Tag: Balewa

  • Emulate Balewa, Jakande, Oloyede exemplary lifestyles, says don

    Emulate Balewa, Jakande, Oloyede exemplary lifestyles, says don

    A senior university lecturer, Prof Qudus Amuni, has urged Muslims to be of good example in everywhere they found themselves and learn to be a role models.

    He said the best of role model for Muslims remain Prophet Muhammad and the four prominent Caliphs who came after him.

    Amuni, the Professor of Arabic at the Lagos State University (LASU), gave this charge in his lecture at the Turbaning and Award presentation by the Council of Imam Ratibi and Alfas, Shomolu Muslim Community held at the Shomolu Central Mosque in Lagos.

    The lecture was titled Role of Models in Islamic Leadership.

    He said Nigerians should emulate the likes of late Aminu Kano, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Alhaji Lateef Jakande and the current JAMB Registrar, Prof Ishaq Oloyode for their exemplary lifestyles and selfless service to the nation.

    He challenged youths of Shomolu to look up to Prof Abdulateef Oladimeji who emerged from the community and sustaining good legacies of the founding fathers.

    Read Also: How Wigwe’s aide escaped death

    Chairman on the occassion, Mr Hakeem Bello, who is the Special Adviser Media to the immediate past Minister for Works and Housing, Babatunde Fashola, said the gathering was to honour the founding fathers of Muslim Community in Shomolu.

    He said that their good deeds have translated into accomplished offsprings coming out of the area.

    Bello spoke on the need for proper Mosque documentations by ensuring that the laws of the state are not infringed upon.

    This, he said, was to avoid some people deciding in future to sell the Mosque or lands allocated for it for the place of worship to remain safe.

    He also urged those in charge of the Somolu Central Mosque to maintain the edifice.

    Bello noted that the federal government is frontally addressing the current challenges while reminding the gathering to be their brother’s keeper and hopeful that things will get better.

    Chairman of Council of Imams Ratibi and Alfas in Somolu, Alhaji Mohammed Taofeek Olumegbon, solicited support for the ongoing Education project in Ikorodu, adding such will go a long way in the realisation of the dream.

    He expressed joy with the turn out at the event saying those who attended had answered the calls of Allah.

    Responding on behalf of the awardees, Prof Oladimeji, who was decorated with  turbban as Ameerul Mumineen, said it was a challenge to him to showcase the beauty of Islam everywhere.

    He dedicated the honour to the Al-Hikmah University.

    Our correspondent reports that other Award recipients include; Alhaji Imam Abdulyekeen Opeloyeru as Seriki Dallailu, Alhaji Shakirudeen Anifowose as Saraki Adeen and Alhaji Abdulrahmon Muyideen who was turbanned as Baba Jomoh.

  • Na’Abba, Agbakoba, Balewa, Awolowo lead People’s Trust campaign

    THE People’s Trust (PT) has constituted its Presidential Campaign Council for the 2019 presidential election.

    The council will be working for the victory of the party’s presidential candidate, Mr. Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim, who was endorsed and adopted by the Northcentral zone last week.

    According to a statement issued in Abuja by the party’s National Secretary, Nasiru Kura, the campaign council will be led by Ghali Umar Na’Abba as chairman. Former President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) Olisa Abgakoba will serve as co-chairman.

    Na’Abba, a former Speaker of the House of Representatives, recently resigned as All Progressives Congress (APC) Board of Trustees member.

    A former Minister of State for Transport, Alhaji Aliyu Habu Fari, will serve as Director General of the PT’s Campaign Council to be assisted by three co-Deputy Director Generals.

    They are Mr. Olawale Okunniyi, Director General of the National Intervention Movement, Dr. Dale Ogunbayo and Mathias Tsado, a former presidential aspirant on the platform of the ADP.

    The campaign council has three co-vice chairmen, Dr. Abduljhalil Tafawa Balewa, Lady Funke Awolowo and Dr. Ojay Samuel .

