth, they would rather not get together to push the agenda he bequeathed to them.

    “The post Awo disciples would not even co-operate to uplift the message of their great leader and master. How are they different from his adversaries? And considering that they would want one day resume their dinner time chats with Awo, what will be their report? How will he respond?”

    A discussant at the symposium, Professor Ayo Olukotun, was not happy that resolutions and suggestions made at seminars organised by the Awolowo Foundation, the custodian of Awolowo’s legacies, in the past years were never considered by the states and Federal Government. The recommendations, he said, were based on Awo’s approach in tackling socio-economic problems while in government.

    Olukotun, a lecturer at the Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), made particular reference to a document on education published by the foundation, which would have solved the problems in the education sector if applied by the people in government. He called for regeneration of leadership and a return to Awolowo’s philosophy for service delivery in governance. For the nation to make progress, the don emphasised that the country should return to the strategies of Awolowo in addressing national problems.

     

    Can Nigeria get another Awo?

    Another discussant, Prof. Alade Fawole, also from OAU, said it is not possible to replicate Awolowo’s philosophy because present day politicians lack the late sage’s qualities. According to him, “Awo built leaders; he assembled leaders who shared his philosophy; and assigned them responsibilities that matched their intellectual capacity”.

    Fawole cited the case of the five governors of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), the party led by Awolowo in the Second Republic. The governors became reference point for good governance in the country because of service delivery and fulfilment of campaign promises, which was the hallmark of Awo’s governance. The five governors, most of them of blessed memory, are: Chief Adekunle Ajasin (Ondo), Chief Olabisi Onabanjo (Ogun), Chief Bola Ige (Oyo), Professor Ambrose Ali (Bendel) and the only survivor Alhaji Lateef Jakande (Lagos) exemplified Awo’s discipline and implemented the four cardinal programmes of free education, free medical service, gainful employment and rural integration development, despite the limited resources they had at that time, Fawole recalled.

    But, Kaduna State Governor, Malam Nasir El-Rufai, disagree with the notion that politicians don’t uphold Awo’s legacies. He said the All Progressives Congress (APC) governments are committed to Awolowo’s ideals. He described members of the party as inheritors of the progressive legacies of the late sage. Awolowo’s legacies. According to him, they are propelling the APC leaders and members to strive as he did to meet the expectation of Nigerians.

    El-Rufai specifically mentioned that his government was replicating Awo’s free education policy in Kaduna State. He said: “We have adopted Awo’s free education policy in Kaduna. We have introduced nine years compulsory education. Between September 2015 and now, we have spent more than six billion naira on rehabilitation of primary schools; we have embarked on provision of furniture and teacher training. Education took one-quarter of the 2016 budget.”

    The governor recalled that the late sage reached an understanding with some prominent northern leaders who were tired of the hegemony of the then ruling party National Party of Nigeria (NPN). He promised that as inheritors of Awo’s progressive legacies, the APC governments will strive to achieve a corrupt-free and progressive country.

  • When ‘ll Yoruba have another Awo?

    When ‘ll Yoruba have another Awo?

    As the nation celebrates the passage of Yeyeoba Hannah Dideolu Awolowo, Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU reflects on the life and times of her husband, Chief Obafemi Awolowo the political colossus, who has remained the pathfinder and role model to progressives.  

    Twenty eight years after his death, he remains a household name. His legacies have endured. His good works have constantly reminded the people that a great leader had passed through the political firmament. Before and after his death, he has remained the main issue in politics.

    His achievements as the premier of the defunct Western Region and war-time Federal Commissioner for Finance have remained the benchmark for successive administrations. Young ideologues in search of heroes perceive him as a mentor and role model. Every day, references are made to his indelible contributions. To his adversaries and conservative rivals,  he was a tribal champion and symbol of ethnic politics. But, to his admirers, he was a foremost nationalist and man of ideas deliberately under-utilised by a beleaguered nation-state thirsty for transformation.

    While Former military President Ibrahim Babangida described the indomitable Chief Jeremiah Obafemi Oyeniyi Awolowo as the main issue in Nigeria’s politics, former Biafran warlord, the late Dim Chukwuemeka Odimegwu-Ojukwu, described him as the best President Nigeria never had. However,  the dark side of the post-Awolowo era is that the political machinery he built is in now in disarray. Awoists are now scattered across some political parties like sheep without shepherd. Things have continued to fall apart and the centre cannot hold. The political idea subsists, but the men and women on the field in the Awoist political vineyard are at loggerheads. They are not divided by the idea, but by conflicting approaches to the targeted goal.

    Awo’s road to fame was rough. His personal style of self-confidence, intolerance of injustice and avowed commitment to principle also made life uncomfortable for him. A historian, Insa Nolte, noted that whole Awolowo continues to be admired for his steadfastness today, it did not always make life easy for him. It is an understatement. As Nolte recalled, when Awolowo asked the wealthy Ijebu-ode merchant and NYM leader, Timothy Odutola, to finance his UK law degree, he framed his request as a business proposition. “Refusing to acknowledge his position as a hard-up young man from a small Remo town when he was addressing one of the most prominent citizens of Ijebu-Ode, Awolowo’s leeter was astonishingly irreverent and, perhaps, not surprisingly, unsuccessful. It ended with a precis, both of his proposal and his own sense of merit”. Awo wrote to Odutola: “You have my request before you, and thee reasons why I make the request, It is left to you to decide whether it is worth your while to take the risk of helping me in the manner outlined above or not.” To the wealthy man, the letter smacked of arrogance.

    Awolowo was a man of many parts. He was a teacher, stenographer, journalist, produce buyer, philosopher, author, and nationalist politician. He came into limelight as the irrepressible secretary of the Nigeria Youth Movement (NYM), Ibadan branch, at the same time when the late Chief Ladoke Akintola was Lagos NYM secretary. He had acquired a bachelor’s degree in Commerce through private study before travelling to London to study Law at the School of Economics and Political Science. He was the moving spirit behind the formation of Egbe Omo Oduduwa, which later metamorphosided into the Action Group (AG).  In 1947, he released his book, ‘Path to Nigeria’s Freedom,’ which is contains panacea to the multi-ethnic challenges, which give clear expression to the core national questions critical to the survival of the fledging federation.

    Awo took off as a grassroots politician. He had a base. The Ilishan-born politician started elective political career as a councillor in old Remo District Council presided over by the Akarigbo, Oba Christopher Williams Adedoyin. Like his colleagues, who were pioneer members of the Western Regional House of Assembly, he became a legislator at a time when township associations and unions serve as political platforms. However, when AG was formed, these legislators, many of who were members of Egbe Omo Oduduwa, and some who had intimate relationship with Dr. Nnamidi Azikiwe’s National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC), formally joined AG on the floor. When AG commanded the majority in the House, Awo became the Leader of Government Business and Minister of local Government.

