Tag: Banire

  • Banire, a man of clear vision, says VP

    Vice President Prof Yemi Osinbajo has described the National Legal Adviser of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Dr Muiz Banire (SAN) as a man with a clear vision and passion for excellence.

    He said Banire was among those who laid the foundation for a new Lagos owing to his uncommon dedication to work as Cabinet member during the tenure of former Governor, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    Prof Osinbajo spoke at the weekend in Lagos at an event held in honour of Banire who was recently admitted into the league of the Senior Advocate of Nigeria.

    He said it was a proud moment for him as Banire’s colleague in Bola Tinubu’s cabinet and teacher at the University of Lagos.

    In his message, Tinubu said the admission of Banire into the rank of the Senior Advocate of Nigeria was well deserved.

    Osun state Governor Rauf Aregbesola said the role of the judiciary is crucial at this moment of the nation’s history.

    Speaking on behalf of Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SANs) who graced the occasion, Ladi Williams said he was impressed by Banire’s hard work and intellectual capacity.

    Senator Ganiyu Solomon who spoke on behalf of his Constituency in Mushin disclosed that he has proved people who believe the area is only famous with violence and criminality wrong.

    Responding, the new Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Banire promised to do more in the support to the less privilege in the state.

    The Legal Practitioners’ Privileges Committee conferred the rank of the Senior Advocate of Nigeria on 21 Nigerians on July 10.

  • ‘Anti-corruption war will aid economic’ revival

    ‘Anti-corruption war will aid economic’ revival

    Dr. Muiz  Adeyemi  Banire, the National Legal Adviser of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC)  and one time commissioner in Lagos State in the Tinubu Administration,was  recently conferred with the prestigious Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN).He recently fielded questions in Lagos with newsmen on  national issues. Dapo Olufade was there.

    You finally made it to the top of your professional career with the SAN award? How do you feel?

    To a certain extent, one feels fulfilled.  I thank God for that privilege. It is not because of hard work that some things in life come our way, but because of divine intervention. So I am grateful to God for the attainment.

    I guess this translates to bigger fees for clients wishing to patronise you?

    I don’t know. I have not done any billing for a client yet. Maybe when I want to do that, it will occur to me. There is one aspect that is more important than money. This aspect is one that enables me to use the attainment to pursue the cause of justice. This is because a society where there is lack of justice and fairness cannot know peace.

    Corruption is a big issue in the society and this cuts across all strata. How do you think we can collectively tackle the menace?

    It must be a general resolution on the part of all of us that we want to banish corruption, otherwise we are heading nowhere.  One of the areas of reckoning is obedience to the rule of law by all individuals and institutions regardless of the position that you occupy.  If all of us do this, to a certain extent, we will be able to tame this vice.  Corruption is not peculiar to any sector. It is everywhere.  We need general reorientation with a view to pointing out the follies inherent in corruption.  This is because once you are ignorant of something, it becomes a vicious cycle. If you come to me for a service and I have cause to deny you of that service because you did not comply with certain corrupt practices, and it happens like that everywhere, then we are doomed. There must be a new orientation pointing out the negative impact of corruption on the society vis-a-vis each profession.  Pertaining to my own profession, for instance, I know that if there is corruption in the judiciary, I am in trouble.  It means that no matter the quality of the submissions I make in court, I will not get justice.  The same thing will happen to litigants. If at the end of the day people lose confidence in the justice system, the resort will be to self preservation, and that will lead to anarchy in the society.  And once there is anarchy in the society, there will be no development.

    We have a renewed war on corruption going on in the country. Are we doing the right things to succeed?

    Nothing much has been done now. It is the structures that are still being put in place.  When the structures have been put in place, that is when the war itself will start. For instance, I am waiting for the report of the Prof. Sagay committee on the way forward in tackling corruption.  Fighting corruption is not all about picking up people and taking them to court.  It goes beyond that. The Sagay committee  must look at the structure, the legal framework. That is the starting point. In fact, I wrote a paper on it about seven years ago, that we need to look at the legal framework because there are so many of them that are conflicting, some are unintelligible, some are obsolete. Then how many structures do we have fighting corruption all over the place?  EFCC, ICPC, Code of Conduct Bureau, Nigeria Police … even SSS, DMI are all fighting corruption.  I believe this thing must be structured. We need a format. We may even need protocol so that somebody does not suddenly wake up and say this is the way he wants to do his own (fight corruption). The Sagay committee needs to give us the legal framework; look at all legislations targeted at fighting corruption in Nigeria, analyse them, I think there is a need for realignment, let them do the realignment and give us  a proper calibration of the direction to go in terms of the law itself.