    Other notable Nigerians in the 90-member council are the party’s National Secretary, Kura, from the Northwest as party representative; Dr. Segun Awe Obe from the Southwest; Women Leader Mrs. Ajoh Torkwase, from the Northcentral; Youth Leader Mr. Abayomi Mighty, Southwest; Mr. Anthony Akika, zonal representative, Northcentral and  Mrs. Temidola Job, zonal representative (Southwest).

    Others are Comrade Ibuchukwu Ezike, zonal rep (Southeast); Dr. Osagie  Obayuwana, zonal representative (Southsouth); Alhaji Shehu Sambo, zonal representative (Northeast); Chief of Staff to the PT’s presidential candidate, Mr. Kamal Adebayo; the Deputy Chief of Staff, Daniella Dan Suleiman; the Chief Press Secretary Hassan Ibrahim; state chairpersons of the party; state campaign coordinators and Allied presidential candidates/ aspirants from the six geopolitical zones.

  • How Balewa declared state of emergency in the West in 1962 (II)

    IN reply, the Leader of Opposition in the Federal Parliament, and Leader of the Action Group, Chief Obafemi Awolowo said: I beg to move the following Amendment to the Motion already proposed by the Prime Minister: “To delete all the words of the Motion after-That – and substitute- “This honourable House declares after having regard to the provisions of section 65 of the Constitution of the Federation of Nigeria a state of public emergency does not exist.” “May I draw the attention of honourable Members to the provisions of section 65 of our Constitution. It is not usual for Members to read the Constitution unless occasion such as this arises or some other incidents which affect us occur. Section 65 reads:”65(1) Parliament may at any time make such laws for Nigeria or any part thereof with respect to matters not included in the Legislative Lists as may appear to Parliament to be necessary or expedient for the purpose of maintaining or securing peace, order and good government during any period of emergency.”

    “The section 3-(3) In this section ”period of emergency” means any period during which (a) the Federation is at war; (b) there is in force a resolution by each House of Parliament declaring that a state of public of emergency exists; and (c) there is in force a resolution of each House of Parliament supported by the votes of not less than two-thirds of all the members of the House declaring that democratic institutions in Nigeria are threatened by subversion. “That is the section, Mr. Speaker, and I hold the view very strongly- and that view is in no way shaken by the speech made by the Prime Minister that the step which the Federal Government now proposes is uncalled for and unwarranted.

    “The first question which any reasonable person ought to ask himself is this. Is there a state of emergency in the Western Region? That is the most important question which the Prime Minister and the Cabinet must ask themselves. I submit with greater respect that a state of emergency does not exist in Western Nigeria. “Not long ago after independence, there was rioting of a most severe nature in the Tiv Division of Northern Nigeria. Several lives were lost, several properties were destroyed, there was arson and a host other crimes were committed. At that time, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa was the Prime Minister as he is the Prime Minister,today. He did not think it fit to call this Parliament to declare a state of emergency in the Northern Region. Also in Okrika- there was widespread rioting in Okrika; again, several lives and properties were lost.

    I understand that this widespread rioting in Okrika occurred twice in the Eastern Region. The Prime Minister and the Cabinet did not think it fit on that occasion to declare a state of public emergency in the Eastern Region. “But, because the Action Group is pursuing the normal democratic processes as laid down in our Constitution to oust someone who happens to be very close friend of the Prime Minister, and also because the Action Group is looked upon as a moral foe to the N.P.C., this very far-reaching provision of our Constitution is now being invoked, only in respect of what might be described as squabbles inside the Chamber of the Western House of Assembly. It is doing violence to our Constitution and doing violence to the construction of words to suggest that what happened in the Western House of Assembly amounts to a state of public emergency.

    “I was present there myself and when I left that Chamber, those who were outside the Chamber did not even know that anything was happening inside the Chamber. Ibadan is peaceful- the whole of the Western Region is peaceful; it is true that the newspaper have been exaggerating the situation in the Western Region, the Prime Minister himself has lent his support to this exaggeration; he cancelled all his engagementswhether they existed or not I do not know; the Governor- General was suddenly summoned back from his holiday in Nsukka to come to Lagos even when there was no deterioration in the situation in the Western Nigeria.