    As Premier of Western Region, Awolowo presided over a dynamic, path-finding and productive administration that was second to none in Africa. His free education programme gave the region a head start. Two years after ZIk replicated it in the Eastern Region, he retraced his steps due to failure. Awo tarred more roads in Western Region within eight years more than the British did in forty years. At a time France did not have a television station, Western Region had opened a station at Ibadan, the capital. Cocoa House, Liberty Stadium, schools, farm settlements, hospitals sprung up. Before he left for the House of Representatives in 1960, paper work on the proposed university of Ife was ready.

    Awo was aided by the cabinet of talents he assembled. He had the vision of building AG, which was one of the best organised parties in Africa,  to rival foremost democratic socialist parties in Europe and America. While alive, Awo’s camp was not for the feeble-minded and intellectually lazy elements who suffered from ideological malnutrition. Foremost Awoists were therefore, competent experts in diverse fields ready to devote and deploy their talents, wit and energy towards the propagation and furtherance of AG causes and implementation of its laudable programmes as encapsulated in its slogan of ‘Freedom for All, Life More Abundant’. The careers of these disciples blossomed, with Awo serving as their collateral assets during electioneering.

    As the Leader of Opposition in the Federal Parliament, Awo and other AG members and their allies were like sheep among wolves. He proffered the alternative route to national greatness, but his suggestions were ignored to the country’s peril. Unable to withstand his power of logic, he was roped into a ‘coup plot’ and jailed for treason. A pall of darkness enveloped the nation for four years. By the time he left jail, leading actors who arranged his imprisonment had been consumed by the effects of inferno they engineered.

    Awo met Yorubaland in turmoil as members of the farmers’ union, “Agbekoya” was on rampage. The Odemo of Isara, Oba Samuel Akinsanya had been chased out of his palace. The Soun of Ogbomoso, Oba Jide Olayide, was not that lucky. Awo promptly restored order into the state of pandemonium. Yoruba elite were impressed by that outstanding performance, and during the preparations for the ad-hoc conference, he was nominated by the late Chief Adeniran Ogunsanya for the honorary position of ‘Asiwaju of Yoruba’. Later, as Finance Minister and Vice Chairman of Federal Executive Council under Gowon Administration, he successfully managed the war economy. Before the administration derailed, he had called it quits. In 1979 and 2003, he lost the presidential contest  to Alhaji Shehu Shagari. In May 1987, he bade Nigeria farewell.

    However, cracks have appeared before the wall before Awo died. The first test was the split in the AG in 1962, when Awo and Akintola could not agree on principle. It was evident that, though AG leaders believed in the same principles, they differed on how to attain the goal. Tension brewed between the protagonists of mainstream politics, represented by Akintola, Chief Ayotunde Rosiji, Oba Cladius Akran, Chief Adisa Akinloye and others  and Awo, Enahoro, Chief Ohu Akin-Olugbade, Alhaji Soroye Adegbenro, Dr. Samuel Ikoku, Chief Bola Ige and others who loathed fraternity with the conservative forces. Efforts to find a common ground failed woefully. Ahead of the critical party congress in Jos, Awo and Akintola’s friend, Canon Emmanuel Alayande, the AG chaplain, had in a letter admonished the Party Leader to demonstrate “extreme sacrifice and self-abnegation”, adding that Awo should be less inflexible and more condescending. The appeal came too late. The struggle within the fold led to polarisation and parting of ways in the Jos Convention, with dire consequences for political unity and national progress.

    In the Second Republic, old allies had deserted Awo in droves. When he resigned from Gowon government, it was curious that his associates; Chief Anthony Enahoro and Joseph Tarka, stayed on in the cabinet. In 1979, when UPN was formed, the seats of Enahoro, Akin-Olugbade, Ikoku, Toye Coker, Akanbi Onitiri and Tarka were vacant. Enahoro, Ikoku and Onitiri, who were heroes of the treasonable felony trial had gone to NPN, PRP and NPP. However, in their new parties, they did not fire any salvo at their former leader. Also, in Remoland, two promising lieutenants; Chief Ola Yesufu and Chief Olu Awotesu; quarreled with him over the Constituent Assembly election of 1978. Awo, who had declined to participate in the constitution making exercise, supported  Chief Awoniyi. But Yesufu and other Awolowo boys supported Awotesu who defeated Awoniyi, the candidate of Awolowo. Reflecting on the incident in his memoir, Yesuf said that Awo later discouraged them from joining his party, UPN, when it was being formed and he and other ‘rebels’ joined NPN.

    In 1983, Awo’s camp was further decimated by the internal struggle for power. Deputy governors and commissioners led onslaughts against governors ahead of the governorship nominations. When the five UPN governors; Adekunle Ajasin (Ondo State), Bola Ige (Oyo), Bisi Onabanjo (Ogun), and Ambrose Ali (Bendel) and Lateef Jakande (Lagos) won nominations again, hell was let lose in the party. At that critical stage when Awolowo was seeking the highest office for the last time, he was deserted by hitherto trusted allies, including Chiefs Akin Omoboriowo, Sunday Afolabi, Soji Odunjo, Busari Adelakun, Joel Babatola, Olawumi Falodun, and Sikiru Shitta-Bey.

    Before his passage, a succession battle had started among core loyalists, especially Jakande, nicknamed ‘Baba Kekere’, Ige, who was described by fans as ‘Arole Awolowo’, and Onabanjo, the veteran journalist with the pen name, ‘Ayekooto’. Out of envy, Ige’s political career was to be liquidated at the UPN congress in Yola, when Adelakun reported his romance with former Military Head of State Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo to the party. Obasanjo had waded into the conflict between the former governor and his deputy, Afolabi. To the UPN, that amounted to anti-party activity. Awo saved Ige during that night of long knives. When Onabanjo died, his family complained that the testimony of a top UPN member before the military tribunal made the military to send him to prison where his health suffered.

    However, when Awo died, the mantle of leadership fell on the First Republic federal parliamentarian, Ajasin, who in 1966 was the last President of Egbe Omo Oduduwa. This did not go down well with some young turfs who continue to hold meetings in the Ikenne home of the late sage because they felt that the widow, Yeyeoba Hannah Dideolu Awolowo, should lead the political family.

    Of course, Awo’s children had exhibited the same feeling, but their argument was ignored. In Lagos, when his last born, Dr. Tokunbo Dosunmu, aspired for the governorship of Lagos, she was rebuffed by Jakande, who said he was not ready to serve father and daughter in quick succession.

    At a ceremony in Ibadan, Oluwole Awolowo, had also canvassed the dynasty route to power, wondering why Nigeria refused to take after India and other Asian countries, which gave permission for political authority to flow from one family for generations. In reaction, Ajasin, who fired back, queried; “Is any of them deep enough for political leadership?”. Of course, circumstances made Ajasin as the natural successor to Awolowo at a critical time in history when the military chose to toy with the destiny of the country.