    Even the procedural law, we need to look at it. This is because if the substantive law is okay, but the procedural law is weak, you will still run into systemic crisis. That is why there are undue delays in anti-corruption cases … four years, five years. The general impression is that no high profile anti-corruption case in Nigeria ever ends.  That borders on the weakness of our procedural laws. So, there is the need for the Sagay committee to evaluate the legal framework properly. Once they get that right, the next thing is to look at the structure with a view to ascertaining which institution does what. The submission I made in the paper I wrote some seven years ago was that all the things we need to fight corruption are already in the EFCC Act.  All the things the ICPC, the police do are just to follow up.  So there is the need to clearly define the responsibilities of each of these agencies to see if they are still relevant.

    So much attention is like being paid to the issue of anti-corruption by the Buhari administration that it would appear that other things are not important, the economy for instance.  Should it be so?

    There is the risk. But then, the effect of the negative impact of corruption is so devastating that without addressing it, no economic revival will succeed.  So you must balance those two aspects of our national life. Any economic policy without addressing corruption will ultimately fail.  That is why the fight against corruption must go alongside our efforts to rejuvenate the economy.

    Nigerians subscribed to the `change’ mantra on the grounds that it would  translate into improved life for them.  But three months after the administration, led by your party, came into office, things appear to be in slow motion.  As a top member of the APC, are you not concerned?

    The problem is that, by our nature, we are impatient. We are always in haste. To me, there are some areas we need to look at first and foremost in determining whether there is impact or not. For instance, the president said he does not want to make a mistake; he wants to do things meticulously. Everybody has been talking about cabinet.  To a certain extent,  I believe that is not particularly essential to the development of a nation.  This is because there are people in the public service doing the job at present.  The issue is that when the ministers are appointed, they essentially will deal with policies. And once the policies are in place, it is for the public service to implement. So, all these things, according to the president, he needs to look at the depth of what he met, so that he knows how to proceed.  This tells me how politicians make electioneering promises without knowing the reality when they get into office.  That appears to be the obstacle to the prompt realisation of the promises made by the president. But all the same, if we are able to set the right agenda by the end of the year, the people will smile by the beginning of next year.  We need to give the president enough time to plan so that the expected dividends can come in the quantum that we desire.

    Another thing staring us in the face is the unpaid salaries in the states. How do we get out of it?

    Unfortunately, I am a layman.  I have never been a governor.

    But you have been in government.

    When I was in government we were paying salaries.  But it is like there is a disconnect somewhere and we must address it. I cannot imagine somebody working for 30 days and going home without pay.  How does he feed the family and meet other family responsibilities?  That in itself is a source of corruption … because he must find an alternative way to survive. So, I think the federal government and the states, in conjunction with the National Economic Council, must find a sustainable solution to the unpaid salaries issue.

    We have been made to understand that some of the policies of the Buhari administration will be implemented from the loot recovered from those who stole from the treasury. But it’s like we still have a long way to go in the loot recovery. How much hope do you have?

    Beyond loot recovery, I have said the government has started well by setting up the Sagay committee. That is the foundation. Without it, you can’t do anything.  What we are doing at the moment is not fighting corruption. Fighting corruption is a lot more encompassing. You may even need to go to the schools to inculcate the basic values. I have been agitating, `return moral education to schools!’  I probably would have been something else but for the religious education I had while in school.  If you have the fear of God, the tendency to be corrupt will be limited.  So, we must go beyond the issue of loot recovery into all aspects of what corruption is doing to us and what even constitutes corruption.  Do you know that if you mess up somebody in terms of time-keeping, that is corruption?  So, we need to address corruption holistically.

    So we may need to bring back the War Against Indiscipline (WAI) that we had under President Buhari as military Head of State.