    “ I maintain that this is a calculated, premeditated attempt on the part of the Prime Minister and his Cabinet to try, if they could, to castrate the Action Group, to disturb the welfare of the people of the Western Nigeria who have always been looked upon as the foes of the N.P.C. “May I say that I can understand the yearnings and the wishes of the N.C.N.C. and the stand of the N.C.N.C. in this matter. Every political party wants to be n power- we want to be in power here in the Centre one day, and by the grace of God we will. But the N.C.N.C. wants, naturally, to fish in troubled waters. If I were in their shoes, I would think that no occasion is more favourable than now to have a dissolution of the Legislature of the Western Region, because this dissolution now would mean a split in the votes of the Action Group.

    It might be that by such a split, they could sort of fluke in and form the Government of Nigeria. In any case, whatever happened after that dissolution, the N.C.N.C. would not be any worse off than they were before, namely to be in the Opposition- that is the worst that could happened to them . But there is a chance- the off-chance- that they may just manage to win. “Therefore I can understand the action of the N.C.N.C. in this matter, because that is the party in opposition in the Western Region. The N.P.C. has no foothold in the West, and it is doing its very best to find a foothold in the Western Region.

    “There are a number of persons who call themselves N.P.C. Members for Ibadan, but they are by themselves; they have some following of a type among people who live in Mokola, Ibadan, that is to be understood; but the N.P.C. as such has no following in the Western Region, and it is the N.P.C. dominated Federal Government that now wants to impose its rule on the people of the Western Nigeria, simply because there was what the Prime Minister called uproar in the Chamber of the Western House of Assembly- not an uproar in Ibadan as whole; not uproar in Ogbomoso the home of Chief Akintola who is involved in this matter; not an uproar in Ijebu-Remo; not an uproar in Ikorodu, not an uproar anywhere in the Western Region.

    The Prime Minister thinks that this very farreaching provisions of the Constitution should be invoked merely to save a friend! “Secondly, what is a public emergency? What is a state of public emergency? May I say that my view quite candidly is that a state of public emergency arises only when there is widespread violence in any part of the Federation. In this particular case there is no widespread violence or rioting or disturbance in the Western Region. And yet, the Honourable Minister for War- for Defence- sent soldiers to Ibadan as a matter of routine I think, because the soldiers there have been moved to Congo; and then he went on the air to say”Oh yes, we have sent them there because of the tension in Ibadan.” Where is the tension in Ibadan? I may walk about the streets of Ibadan, and if the Mnister of Defence challenges, I invite him to come along to Ibadan and go about the streets of Ibadan.

    But they want to create this artificial tension in the Western Region in order to invoke this far reaching provision of the Constitution. “Thirdly I say- I said it outside this House and I want to repeat it on the floor of this honourable House- that the action now being taken by the Federal Government is a gross misuse of power; I do not say abuse because as far as I can see there is no abuse yet- I hope the Federal Government does not abuse its power in the process of implementing this Resolution, but so far it is a gross misuse of power; the circumstances which should warrant the use of this power have not yet risen. “What is more? The Prime Minister was very, very careful in stating the events which led to his having to decide to take this action which he is now taking.

    I never knew him to be journalist, I know him to be an educationist, a politician and a statesman, but like some journalists he has put a little bit of twist and slant in relating the events, so as to show that it is the Action Group, vis-à-vis Chief Akintola that is at fault in this matter. Why did the Prime Minister not tell this House the story which the Police have no doubt told him concerning the events in the House of Assembly on that day! He knows the story but he has chosen not to tell it, and since he has failed to tell it, I will tell that story and challenge the Prime Minister to deny it.