    It appeared that Awo’s men were in a hurry to embrace the dubious transition programme of babangida Administration, contrary to the sage’s counsel. Awo had warned his camp to dine with IBB, the evil genius, with a long spoon. When the Political Bureau chaired by Dr Cookey set out, Awo declared that the country had embarked on a fruitless search for democracy, stressing that when they imagined that the new order had arrived, they would be terribly disappointed.  To avoid the danger of political exclusion, Awo’s disciples participated in the prolonged exercise which culminated into the annulment of the most credible presidential election won by the late business mogul, Moshood Abiola. Ajasin died during the imbroglio. The mantle of Afenifere leadership fell on Senator Abraham Adesanya, a staunch National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) chieftain and man of principle and honour.

    Predictably, Awo’s camp rejected the interim contraception led by Chief Ernest Shonekan. However, the group somersaulted when two foremost members, Jakande and Ebenezer Babatope, former UPN Director of Organisation, were accepted ministerial appointments under Abacha regime, following persuasion by Abiola, who deluded himself into thinking that the military would hand over power to him. When representatives of Yoruba race asked them to resign at the historic Ibadan conference, they turned a deaf ear, because, as it was later rationalised, it was dangerous to pull out. However, when the tempest was over in 1998, Jakande and Babatope, who had been kicked out of the cabinet, could not be re-admitted into the Afenifere, the pan-Yoruba socio-political group, where Awolowo aides called the shots. In the absence of the time-tested culture and machinery for reconciliation in the fold, the door was effectively shot at them. Babatope joined PDP and Jakande, who first stayed in APP, and later another mushroom party, could not regain his lost political influence.

    However, Afenifere/Alliance for Democracy (AD) did not fare better.  When its 23 wise men selected by Adesanya, Ige, Adebanjo, Olaniwun Ajayi, Solanke Onasanya and other elders converged on D’Rovans, Hotel,  Ibadan, little did they guess that their action would forever affect the future of the group. Then, the presidential ticket was zoned to the Southwest, apparently to placate the zone for Abiola’s demise and accord it a sense of belonging.  Confidence and trust were cripples among the men of the old order who were to choose between Ige, former AG National Publicity Secretary and Olu Falae, former Secretary to Federal Military Government and Finance Minister. It was not clear why Ige decided to travel out during the shadow poll through collegiate system. When he was rejected by his colleagues in preference for Falae, he cried foul, saying that it was the second fall of man. Apparently to spite them, he accepted a ministerial appointment under President Olusegun Obasanjo. His colleagues said he was on his own. Although plans to suspend him as the deputy leader of the group was mooted, Adesanya objected to the idea. In Ondo and Ekiti, two progressive politicians; Mrs. Mobolaji Osomo and Chief. S.K. Babalola, left AD for PDP, saying that the governorship primaries were conducted in a manner that edged them out.

    Promptly, there was renewal of old rivalries in the Awolowo political family. Two Afenifere chieftains; Venerable Alayande and Justice Adewale Thompson; rejected Adesanya’s leadership of Afenifere and they became President and secretary of Yoruba Council of Elders (YCE), which people thought had the backing of Ige. “is it because we asked him (Adesanya) to carry the gown of Dingle Foot that he now sees himself as Yoruba leader?”, Alayande queried.

    Ige, who was bitter, decided to wield more influence in AD, having lost the confidence of the Ijebu Igbo mafia, which Wale Oshun described as the “controlling Leadership” of Afenifere.  He anointed Ahmed Abdulkadir as the national chairman. Lam Adesaina and Bisi Akande, governors of Oyo and Osun States also sponsored Michael Koleoso for the deputy chairmanship, thereby robbing Adebanjo the chance of bouncing back to the position. Adebanjo, Dawodu, Okunrohunmu bloc queued behind Ambassador Tanko Yusuf as chairman.

    The state chapters of Afenifere/AD were also not at peace. Remarkably, many politicians who did not believe in Awo credo had joined the Afenifere/AD to realise their ambitions. But even among the old order, there were suspicions. In Osun, Akande and his deputy, Iyiola Omisore, were locked in a war of attrition. In Lagos, former Governor Bola Tinubu and his deputy, Senator Kofoworola Akerele-Bucknor, never saw eye to eye. in Ondo, the 2003 governorship battle had divided Governor Adebayo Adefarati, Health Commissioner Olusegun Mimiko and dr. Akerele Adu. In Ekiti, there were frictions between Governor Niyi Adebayo and two Afenifere chieftains; Dayo Adeyeye, national publicity secretary and Funminiyi Afuye. Fed up with the protracted crises, Afenifere advised deputy governors who could not cope with their bosses to resign. Omisore and Bucknor later went to PDP.

    Reconciliation and crisis solution are usually difficult in Afenifere. As Ige and Adebanjo/Ajayi were fighting at the national level of AD/Afenifere, Tinubu and Dawodu were fighting a battle of supremacy in Lagos AD. Dawodu wanted to retain his seat as party chairman, but Tinubu, who wanted a second term ticket, acted fast. He urged Dawodu to accept appointment as chairman of two big parastatals and yield the ground to Abiodun Ogunleye. Dawodu refused. two parallel congresses were held in Lagos, but the electoral commission gave recognition to Ogunleye leadership.

    Two Afenifere chieftains had warned that the group was running out of ideas. Former Foreign Affairs Minister Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi and another diplomat, Dr Dapo Fafowora, who had joined the fold, bowed out. They were surprised that Afenifere was not adapting to modern trends and ideas in this age of dynamism. “Nigeria and Africa have been plagued with the tensions arising from making a transition from political systems dominated by founding fathers to systems managed by first among equals’, noted Akinyemi, whose father, Canon Akinyemi, was an AG regional and federal legislator.

    Others in ige’s camp were later to allude to double standard in the fold, for while Senator Cornelius Adebayo, a non-AD member of Afenifere, was appointed minister by Obasanjo, criticisms by Afenifere did not trail his acceptance of the slot, unlike when Ige accepted similar offer. Also, some people felt that the former secretary, Ayo Opadokun, was asked to vacate his position for fracternising with former ANPP Kwara State Governor Mohammed Lawal, pointing out that the punishment was rather too harsh by the same organisation that approved of a pact with PDP President Obasanjo. Instructively, as crisis polarised Afenifere/AD, politicians who had come on board in 1998/99 because of the group’s popularity left for the PDP, citing the crisis in the party as reason. Among them are Senator Adeseye Ogunlewe, Senator Wahab Dosunmu, Mrs. Patricia Etteh, Hon. Onimole and Sunday Fajimi.

    Adesanya saw danger coming ahead of 2003 polls, urging a truce in Lagos. That was in post-Ige era, the colourful politician having been assassinated in December 2001. The Ajayi Committee, which was set up suggested a 60:40 formula for distribution of appointive and elective offices. It was turned down by Tinubu/Hamzat/Ogunleye/ camp. Dawodu ‘pulled’ out of AD, but Tinubu won re-election, making people to now embrace the fact that, with or without Afenifere, political success was still possible in Lagos.  Although Afenifere backed other governors, they all lost their deposits to the curious pact sealed between them and Obasanjo, with Afenifere as witness. AD, owing to this understanding, did not field a presidential candidate in 2003.