    It may not be in that form. But we need  a complete orientation against corruption.  I envisage the MAMSER type of orientation, as spearheaded by Prof. Gana, that, `If you are a sweeper, sweep well’.  That is the type of orientation that must come back. There must be dignity in whatever we do.

    Kidnapping is getting worse. Within one week, we have had at least two high profile kidnappings, the latest victim being Chief Olu Falae. How do we stem criminality?

    I heard the IG recently talking about community policing. That is the way out. Policing is not all about carrying guns around.  Security is better carried out through intelligence. You must spend more on intelligence, people must be incorporated. We see the (American) FBI, CIA acting like magicians when they resolve puzzles.  It is because they have agents everywhere who gather intelligence. If I am in charge of any security agency, I will have my people in every sector assembling intelligence capable of bursting crime. And once you have intelligence, you are on top of the situation. Even among kidnappers, you must have your agents – undercover agents.  We need to improve the capacity of intelligence officers.

    There are certain things that government does that many people, especially the opposition, take as being against them … even if it is clear that government is sincere.  In putting in place the sort of orientation against corruption you spoke about, what guarantee do we have that the opposition will not read meaning into it and say it is targeted at them?

    Nigeria is unfortunately one of the countries where we do not distinguish electioneering period from when government has taken office. In other climes, once elections are over, everybody rallies round the government while government treats everybody the same way regardless of political affiliation. That is the oath of government swore to.  In putting in place national rebirth, government needs everybody’s cooperation for it to succeed irrespective of party affiliation.

    The PDP led federal government did not get similar cooperation from the APC.

    They did not ask for it. If they did, certainly we would have obliged them. In some instances, we even did. On Boko Haram, we suggested the way out. I read a book authored by the prime minister of Dubai, `Flashes of Thought’.  Throughout, the underpinning thing you see in the book is `faith’. He says in the book that every single policy of government is motivated by the happiness of his people.  Happiness of the people should be our basic preoccupation, particularly after electioneering campaign. Rebirth is important, fundamental.  The 109 senators, all the  House of Reps members, all the Houses of Assembly, put together, cannot effect the change that we envisage if the generality of the people do not buy into it, regardless of party affiliation.

    What motivated you into reading law, and how was it at the beginning?

    When I was in primary school, I used to prefix my name in my notebooks with chief justice.  I think it was Fatai Williams that was the CJN. At that time, I did not know my destination. After leaving secondary school, I wanted to read law but I got admission to read economics at Louisiana State University, US.  My uncle immediately paid the fees. But I had a brother here then who was paying part of my school fees. I went to him and  he told me about the development. The situation  then was that as you left  secondary school, you sat for  JAMB exam. I had done JAMB and, when the result came out, I got admission to read law at UNILORIN. My brother convinced me to read law. This was how I started my legal career.

    Who is your role model?

    Prof. Jelili Omotola (late VC of the University of Lagos). I learnt so many things from him. I was very close to him.  He was my teacher, he was my HoD, he was my Dean, he was my VC. Infact when he was VC, some of us were his special assistants regardless of whether we were lecturers at the UNILAG Faculty of Law.  He impacted  greatly on us. UNILAG worked under him.

    I thought Ashiwaju Tinubu will be your role model?

    There is something people don’t know about me. I am not a professional politician. I am a professional in politics. I am in politics simply to ensure good governance.  You can’t fight outside the ring. You have to be inside to make the required impact.  That brought me into politics, but people misconstrue my posturing.  I have never been out to contest election all my life.  Even common political office now, I have said I am not interested.  The reason we have problems in politics today is that we have  a huge deficit of good people in politics.

    So, how was it  serving in Lagos State government, especially under Asiwaju Bola Tinubu?

    We struggled towards proving good governance.  I will give our efforts a comfortable pass mark. Many eggheads were in the Tinubu administration – VP Osinbajo, Cardoso, Teju Phillips, Dele Alake, Aregbe. These were authorities in the various fields.  As Commissioner for Special Duties, I cleared the courts of exhibit congestion.

    We have a new regime in which senior lawyers can be appointed into Supreme Court. If you are approached, will you consider the offer?

    I am not cut out to be a judge for several reasons.  One of it is that the welfare of judges, to me, is not sufficient, it’s not tempting, not inviting.