    “The truth is that in the House of Assembly that day, hon. Members were assembled as we are here now assembled; prayers were said and then immediately after that, one Mr. Oke, a supporter of Chief Akintola, a Member from Ogbomosho, jumped on the desk and was running about on the desk and then lifted a chair and struck somebody on the head. That is how it started, and then thereafter one Mr. Ebubedike, the Member for Badagry, who lives in Ajeromi, took the Mace and then in an attempt to strike the Speaker with the Mace, the Mace struck the Table and broke into two. These events were witnessed by the Police and then chairs were lifted and were thrown all over the place by supporters of Chief Akintola. •Eric Teniola, a former director at the presidency stays in Lagos

  • From Balewa to Buhari:  A nation thirsty for good leadership

    From Balewa to Buhari: A nation thirsty for good leadership

    In almost 55 years, Nigeria has witnessed 14 administrations. Eight of them were military regimes. One was an interim contraption; a mixed grill of soldiers and their civilian collaborators. Five were civilian governments. Today, the sixth civilian government, which is the 15th administration headed by Muhammadu Buhari, will start to lead the country in a new journey into the future.

    Buhari was the military Head of State between 1984 and 1985. Before him was Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, who also returned to power 20 years after he left as the Head of State.

    The slow pace of development in Africa’s most populous country underscores, in part, the failure of indigenous leadership. Nigeria was projected to become a potential middle-level world power in the seventies, owing its vast natural endowment and other potentials. But, when its leaders failed to lay a strong foundation for a united nation, the country was threatened by disintegration. Nigeria has not become an economic miracle. Even the national question has remained unresolved. It has a great future ahead of it. But, only a dynamic leadership can take fulfill its dream.

    At independence, the Prime Minister was the late Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. Then, the country practiced parliamentary system. Barely six years after, the military displaced legitimate authorities. The First Republic was the era of the pathfinders who doubled as ethnic champions. The big three-Alhaji Ahmadu Bello (North), Chief Obafemi Awolowo (West) and Dr. Nnamidi Azikiwe (East)-coordinated that ethnic battle for relevance. They managed to agree on some basic federal principles. Although there were crises and tensions triggered by the hot battle for federal power, it was evident that, in an atmosphere of true federalism, the three, later four, regions were ready to develop at their pace, and within the limit of their resources.

    However, the period was characterised by corruption, avarice, nepotism and rigging of elections, especially in the wild wild West. The ring leader of the coup plotters, Major. Chukwuemeka Nzeogwu, attempted to topple the Balewa Government. The project was hijacked by senior officers who later departed from the vision of the supposedly military modernisers. When Balewa was killed, soldiers of Northern origin were not happy. They sworn to avenge the blood of Bello and Balewa at a later date.

    Gen. Thomas Aguity-Ironsi, the General Officer Commanding the Nigerian Army, became the Head of State in 1966. But, six months after, he was assassinated by ‘Northern’ soldiers. Ironsi came to office unprepared. He was not sensitive to the prevailing conditions and the differences among the regions, which have been aggravated by the first coup. The Head of State abolised the regions, thereby stifling the doctrine of theoretical autonomy. His unification decree was offensive to the political leaders. In fact, for six months, Ironsi could not set up a proper cabinet. He was killed at Ibadan by the gang of Theophilus Danjuma and Murtala Muhammed. Also assassinated was his host, Co,. Adekunle Fajuyi, the military governor of Western State.

    The Army chief, Colonel (later General) Yakubu Gowon, assumed the reins. He spent nine years in office. Gowon did not anticipate the leadership responsibilities suddenly entrusted on his shoulders. His emergence, as claimed by the military governor of Eastern State, Col. Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, disrupted the seniority and succession pattern in the military. Brig. Babafemi Ogundipe, he insisted, should have succeeded Ironsi, instead of Jack. Also, there was pogrom in the North, with many Igbos as casualties. As the ego war between Gowon and Ojukwu persisted, Ojukwu plunged the country into war by declaring the East as the Republic of Biafra. For 30 months, the nation was at war with itself.

    After winning the war, Gowon refused to set up a transition programme. Many top government officials have become so corrupt. In 1975, Gen. Murtala Muhammed toppled Gowon in a bloodless coup.  Murtala stepped on toes. He was a man in a hurry. He thread the populist path, setting up a transition programme and waging war against corruption. On February 13, 1976, he was killed in a coup led by Col. Bukar Dimka. The Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo became the new Head of State. On October 1, 1979, he voluntarily handed over to President Shehu Shagari.