    Shortly after the 2003 elections, the crisis deepened as AD prepared for national convention. Now, Ige’s camp had split, with Akande and Senator Mojisolowa Akinfenwa, slugging it out. Afenifere leadership and Obasanjo government backed Akinfenwa, but the five AD governors supported Akande. At separate conventions in Abuja and Lagos, Akinfenwa and Akande emerged as factional chairmen. When Adesanya died, the Acting Leader of Afenifere, Chief Rueben Fasoranti, inherited the crisis. However, at the Akure meeting of the group, Fasoranti, declared Akinfenwa as the authentic AD national chairman, claiming that the convention that produced him appeared to have satisfied laid down requirement.

    AD was seized by tension. The party was finally balkanised. Akande/Tinubu/Osoba/Adebayo forces rejected the ‘Akure Declaration’. However, by the time a High Court pronounced Koleoso as the authentic chairman, Ad had become a shadow of itself. Tinubu and other governors, except Adefarati, formed Action Congress (AC) and other Afenifere leaders floated Democratic Peoples Alliance (DPA). Then, the battle shifted to Afenifere, he umbrella group. Tinubu, Adesina, Akande, Osoba, Olabiyi Durojaye and Niyi Adebayo rejected Fasoranti’s leadership and proclaimed Senator Ayo Fasanmi, who is based in Osogbo, as the Deputy Leader in succession to the late Bola Ige. But, Ajayi, Adebanjo, Okunrounmu and Falae insisted that Fasoranti was appointed by Adesanya to deputise for him before he passed on, based on the counsel of Adeyeye and Afuye, who complained that making another Ijebu or Remo man his deputy would make other sub-Yoruba ethnic groups feel that they lack a sense of belonging.  Both Fasoranti and Fasanmi joined AG in 1951.

    Amid the crisis, Fasoranti announced at a meeting held in Jibowu office of the group that the door of the group was opened to all Yoruba under 18 years, irrespective of political leanings. The decision infuriated some members who believe that believe in the progressives ideas of Awo should have been the baseline for recruiting new members.

    The 2007 governorship contest also took its toll on the group.  Ahead of the general elections, Niyi Owolade and Adeyeye called it quits and teamed up with the PDP in protest against the handling of governorship primaries in Osun and Ekiti states. During the funeral of Adesanya in Ijebu-Igbo, Fasoranti and Fasanmi factions went to the ancient town to demonstrate their strength. Clerics who officiated at the ceremony shook their heads for Afenifere, which had completely lost its cohesion, unity and peace.

    When it appeared that the two Afenifere factions would not close ranks, concerned young men and women who had looked up to them for direction and leadership decided to regroup under Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG). The group led by Oshun, former Social Democratic Party (SDP) Chief Whip of House of Representatives brokered peace, but without success. The Ibadan retreat, which was organised for that purpose, failed to achieve the goal of reconciling the two factions. Key members of the two factions appreciated the need for reconciliation, but they backed their dream of unity with hypocritical commitment.

    On the eve of the reconciliation meeting called Yeyeoba Awololo, Fasanmi’s group stormed Ikenne, tendering reasons why key members would not be able to attend the meeting. Adesina and Olusi were asked to represent the group at the meeting. The meeting failed to achieve truce. Although the 80th birthday of Adebanjo provided another opportunity for both camps to come together, the inflammatory  interview by the celebrator angered Tinubu and Osoba because the octogenarian put the blame for the crisis in Afenifere on the two former governors, who he described as new comers into the fold who did not know Awolowo. Returning the missile, Osoba reminded Adebanjo of his contributions to the progressive cause in the country as a journalist, stressing that, though he may be his senior in the Awolowo political family, he was very close to the late sage who had categorised him, Peter Ajayi and Felix Adenaike as the three media musketeers.

    In 2011, Afenifere finally lost its grip and influence. The Controlling Leadership, which had become an ally of the PDP governor of Ogun State, Otunba Gbenga Daniel, supported the governor’s candidate on a new platform outside PDP. When Akande, Tinubu, Osoba, Adesina, Adebayo, Durojaye, Hamzat, Olusi, Koleoso, Rafiu Ogunleye, Gbenga Kaka and others were locked in battle with the PDP for the soul of the Southwest, the absence of the Afenifere Controlling Leadership was not felt.

    Today, what unites Awoists are not Afenifere or any political group, but the yearly post-humus birthday of the revered sage and activities of Awolowo Foundation set up to immortalise him. Personal interest has often displaced collective interest in post-Awolowo era. But Awo lives on in the minds of the people, nation and country he served diligently for almost 60 years of active politics. Also, his ideas are imperishable, serving as guide to progressives. They also evoke passion and loyalty arising from what Prof. Akinyemi described as “fond memories of freedom for all, life more abundant; a lasting benefit of this being free education”.

    But, Awolowo added more value to politics through his moral values. For example, Babatope noted in his book, “Awo and Nigeria-Setting the records straight”, that the old man had admonished his to flee from corruption. “When you are in government, do not enjoy all those things you will be able to afford while out of office”, said Awo, who shunned the use of sirens, official government quarters , cars and travelling ecstacode or foreign travelling allowances  while in public office. In fact, when former Governor Ali made use of public money for his father’s burial, the UPN leader frowned at it and directed that he should refund the money to government’s coffers.

    Born on March 6, 1909, Awolowo passed on on May 9, 1987. He founded Nigerian Tribune in 1949. He was Pro-Chancellor of University of Ife, named after him, and Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. In 1976, be became a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN). He was the Asiwaju of Yoruba, Asiwaju of Remo, Losi of Ikenne, Apesin of Osogbo, Odole of Ife, Ajagunla of Ado-Ekiti, Odofin of Owo, and Obong Ikpan Ibong of Ibiobioland. In 1982, he was given the highest national honour, the Grand Commander of the Order of the Federal Republic (GCFR).

    Awoloeo disciples, associates and members of Awo political family still alive include Jakande, Adebanjo, Sir Olaniwun Ajayi, Fasanmi, Fasoranti, Professors C.O Taiwo, Akin Mabogunje, David Oke, Banji Akintoye, Muyiwa Igbalajobi, Hon. George Sadiku, Tayo Soyode, Akande, Akinfenwa, Adesina, Koleoso, Olusi, Segun Adegoke, Adu, Rafiu Jafojo, Ehinafe Babatola, Osoba, Opadokun, Sesan Soluade, Dr. Bolarinwa Balogun, Okunrounmu, Adegbonmire, Alhaji Karimu Laka-Orelope, Hamzat, Alebiosu, Babatope and wife, Biola, Akin Omojola, Olorunfunmi Basorun, Bimbo Awofeso, Supo Sonibare, Femi Lanlehin, Tunde Onakoya, S.K Kolawole, Olawale Idris and Willy Akinlude.