    Is this possibly responsible for the alleged corruption in the judiciary?

    It is not impossible.  You must run away from temptation.  Let me give you a scenario. If I were to be appointed a minister today, maybe the highest pay I would get is N25 million per annum.  That cannot solve my problem.  Any other thing will come from stealing or bribery. So, if you are not ready to steal or ask for bribe, restrict yourself to a place where you can make good money legitimately.  We have to pay our judges well; we need to possibly adopt the Singapore regime or the one in place in Saudi Arabia. In Saudi Arabia, their police are paid huge allowances such that they don’t have to spend their salaries. So, why would the Saudi police be tempted to take bribe?

    If you had not been a lawyer, what would you have been?

    I would have possibly been a civil engineer because it is lucrative, ever sought after. I like things that will make me comfortable.

  • Congrat adverts should be  on hold for now, says Banire

    Congrat adverts should be on hold for now, says Banire

    National Legal Adviser of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) Dr Muiz Banire has appealed to his family, friends and well-wishers, who have started placing congratulatory adverts in the media over his elevation to the rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) to stop in deference to the rules of the Legal Practitioners’ Privileges Committee (LPPC).

    Banire, who is in Makkah, Saudi Arabia, in a statement yesterday, said his attention had been drawn to efforts by his friends and well-wishers to place advertisements to congratulate him.

    He said: “I want to sincerely express my appreciation to all those who have placed or planning to place congratulatory messages in my honour  in the media. At the same time, I want to plead with them to stop such immediately as the rules of LPPC are against such at this stage.

    “They can re-channel their resources for other noble and kind-hearted ventures at this time or wait till after the September swearing in of the newly elevated lawyers, including me. Once again, it’s in the interest of their love for me and our relationship to stop any form of congratulatory advertisements for me now.”

    Banire is one of the 21 lawyers on the list of new Senior Advocates of Nigeria released by the Chief Registrar of the Supreme Court and Secretary of the LPPC, Ahmed Gambo Saleh, last Friday. They are expected to be sworn in at the commencement of the new Legal Year on September 21.

  • Senator hails Banire

    Senator hails Banire

    The senator representing Lagos West, Solomon Adeola (Yayi), has congratulated the National Legal Adviser of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Muiz Banire, for his Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) award.

    Yayi said the conferment of the SAN status on Banire was in recognition of hard work and dedication in the service of public good in the legal profession in Nigeria.

    “Dr. Banire is a people-lawyer fighting the cause of the common man and common good.

    “His dedicated service transverses teaching of law in tertiary institutions, a rich private legal practice and meritorious service in the public in government in various capacities.”

  • Banire, Olanipekun’s son, Adedeji, 18 others become SANs

    Banire, Olanipekun’s son, Adedeji, 18 others become SANs

    The Legal Practitioners’ Privileges Committee (LPPC) has conferred the rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) on 21 lawyers.

    The list consists of 18 practising advocates (including a female) and three from the academics. The only female is the former Attorney General of Ogun State, Abimbola Ibironke Akeredolu.

    Those from the academics are Prof. Maxwell Mickael Gidado, Dr. Tahir Mamman and Prof. Paul Oboarenegbe Idornigie.

    The others include the National Legal Adviser of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Dr. Muiz Adeyemi Banire; Director, Legal Services, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Ibrahim Kanje Bawa; Emeka Benson Etiaba, son of former Anambra State Deputy Governor, Virginia Etiaba; and son of former President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Wole Olanipekun (SAN), Dr. Oladapo Olumide Olanipekun.

    Also on the list are Aderibigbe Ade Adedeji; Edward Kunav Ashiekaa; Benson Sopulu Nwankwo; Joseph Sunday Bamigboye; Patrick Ocheja Okola; Dr. Akinpelu Theophilus Onigbinde and Samuel Otseilu Zibiri.

    Others are Adeniyi Ayodele Adegbonmire, Emmanuel Chinwenwo Aguma, Olumuyiwa Akinboro, Gordy Uche, Uchechukwu Valentine Obi and Kehinde Kolawole Eleja.

    The Chief Registrar of the Supreme Court and Secretary of the LPPC, Ahmed Gambo Saleh, who made the list public yesterday, said a total of 124 legal practitioners applied in all, out of which were three females.