    Nigeria practiced presidential system between 1979 and 1983. The civilians did not learn from their mistakes during previous 13 year-interregnum. They became more reckless in the Second Republic. When Awolowo warned Shagari that the ship of state was about to hit the rock, he was ignored. The economy was crumbling. Service delivery was poor. But, on December 31, 1983, the military sacked the administration. The first four years of presidential system became history. Buhari became the Head of State.

    Buhari and his deputy, Gen. Tunde Idiagbon, the Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, wanted to clear the Augean table. They waged war against graft in high places. All forms of indiscipline were not condoned. It was a government of financial accountability. Foreign debts were paid. Loopholes were bridged. But, the human rights record of the administration was poor.

    In August 1985, Buhari was displaced in a palace coup by the Chief of Army Staff, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida. The military President was in power for eight years. The General dribbled the country throughout his regime. It was another eight years of political, economic and social experimentation which produced no meaningful result. He set up a transition programme. A free and fair election was conducted. A winner, the late Chief Moshood Abiola, emerged. But, the exercise was criminally annulled. Despite the money wasted on the exercise, the military President subverted the project.

    Babangida was succeeded after stepping aside by the Head of Interim Government, Chief Ernest Shonekan. He did not understand the setting. He was a nominal Commander-in-Chief. But, barely three months later, the Minister of Defence, Gen. Sani Abacha, shoved him aside and pronounced himself as the Head of State.

    However, Abacha, who had wanted to transmute into a civilian President, died in 1998. He had waged the most cruelest war against democracy. The Chief of Defence Staff, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar, became the Head of State. He hurriedly handed over to Chief Obasanjo in 1999.

    Obasanjo ruled like a soldier that he is. He brooked no opposition. Court orders were worthless. In his first term, he tried to lay an effective foundation. He initiated a new anti-corruption course, setting up the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and other Related Matters Commission (ICPC). The two organs were later used to witch hunt political opponents. Electricity could not be fixed. Roads still remained death traps. Refineries could not be revived. Rigging became pervasive.

    Obasanjo was succeeded by the late Alhaji Sheu Yar’Adua in 2007. He was slowed down by illness. He died before the expiration of his tenure. His deputy, Vice President Goodluck Jonathan, became the President. Today, he will bow out of office after six years in the saddle.

    Jonathan will go down, not as a giant of history, but as a leader who could not live to the billing of leadership. Indeed, he was not adequately prepared for the massive task. Despite his high academic qualification, he could not make much difference.

    The Bayelsa State-born politician was deputy governor under former Governor Diepreye Alamieyeseigha. He was the beneficiary of his boss’ impeachment. He was governor for a brief period before he became Yar’Adua’s running mate. When Yar’Adua was incapacitated by illness, he was liberated from the cabal and made the Acting President by Nigerians in accordance with the constitution. At work was the doctrine of necessity. Later, Dr. Jonathan succeeded his boss as the President.

    In 2011, he contested his first election. As a candidate of the ruling party from a minority ethnic group, he elicited sympathy. He described himself as a shoeless boy from Otuoke, assuring that he will serve the poor. He defeated Buhari at the poll. But, there was a huge gap between expectation and reality afterwards.  The challenges overwhelmed the President.

    He ignored public outcry and demand for their sack. Nigerians started to have negative perception about the administration.

    The ruling party was in crisis. The President could not wield it together. The Nigerian Governors’ Forum was in crisis. He took sides. For months, university, polytechnic and college teachers were on strike. Infrastructure battle stopped. During campaigns, the President’s men went to rallies with generators. Electricity was beyond reach. Corruption was on the increase. The President clarified that stealing was different from corruption. Irked by his style of leadership, former All Progressives Congress (APC) Interim Chairman Chief Bisi Akande described him as a kindergarten President. Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar said Dr. Jonathan was clueless.

    As 16 years of PDP’s rule will terminate today, eyes are on the new APC government. Will Buhari maintain a clean break from the past and reposition the country for excellence? Time will tell.