     

  • Good-bye Awo, welcome Buhari

    Good-bye Awo, welcome Buhari

    President Muhammadu Buhari and the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, are two of a kind. They are of the same political hue. Gboyega Amoboye paints a picture of their political life 

    The late Chief Obafemi Awolowo and President Muhammadu Buhari might have lived at different times but like identical twins, possess a lot in common-dynamism, pragmatism, integrity, self- discipline, vision and passion to make the country work for all her citizens. The impeccable past of these tested leaders, has proved that the bane of the country’s slow development since independence has been lack of purposeful leadership.

    Unlike the reluctant leaders who had been imposed on us, Awolowo and Buhari, both armed with impeccable records of performances, the former as Premier of the old Western Region as well as Vice Chairman of the Federal Executive Council in the regime of Gen. Yakubu Gowon, and the latter, as a Military Head of State etc. adequately prepared for the office. Three times, were each unsuccessful- Awolowo in 1959, 1979, 1983 and Buhari in 2003, 2007 and 2011.

    Their paths might have crossed each other in one form or the other, that may be the unseen hand of God in their lives in preparation for the task ahead that :”You, Obafemi Awolowo is my Moses and you Muhammadu Buhari, my Joshua for the liberation of your people from the ‘rats and mosquitoes’ of your country”. Or could it be by share coincidence that for the first time since independence both the North and the South-West are in effective political alliance? The Thomas’s may continue to doubt.

    Like the Nostradamus that he was, Awolowo, in a paper delivered in Kano in 1970, had proposed a seven-point agenda which he called national objectives that should be implemented simultaneously in all the states of the federation for the rapid and even development of the country. He explained that revenue allocation formula should be based on the implementation of the seven objectives and if by so doing, put an end to the “endless search for the appropriate allocation formula”. He was speaking on a paper entitled Revenue Allocation Must be based on Even Progress and Needs, delivered in his capacity as the Federal Commissioner of Finance, to the annual conference of state commissioners of finance.

    As if confirming the telepathy between these great national heroes, Buhari has recently unconsciously implemented item seven of the aforementioned Awolowo’s seven- point objectives for national development of 45 years ago and by so doing, been vindicated for “bailing” out states that could not pay workers salaries. The late sage had said under this item, entitled” putting the federal government in sufficient funds to enable it not only to perform its allotted functions but also to come readily to the aid of any state in need argued that…”but perchance any state falls on evil day, it would be the duty of the federal government, acting as an accredited agent of all the states, to come to the aid of such a needy state without delay…”

    Before leaving this topic, one may ask Buhari’s critics where they were when former President Goodluck Jonathan granted some members of the private sector a bail out? For instance, Arik Airline got 600m dollars, Aero -200m dollars, Air Nigeria-225.8m dollars, Chachangi-55m dollars etc. (AMCON) in addition to an attempt to buy aircrafts for them  but for unfavourable public opinion.

    If one of Chief Awolowo’s seven objectives has been considered well enough for implementation, the remaining six which may equally be as good are therefore presented though in abridged form, for consideration by Mr. President. They are-full employment, free education at all levels and free health services for all, modernisation of agriculture and rural development, rapid industrialization of each state and rapid development of system of transportation. Owing to the relevance of Chief Awolowo’s paper to the Nigeria of today, I had at the formation of the All Progressive Congress (APC), dropped a copy of it for Asiwaju Bola Tinubu at his office, Freedom House, Victoria Island for possible incorporation into the APC manifesto.

    Discussing full employment, Awolowo called for full exploitation and efficient utilization of minerals resources as well as modernization of agriculture, explaining that the country’s capability for phenomenal growth was tremendous and colossal. He warned that anything short of full employment which could only be provided by exploitation of mineral resources and agriculture would be an admission of failure on the part of Nigerian leaders ” that they are not equal to their admittedly difficult but at the same time inspiring and manageable assignment”. Whenever we talk of merely reducing employment and not stamping it out he said, “The question which I always ask myself is- who are the unfortunate victims we are planning to keep on the unemployment market?”Like Chief Awolowo, bailing out distressed states could be regarded as President Buhari’s demonstration of love for workers too.

    On modernization of agriculture, and industrialization, the sage supporting his argument with characteristic statistics, said to achieve any of the ambitious projection, the country’s agriculture must be modernized and mechanized in a bold and massive manner. “We shall need to invest heavily in tractors, mechanical ploughs and riggers, fertilizers, pest control: irrigation, research into high yielding grains and cattle ranches, fishing trawlers, etc”. Awolowo however cautioned that none of the states could alone afford the level of investment involved without the intervention of the federal government acting in concert simultaneously with all the states.

    As for industrialisation, he argued that a properly developed agriculture in every state would lead to development of agro- allied industries automatically as well as manufacturing industries and consequently, disappearance of uneven location of industries. He however warned that between agriculture and industries, the choice should be agriculture to eradicate unemployment, explaining that while industries if properly managed could provide employment for 220,000 workers in the next 12 years, agriculture would provide employment for six million within five years. Seeing 2015 way back in 1970, Chief Awolowo warned that “if it is the ardent and burning desire of those of us in the vanguard of public life to serve our age and the next generation faithfully, our area of concentration must ipso facto be agriculture.”

    But how could uneducated and unhealthy population be productive? This was the concern of Awolowo as he canvassed as ever, for free education at all levels and free medical services for all arguing that man “is the alpha and omega of production and therefore  indispensable to rapid economic progress, political stability and social harmony.”

    On development of system of transportation, Awolowo said, “while the northern and riverine areas of the country, for social and economic reasons, lag behind in transportation development and should be therefore given a special attention henceforth, the crucial point of convergence for most transportation activities were those adjacent to the ports of Port-Harcourt, Calabar, Sapele, Warri, Escravos, Lagos and Apapa. It follows that from this fact that the development of those roads within the areas of the Mid-West, Eastern, Western and Lagos Region which give access to the ports, is of concern to all of the states in the federation.” Predicting the chaotic situations of the roads being witnessed today, Awolowo warned that “any transportation difficulties in these areas are bound to constitute time- wasting bottle-necks of the worst order.”

    The question may be asked that of what relevance is the vision of 1970 to 2015? The answer may be found in the reality that Nigeria has not been blessed with a visionary and patriotic leader since that Gen. Gowon era of 1970, who could harness the common wealth for the benefit of all her citizens as Awolowo did for his people as the Premier of the Western Region. The metaphysical and psychological relationship between Awolowo and President Muhamadu Buhari has shown that for the country to attain its potentials there is an urgent need for another visionary, competent and honest leader like Awolowo, who Nigerians have found in Buhari.

    Those who could not see yet any difference in electricity supply in the past two months may equally not find the correlation between Awolowo’s economic road map and that of Muhammadu Buhari. The sad news however is that if the projection of 1970 is still relevant in 2015, it means the past 45 years has been that of the locusts and caterpillars due to bad governance. It is therefore not a surprise that Nigerians have unanimously voted for a statesman they could trust to remake the country. Good-bye Awo, welcome Buhari.