    Saleh said the 21 awarded the SAN rank this year will be sworn in at a special court session to mark the commencement of the 2015/2016 legal year on September 21 this year, after the court’s long vacation.

  • Banire, Bamidele and  APC’s Young Turks

    Banire, Bamidele and APC’s Young Turks

    The All Progressives Congress (APC) has an uphill, but not insurmountable, task of keeping its states safe from predators and winning the 2015 presidential election. The party probably recognises the enormity of the task ahead, and may be planning an onslaught against it. But beyond recognising the obstacles, it will have to devise virtuoso ways of tackling the challenges that seem set to doom its efforts. As indicated in this place last week, some APC states are in turmoil, destabilised by internal dissension and plagued by powerful external enemies and neighbours. To retain its hold on its states, sustain unity within its ranks, and expand its suzerainty over hostile states and Aso Villa, the party will have to do almost the impossible, including wishing for a miracle, and looking for means of calming the tempest triggered by some of its radical and younger elements. Some of these younger elements camouflage self-promotion in altruistic, ideological and philosophical colours. And a few others have axes to grind with their party leaders, state and national. But even if the quarrels cannot be resolved outrightly, the overall success of the party in 2015 will depend somewhat on how successfully party leaders manage the rage within.

    A few months before the June governorship poll in Ekiti, Opeyemi Bamidele (ACN/Labour, Ado-Ekiti/ Irepodun-Ifelodun), publicised his war with the APC and looked on imperturbably as the party drowned in the wake that followed the storm he unleashed. His grouse, analysts suggested, was not just the senatorial ticket that was coaxed from him, a loss some said he had reconciled himself to, but the rather uncomplimentary and disrespectful way he believed he was ostracised from the decision-making organ of the party and state government. He and his supporters believed party leaders and government officials played politics of exclusion. What was intriguing about the misunderstanding in pre-election Ekiti was the implacability of the combatants: Dr Fayemi  gave no quarter; and Hon Bamidele, anticipating APC would come a cropper, eventually defected to the Labour Party.

    Hon Bamidele signposted the coming of the Young Turks in the APC, a group of irreverent, sometimes irascible, but iconoclastic politicians unafraid of rocking the party’s boat or provoking its mercurial leaders. While the embers of the revolt triggered by Hon Bamidele was yet to die, Muiz Banire, the National Legal Adviser of the APC and many times commissioner in the Lagos government of former governor Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Governor Babatunde Fashola, stirred up a hornet’s nest, pockmarking the Lagos skyline with incendiary comments on his party leaders and, in particular, Asiwaju Tinubu. Where Hon Bamidele, the activist, had contrastingly restrained himself from dragging Asiwaju Tinubu into the Ekiti imbroglio, not even in snide remarks and insinuations, Dr Banire has shown less ruefulness, though as a legal practitioner he was expected to possess more conservative and diplomatic skills in polemics and discourse.

    It should not matter to a party loyalist whether a candidate wins on his own merit or is helped by his party’s reputation and organisation, but Dr Banire, perhaps pursuing covert agenda against his party, surprisingly suggested that Governor Rauf Aregbesola won the August governorship election in Osun in spite of the APC. The August 9 win must be delinked from the party, he asserted. Why a party leader should gloat that his party had no significant input in helping candidate Aregbesola to win is hard to understand. It is a needless argument to make. But Dr Banire is a Young Turk, and from his imprecates against his leaders and sweeping dismissal of their relevance and proclivities, some of whom he deprecatingly described as a cabal, he creates the impression of a tough politician, one who can call his soul his own. Though his legal and political arguments fail to persuade completely, and his lexis a little rough-hewn in some aspects, he cuts the image of an intellectual deserving of respect.