  • Balewa slams PDP for denying him form

    Balewa slams PDP for denying him form

    Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) presidential aspirant Dr. Abdul Jhalil Tafawa Balewa has condemned the party’s failure to give him a nomination form after paying the stipulated N22 million.

    Explaining that the party’s officials had been “dribbling” him, Balewa told reporters in Bauchi State that he met with the PDP financial secretary, who told him to see the party’s treasurer, who also directed him to the National Chairman, Ahmadu Mu’azu.

    Balewa said: “They said only Mu’azu can approve a presidential candidate for the party. There is nothing like that in the PDP’s constitution that a chairman, and in this case an appointed chairman, is the only one that approves who gets a nomination form.

    “I paid N2 million as retention fee and N20 million for the nomination form. I have receipts and tellers for both payments. When are they going to give me my form?

    “We waited too long because the President was not forthcoming on whether he is running or not. I went to the party secretariat and asked for the form and they told me that they printed only one, but they did not reject the money; it is still with them.”

    Chairman of the Bauchi State Youth Movement for Democracy Philip Gumex said: “Whenever Balewa goes there to pick the form, it is one story or the other. There was a day we went there together and they took us from one office to another, only to say that the order for the release of the form should come from the national chairman.”

  • Balewa’s son: ACF chieftain condemns PDP

    Balewa’s son: ACF chieftain condemns PDP

    A chieftain of Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF), Anthony Sani, has condemned the leadership of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for preventing Dr. Abduljahlil Balewa, the son of the late Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, from obtaining the party’s presidential nomination form in Abuja last Tuesday.

    Dr. Balewa and another female aspirant, Akasoba-Duke Abiola, from Rivers State, were denied the opportunity to purchase the forms at the party’s national secretariat.

    Balewa told reporters that he paid the N22 million for both the nomination form and the expression of interest form through bank drafts and wondered why the party would treat him in such a manner.

    However, reacting to the development, Sani,  a former ACF spokesman, said the step taken by the PDP against the two aspirants runs contrary to the elements of liberty, justice and common decency in a democracy.

    Sani told The Nation that when the party endorsed President Goodluck Jonathan as its sole candidate for the 2015 election, Nigerians were convinced that such actions run against the grain of internal democracy and inconsistent with the Electoral Act.

    He said: “When the PDP endorsed President Jonathan as the sole presidential candidate for the 2015 election, many Nigerians felt such action runs against the grain of internal democracy of political parties and even inconsistent with the Electoral Act, which outlawed consensus in party convention and primaries.”

    “So, the barring of the son of the late Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa from the contest is a vindication of such fears as pointed out by many people. May be the ruling PDP has forgotten its place in the order of things.

    “It may, therefore, be helpful to note that democracy may differ in forms, but when it comes to its three elements of liberty, justice and common decency, democracy is the same and universal.”

  • I’ll battle Jonathan for PDP ticket, says Balewa’s son

    I’ll battle Jonathan for PDP ticket, says Balewa’s son

    The son of Nigeria’s First Republic Prime Minister, Dr. Abdul-Jhalil Tafawa-Balewa, has said he will contest the 2015 presidential election on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    Tafawa-Balewa condemned the plot by the national leadership of the party to demoralise other presidential aspirants by adopting President Goodluck Jonathan as PDP’s sole candidate.

    He was responding to the adoption of Dr Jonathan by the party’s National Executive Committee at its meeting in Abuja on Thursday.

    With the adoption, the party said it expected party members, including those nursing presidential ambition, to drop it and queue behind the President.

    But Tafawa-Balewa said he would not be intimidated with such decision.

    In a statement yesterday, the politician said the endorsement of Dr Jonathan was undemocratic.

    He said: “I’m not intimidated by the decision of the PDP governors and the party to support the second term aspiration of President Goodluck Jonathan. What type of democracy do we have?”

  • Balewa: Presidency is nobody’s birthright

    Bauchi State Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) chieftain Dr. Abduljhalili Balewa is the son of former Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. He spoke with reporters in Lagos on the reconciliation efforts in the party, agitation for power shift by the North and national security. EMMANUEL OLADESU was there.