  • Awo, Amosun and LG autonomy

    SIR: I wish to add my voice to the on-going debate on local government autonomy in Nigeria which has gained national lime light since the reins of power was passed on to President Muhammad Buhari on May 29.

    In the past few weeks, Ogun State Governor, Ibikunle Amosun has been a delight to men of reason in Ogun State in particular and Nigeria in general for his insistence on local government autonomy in the country. He has spoken unambiguously on this issue. He is a lone voice of wisdom among the 36 governors in the country who has taken up the gauntlet on the issue. For this attribute, he is following the footsteps of Chief Obafemi Awolowo who tackled the issue of federalism head on.

    The name of Chief Awolowo was encrusted in gold for championing the political restructuring of Nigeria through his call for a federal system of government. The principle of federalism as enshrined the current Nigerian constitution was rooted in the pressure that Chief Awolowo and other progressive contemporaries brought to bear against a centrist government in the 1950s and 1960s.

    Same way, the name of Senator Amosun will be written in gold among the exponents of local government autonomy in Nigeria. The tenacity with which Chief Awolowo championed the principle of federalism as desirable for the progress of the country is the same tenacity deplored by Senator Amosun to root for local government autonomy in Nigeria.

    The principle of federalism places the responsibility of decision making on the federating units rather than allow the central government decide on issues that impinge directly on the people. Similarly, local government autonomy being promoted by Senator Amosun will bring government nearer to the people and local constituencies in the country.

    These two structures of government, federalism and local government autonomy, are like twins born of same mother. Therefore, it is an anathema of the highest order to find federalism in the statutes books of the country while local government autonomy is jettisoned.

     

    • Wole Elegbede

    Imeko, Ogun State

  • APC actualises Awo, MKO dreams , says ex-aide Akerele

    FORmer political assistant to the late Bashorun MKO Abiola and veteran journalist, Lisa Olu Akerele, has described the victory of All Progressives Congress(APC) candidates across the nation as the actualization of the dreams of the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, and Abiola.

    In a congratulatory message to the leadership of the APC, Akerele said the party’s victory was “the triumph of progressives over reactionary forces,” giving kudos to Asiwaju Bola Tinubu for leading a worthy battle on the side of history.

    He noted that if the Peoples Democratic Party(PDP) had won in Lagos State, for instance, “the state would have been dragged down an inglorious path of infamy as the PDP lacked the depth to sustain the level of development the state had already attained under Tinubu and incumbent governor, Mr. Babatunde Fashola.”

    He said that if Chief Jimi Agbaje of PDP had won Chief Akinwunmi Ambode of APC, it would have amounted to a dent on Tinubu’s progressive credentials in view of the desperate last moves by President Goodluck Jonathan to rubbish Tinubu in Lagos for leading the crusade to sack him from Aso Rock.

    He praised “Lagosians for shunning the lorry loads of Naira notes Jonathan delivered to Lagos a couple of days before the governorship elections, noting that their choice was the triumph of progress over evil.”

    Akerele argued that it was Awolowo’s dream to forge a united progressive front for Nigeria, but this was truncated by reactionarists who had no plan for the growth of the country.

    He said Abiola realised the Awolowo dream by winning the June 12, 1993 elections squarely across ethnic and religious divides all over the nation, “but he was prevented from assuming the mantle of leadership by those who never wished Nigeria well.”

    Akerele said the push led by Tinubu had galvanized the progressives across the country into a united front, which led to the emergence of Gen. Mohammadu Buhari as the president-elect of Nigeria.

    He praised Tinubu’s tenacity of purpose in the struggle, maintaining that Ambode’s victory was a further vote of confidence in both Fashola and his predecessor.

    He pointed out that Ambode had a gruelling task of ensuring that the standards set by Tinubu and Fashola were maintained in the years ahead, adding that the governor-elect will have no excuses for failing in view of the fact that he has the advantage of working with a progressive at the centre unlike his predecessors.

    The media consultant advised Lagosians to team up with Ambode to ensure he had a successful tenure.

     

  • Magazine names Awo, Soyinka as Yoruba icons

    The late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo has been named the Yoruba Man of the century by a pan Yoruba media online IrohinOodua.

    The medium also listed Prof Wole Soyinka and Pastor TB Joshua as outstanding Yoruba personalities that have made unequalled contributions to the upliftment of the glory and grandeur of the Yoruba people.

    It described Soyinka as a “stainless steel and the most righteous of the living Yoruba faithful.” The statement was signed by the Editorial Board Chairman of IrohinOdua, Babatunde Adeleke.

    According to the statement the three personalities were selected after a careful consideration of the role each has played in the annals of Yoruba modern history as it relates to placing the Yoruba on the positive angle of global reckoning.

  • On ‘Awo and SLA: Two exemplary paradigms’

    I enjoyed reading “Awo and SLA: Two Exemplary Paradigms” in the ‘Snooping Around with Tatalo Alamu’ column on November 17th, 2013. The Petain-de Gaulle comparison is spot on except that its definitiveness, unquestioned triumph of Gaullism and its continued relevance contrasted with the oblivion of Petain and his Vichy collaborators did not happen in the Awo-SLA case.

    While I was an unconditional Awoist in that era – “Omo Awo” as nom de plume – I share your worry that a new intra-Yoruba civil war in the South-West appears to be lurking in the horizon. Is there a role for an intergenerational group of intellectuals on this subject? Just to let you know that I would make time to participate in a brainstorming on the subject. I am assuming that you would be the convener.

    Professor Ladipo Adamolekun,

    Lagos.

     

  • Awo: the unlearned lessons

    September 11, 1963 was, for Chief Obafemi Awolowo (1909-1987), programmed to be the beginning of the end. That was the day, 50 years ago, he was sentenced to 10 years gaol, with hard labour, for treasonable felony. But instead, it turned the end of the beginning for Awo’s political traducers.

    If it had ended that way, it would have been just as well. Unfortunately, that patent injustice, with its integral core of destroying Awo as a person and as a potent political force, has sentenced Nigeria to unending political wilderness from which, even with 53 years of flag independence, it is yet to emerge.

    The result: political retardation, economic stagnation in real terms and cumulative underdevelopment, with its all too glaring mass poverty bordering on penury, mass anger, mass disorientation and mass alienation.

    But even with all the meltdown, portraying Nigeria as a country in perpetual crisis of nationhood, like the Heraclitus state of flux, the first lesson from Awo’s political persecution and eventual triumph has remained unlearned: that political persecution and brazen attempts to destroy political opponents are ill winds that blow no one no good.

    Indeed, Nigerian leaders would progressively appear combatively proud of their patent lack of a sense of history – particularly that segment that avails them the tragic results of past partisan political crimes; and therefore arms them against falling into the same trap.