    What is the solution to the insecurity in the North?

    There is no river without a source. A lot of bad decisions, dry decisions have been made by past leaders. In the olden days, politicians used to tell the people what they were going to do. I am going to build bridges, construct roads and all of that. All those ones have now gone overboard. Now, it is a case of which religion or ethnicity you represent. There are many educated young men in the Northeast that have not been employed. Programmes such as SURE-P, YOU WIN are however, benefitting these unemployed youths and empowering them. But for a very long time, a lot of these politicians had access to these young people and they were using them as political hooligans and jettisoned them after election. These young men have internalised all these and that was why, when the unrest first started, you can see that they were attacking government establishments and installations because those were the people who used and abandoned them.

    Unfortunately, this was linked to the fact that they were fighting western education. That of course is not true because the question is: how many illiterates can man and time bombs? How many illiterates can have the military know-how to attack military formations? Many of our youths lack access to opportunities and jobs. The devil always finds jobs for idle hands. We need to start engaging these idle hands.

    Do you think that the amnesty programme for the Boko Haram sect is working, despite the amount spent so far on security in the troubled region?

    To say the amnesty programme is not working is erroneous. Last year, the government spent close to N1 trillion on security votes. But that is terrible because it could have gone into education, healthcare reforms, among others. Our monitoring and evaluation skills have to be sharpened so that we are not just going to be pouring water into basket. We should be able to monitor how the money goes out.

    There is a dearth and a vacuum left for this present administration by previous governments. This is what this government is correcting. As you can see, the bloodshed appeared to have simmered in the last couple of months and it is going on. A lot of dialogue has been going on with these young people.

    There are many young men within this militant faction who are even ignorant of what Boko Haram insurgency is all about, but there may be politicians who are encouraging them, a totally different vigilante. Until we are able to get to the root of it, there will be a wide range in dialogue.

    Prominent Northerners have been agitating for power shift in 2015. What is your position on this?

    It is okay to agitate that power must shift to the North or to the South, but it is the voters that is important here. If you are able to convince the citizenry and they agree with you, they will vote for you. In democracy, the position is not as like what you get in the traditional feudal system.

    It is not a God-given right whereby when you get there, you will stay there until you die. This is about politics. It is about trying to convince the citizenry on how best your programmes and thoughts are. Not everyone could be a billionaire either. But God has done in a way that in this kind of democracy, everybody needs to work harder. It is not about right. President Goodluck Jonathan, as a citizen of Nigeria, has every right to run for a second term.

    Against the background of his performance, does he deserve a second term and will you vote for him?

    You can count on me. I will vote for him. There has never been any Nigerian President, since independence until now, that has done so well in appointing women that constitute like half of our population to ministries and embassies across the world. Terrorism, as many people seem not to notice, often take a long time before it could be calmed down. Take a look at Iraq, Syria, the Philippines of old and even, Ireland ,where you can say there was a long ethnic crises and you will see that Nigeria’s case is improving. Of course, Nigeria is in dire need of peace and that is not only in the North East but also the South as well. Today, Nigerian currency is getting stable and stronger.

    But will the protracted crises not consume the PDP before the next election?

    It is an internal wrangling. We will find a way of settling it. We will sort it out. I am a card-carrying member of the PDP and I believe that the PDP is the only real national party in Nigeria. The other regional parties recently came together under the platform of the APC. I think it is good that we have an opposition party. It is a learning process. But they are not there yet. As time goes on, I think they can as well grow.

    What is your reaction to the Rivers State crisis, which the President has mismanaged?

    How can the President be accused of mismanaging it? It is not a national crisis. It is a Rivers State crisis. But frankly speaking, everywhere in Nigeria, our culture is that, whatever we call head, you don’t walk on it. There is a President and a governor in the same family. The President is like the elder brother to the governor. There should be a conference of ideas, whereby the older brother should be able to talk to his younger brother and advise him. The crisis in Rivers State is not peculiar to Nigeria. It is just that every individual has different methods of managing crisis. I believe very soon, the issues will be resolved.