    In his My March Through Prison (Adventures in Power, Book One), Chief Awolowo told a chilling tale of a twin attack on him, at a cocktail marking Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe’s appointment as Nigeria’s governor-general, by two key officials of state: Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Adetokunbo Ademola and Prime Minister, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. Both attacks belied a shocking contempt for the office of Leader of Opposition, a creation of the Parliamentary Constitution at independence.

    In the alleged attack, Awo quoted Sir Adetokunbo as dismissing a certain villager (read Awo) who opposed for opposing sake until he had nothing left to oppose; and lost the sympathy of his fellow villagers. Sir Abubakar, on his own part, pummelled a certain brat, “who called himself Leader of the Opposition”!

    Just imagine the constitutional travesty of the Head of the Judiciary (CJN) and Head of Government (Prime Minister) dismissing with scorn, in the presence of the Head of State (Governor-General) and other dignitaries, local and foreign, a constitutional creation, just because they did not like the face or the guts of the then occupier of the post!

    At that very beginning, it was the making of a bandit state! Though that banditry torpedoed the civil democratic order, condemned, for donkey years, the polity to military rule and now presents an uncivil civilian administration posing as a democracy, the ruling political mindset would appear not at all cured of that banditry!

    For starters, how was the Adetokunbo Ademola-Tafawa Balewa partisan rage different from the Jonathan brazen constitutional infractions in Rivers, the latest of which is the reported Police blocking the Rivers governor’s path into the Rivers Government House in Port Harcourt – just because the Jonathan Presidency neither likes the face nor the guts of Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi, the sitting governor?

    Now, if the “ancient sins” of high officers of state in the 1st Republic sentenced us to subsequent military and post-military political paralyses, what constitutional torture is the present Jonathan Presidency consigning the future generation to by its umpteenth constitutional recklessness in Rivers?

    Is Nigeria then fated to be the proverbial barber’s chair, painfully going round and round on a spot? And how long will that go on – already it is on for 53 years! – before something tragically gives?

    So long for reckless political behaviour! But that does not exhaust the unlearned lessons from Awo’s political troubles.

    This second segment comes with a thesis: that both the old Northern and Eastern regions, for political expediency, ganged up against Awo’s Western Region to subdue a perceived constitutional irritant in Awo and establish political suzerainty over his peacocky people – with collaboration, of course, from the old Yoruba conservatives (at loggerheads with Awo’s social welfare ideology and progressive politics) and perfidious former Action Group (AG) elements in the wake of the party’s schism.

    But even if this thesis is generally debatable, the creation of the Midwest Region in 1963 lends it credence. As at that time, agitations were for the creation of minority regions: the Middle Belt in the North, the COR (Calabar-Ogoja-Rivers) in the East, the Midwest in the West.

    But the coalition of Northern People’s Congress (NPC) and National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) collaborated to deliver Midwest Region; and also collaborated to forestall the creation of a Middle Belt Region in the North and a COR Region in the East, even as every regional government was, in principle, opposed to creating minority blocs from their regions.

    So, courtesy of political expediency, only the Western minorities in today’s South-South (Edo and Delta states) secured a region in the 1st Republic. The Eastern minorities (today’s Cross River, Rivers, Bayelsa, and Akwa Ibom states) did not.

    Even after the 15 January 1966 coup (that threatened the North-East power cohabitation in perceived favour of the East) and the 29 July 1966 counter-coup (that re-established North’s hegemony), the 2nd Republic still followed a North-East collaboration, with Alhaji Shehu Shagari as president and Dr. Alex Ekwueme as vice-president, though the dominant Eastern party back then was the Nigerian People’s Party (NPP). As in the 1st Republic however, NPP formed a federal alliance with the ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN).

    A politically weakened post-Civil War East (read Gowon-era East Central State, now the five Igbo states) appeared to have found its salvation in the centre, whoever is there. That tradition appears on course, with its sympathy for the Jonathan Presidency, even as the polity buzzes with alignments and realignments.

    For the first time in Nigeria’s history, however, there appears on the horizon an alliance between the old West and the old North. That appears the new political map in which the All Progressives Congress (APC) is birthed, with today’s South West going with today’s North West and the North East, seeking allies in part of the Middle Belt, part of the South-South and part of the South East, in that order.

    That appears to fulfil Awo’s post-1983 presidential election prediction of a progressive-conservative thesis, antithesis and synthesis theory, resulting in new political alignments in the polity.

    To the extent that nothing is permanent and the old political alignment had been basically ruinous, the brewing development might just be a thing to cheer.

    But that is only if the new arrangement is used to forge, across the board, a fair and equitable new deal for every segment of the country.

    The APC must therefore guide against any political gang-up to dominate persons or subdue any part of the country. Otherwise, it too would have fallen into the Awo era grand mistake still plaguing thispolity.

  • Awo, APC and 2015

    Awo, APC and 2015

    Thirty years ago, on 15 December 1983, at the Sixth Annual Congress of the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) held at the Ogun State Hotel, Abeokuta, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, in his characteristic manner, in his speech on that occasion, looked into the future. It was the first annual congress of the party after the highly flawed August 1983 General Elections, which returned the Presidential Candidate of the then National Party of Nigeria (NPN) Alhaji Shehu Shagari, for a second term in office as President. Chief Awolowo was the Presidential Candidate of the UPN in the election.

    In the memorable speech, Chief Awolowo floated the hypothesis of the Synthesis of the Thesis and the Antithesis. He spoke of the “binary compounds of thesis and antithesis which may be evolutionary or revolutionary in which, whether we like it or not, all human beings are inescapably involved… When the war is over, only the best of us will be accommodated in the synthesis with the best in the antithesis in complete dominance”.

    There were six registered political parties that took part in the 1983 General Elections. The NPN and UPN were the two leading political parties. The simple analogy deducible from the Awo postulation or rather, prophetic pronouncement, was an advocacy of a two-party configuration for Nigeria.

    Two weeks after the explosive thought provoking address, on 31 December 1983, the military struck again and terminated the democratic process. General Muhammadu Buhari took over with his lieutenant, Brigadier Tunde Idiagbon. Notably, for the 20 months they were in the saddle (before they were booted out on 27 August 1985) the Buhari/Idiagbon regime said no word about the return of the country to democratic rule. It was however a different ball game with the succeeding Ibrahim Babangida regime that promptly announced a Transition to Civil Rule programme.

    On 13 January 1986, about five months after it came into power, and three years after Awo’s Abeokuta Declaration, military President Babangida inaugurated a 17-man Political Bureau headed by Dr. J.S.Cookey with the mandate to conduct a nationwide debate towards fashioning out a viable and enduring ‘‘people oriented political system devoid of perennial disruptions’’ for the country. Its term of reference among others also include a ‘‘review of Nigeria’s political history, identifying the basic problems which led to our failure in the past and suggest ways of resolving and coping with the problems’’.

    At the end of its assignment, following an exhaustive debate across the country and a critical, in-depth appraisal of our past political experiences, the bureau recommended a Two-Party System for the country. The recommendation was accepted by government but it rejected the suggestion by the bureau on the imposition of two distinct ideologies – Western Liberal Capitalism and Socialism – for the two political parties. Government was of the view that ideologies should not be imposed but should emerge from the consensus and activities of the political parties.

    Empowered by the relevant decrees, the National Electoral Commission with Professor Humphrey Nwosu as Chairman, on 4 May 1989, barely 24hours after the ban on political activities was lifted, released guidelines for the registration of political parties. Thirteen political associations collected, completed and returned the relevant application forms for consideration for registration. Nwosu, on September 25, 1989, presented the report and recommendations of his commission on the verification and assessment of the political associations to the government. The best six associations were recommended for consideration.

    In the estimation of the Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC) none of the six scaled the hurdle for registration as a political party. The bombshell of a verdict was contained in an address by Babangida on Saturday, October 7, 1989 creating two political parties; National Republican Convention (NRC) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP). The two parties, with professed ideological leanings; A Little to the Right, A Little to the Left, were automatically registered by the electoral body.

    Babangida left no one in doubt of his conviction that a Two-Party System is the panacea to the myriad of problems that had bedeviled Nigeria’s political landscape. In the determined effort to make the system permanent and enduring, he got government to build party offices for the two political parties in Abuja, all the state capitals and the headquarters of all the 454 local governments existing at the time.

    So much has been said over the years about the June 12, 1993 Presidential Election as the freest, fairest and the best in the history of the country but not many had acknowledged the fact that the historic development was largely made possible by the Two-Party arrangement. It left us with only two options. Consequently, there was little or no acrimony. Religious, tribal, ethnic and other primordial considerations were subsumed as the membership of the two political parties cut across all divisive barriers.

    Twenty years after, here we are again. With the registration by INEC – on July 31 of the All Progressives Congress (APC) a merger of the former Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP) and a faction of All Progressives Grand Alliance (ANPP), Nigeria is set on the path to the emergence of two strong political parties with some other mushroom parties on the fringes, that would, with time, die naturally.

    Looking back, it is discernible from our past experience that we have always exhibited a tilt towards a two-party arrangement. After the 1959 General Election, the NPC (North dominated) had to go into a coalition with the NCNC (East dominated) to form the government at the centre leaving the AG (West dominated) in the opposition. A similar scenario played out towards the 1964 General Election with the emergence of the Nigeria National Alliance (NNA) and the United Progressives Grand Alliance (UPGA) from the various political parties of the time.

    A situation similar to that of 1959 surfaced again after the 1979 General Election with a coalition arrangement between the NPN (North rooted) and the NPP (East rooted) leaving the UPN (West rooted) as the main opposition party. In the course of the Second Republic, the NPN/NPP fraternity collapsed. Subsequently, the three governors elected on the platform of NPP, joined their nine other colleagues of the UPN (5), GNPP (2), PRP (2) that had been meeting periodically (12 Progressive Governors) for matters of mutual interest thus constituting a formidable opposition to the ruling NPN.

    We can also not forget in a hurry, the alliance between the AD and APP for the 1999 Presidential Election which pitched Chief Olu Falae, as the joint presidential candidate of the two parties, against Chief Olusegun Obasanjo of the PDP. The notable and significant difference between the past coalitions and the birth of APC is that, APC is an outright merger with all the parties involved dissolving into one block. – a welcome development that would impact positively on the nation’s polity, as a whole.

    As Chief Awolowo stated in his Thesis, the arrangement cannot be perfect at a go “The dialectic process represents principles of change and of progress: of progress from lower to higher, from part to whole, from the indeterminate to the determinate…The goal of the dialect procession is perfection; it aims at the perfection of all the virtues embodied in it. There are stages, epochs and eras in the dialectic process…”

    We should not expect perfection from the APC from the outset. Perfection would come with time. One prays that the party and its leaders would be able to go through the crucible successfully as the journey towards 2015 continues. This nation, at this point in time, is in dire need of a truly new breath of fresh air, a strong opposition party, an alternative to halt the slide towards a one-party-state, to save our ears from the sickening crackles of the groove repeating gramophone record that ‘we will rule for donkey years…

    • Akinyemi, journalist and public affairs analyst sent the piece via akinyemi ayo@yahoo.com

  • Awo beyond criticism?

    SIR: Yoruba is a major ethnic group in Nigeria. The Yorubas are civilized. Professor Wole Soyinka, Africa’s first Nobel Prize winner in Literature is from Yorubaland. The Yorubas gave Nigeria many firsts including the first television service. Many great builders of Nigeria are Yorubas. Lagos, a mega city in Yorubaland of Nigeria, is one of the fastest rising cities in the world. Lagos contributes largely to the status of Nigeria as one of the fastest rising economies in the world.

    Although Yorubas are one of the most advanced civilizations in Africa, many Yorubas don’t like anybody to criticize the legendary sage Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who is of Yoruba origin and of Nigerian heritage. Many Yorubas are strongly intolerant of any form or grade of criticism against Chief Awolowo. But Chief Awolowo was a strong critic in his time.

    The article, “ Awo Family without an Awo,” by Sam Omatseye in his column, “In Touch,” in The Nation of June 6, 2011 generated a lot of positive and negative critical tornados and tsunamis in Nigeria because many Yorubas found it offensive. In the article, Omatseye stated what he thought were the failings of the family of Chief Awolowo. Some sons and daughters of Awolowo, Awoists, and some Yoruba groups, politicians, business men and women, professionals, students and traders were very angry with the writer as if criticizing the late legend of Nigerian politics, his family and legacy was heretical and a taboo.

    In his great memoir, “There was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra,” Professor Chinua Achebe criticized Chief Awolowo for his role in the Nigeria-Biafra War (Nigerian Civil War). This made many Yoruba talents, icons, luminaries and legends to generate and direct a great deal of anger and hatred against Chinua Achebe.

    My question is: is Chief Obafemi Awolowo critically untouchable? Many exceptionally distinguished people in the world are and were objects of criticisms: legendary poets, famous politicians, iconic captains of industries, extraordinary inventors and innovators, celebrated thinkers and philosophers, and great scientists; some of them are on the list of Time magazine’s 100 list of all time greatest people.

    Why are many Yorubas angry whenever Chief Awolowo is criticized. As people from a great ethnic group in Africa, Yorubas are expected to be tolerant of views people hold on their reverred leader. They need to understand that he was not a perfect human being. Even the gods are criticized!

    Chief Obafemi Awolowo is a great man in the history of Nigeria and Africa. He built many great things in Nigeria like the first television service in Nigeria, mass free education for the Western Region of Nigeria, the Liberty Stadium (now Awolowo Stadium). His newspaper, Nigerian Tribune is the only surviving newspaper today in Nigeria out of the newspapers founded by Nigerian nationalists, outliving the The West African Pilot founded by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and The Daily News founded by Herbert Macauley.

    Though Chief Awolowo made great political and economic achievements, many of which still stand strong today, he need not be projected as critically untouchable.

    • Uchechukwu Agodom,

    Kofar Kaura, Katsina