    The APC needs internal opposition in order to enable it hammer out better platforms and establish a solid, robust and cohesive party. The likes of Hon Bamidele and Dr Banire are in my opinion invaluable to the APC or any other party for that matter. Hon Bamidele cannot flourish in a somnolent party like Labour, and his organisational skills, not to say his ambition, would be wasted or diminished. And in the PDP, which his inexplicable and indescribable support for Governor Ayo Fayose of Ekiti makes him gravitate towards, his radical posture would both be repressed and absolutely misapplied. Dr Banire, on the other hand, is the perfect proponent of one eating his cake and having it. His intrepidity may not seem potent enough to lure him into defection, though I could be second-guessing him wrongly, and he seems precisely the sort of man to stay, fight and profit in his party, the APC. He even spent the better part of his stay in the party — a party he now casually lampoons — helped on every step of the way by mentors, some of them mentors of his own choosing. But now he is repudiating the methods by which he himself rose into prominence and by which he came to some comfort. His iconoclasm, sans his bad temper, obduracy and uncivil language, is not misplaced in a party desirous of sustaining its relevance and presenting itself as a change agent.

    However, just like Hon Bamidele proved by his consequential defection from the APC to LP, Dr Banire’s beloved party can ill afford the ossification many party apparatchiks seem to be comfortable with, but which he and his fellow iconoclast have challenged and denounced. They want imposition to end, though they seemed to have profited from variants of its application before now, and are quite unable to appreciate and interpret its complex and adaptable nature and multiple nuances. While their ambition to end imposition and other undemocratic practices within their party is not misplaced, assuming their diagnoses are right, their unpolished style of fighting good causes within their party leaves much to be desired. Dr Banire, from his recent lecture and interviews, is predicting doom for his party if it failed to conduct itself in a manner he believes is unimpeachable. He leaves no room for any error on his part. In fact, he has unguardedly threatened worse consequences for even his party leaders, sparing no one.

    There will be many more Young Turks like Hon Bamidele and Dr Banire, a few of them outrightly impertinent. The APC must learn how to deal with them and manage disaffection within the party. The party must also accept that its leaders are not infallible and can indeed be criticised or castigated by younger and radical elements in the party. But it is also imperative to understand that while they fought legitimately, Hon Bamidele and Dr Banire unfortunately fought blindly and unwisely.  The logic behind their grievances may be right, but the methods of their fight, not to talk of the intended and unintended consequences of their battles, expose them as short on character and lacking in conceptual depth of what their party represents and envisions.

    Judging from the actions and arguments of the two dissenters and perhaps other Young Turks within the party, I am afraid that even in the APC, whether among the leaders or followers, few really understand the visionary and aesthetic import of the party’s foundation and legacy. Many see the party as a vehicle for winning elections and self-promotion, which attributes easily become ends in themselves. But if my reading of the party is right, especially given its lofty promotion of Southwest integration when the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) held the reins, I think the party is an idea grander, loftier, and more sublime than its current methods, organisation and policies exhibit or match. Consumed by their sense of self-importance and distracted by their loathing for certain party practices that seemed targeted against their interests, neither Hon Bamidele nor Dr Banire apparently possesses the rich understanding of what the party is or stands for — an identity far greater and nobler than what is set down in the party’s constitution and manifesto. Had they understood this fact, both gentlemen would have fought differently, with reverence for the party’s grand ideas and great future, and with cultured civility towards party leaders who, though their methods may be shaky and even contradictory, best approximate the party’s spiritual essence.

    Many of the causes fought for by Hon Bamidele and Dr Banire are sensible. Their resolve and courage should be admired and channeled, for their party needs men like them to midwife a greater, bigger, stronger and more relevant political organisation. However,  their methods are unusually strident, and their manners suspiciously discordant, if not entirely objectionable. But party leaders, at least the few who can see beyond today and the chaotic manifestation of what the party represents, must find ways to reconcile the old and the new generation, and forge all of them into an exceeding strong army committed to truly transforming and renewing Nigeria. The party leaders’ vision must make them endure insults, be indifferent to mentee insolence, and enable them handle with perfect equanimity and fortitude the fractious tendency so common among the young and footloose radicals in the party, whether it be Hon Bamidele or Dr Banire, or any other Young Turk flushed with both the anger and unpredictable messianism that so often hobbles the young.

  • Banire, Aregbesola  and Osun polls

    Banire, Aregbesola and Osun polls

    His diminutive physique masks a razor- sharp intellect and wit. Dr Muiz Banire, lawyer, commissioner first of transportation and then the environment for 12 years under the Tinubu and Fashola administrations and now National Legal Adviser to the APC, was the guest speaker at a colloquium in Lagos in honour of Ogbeni Raufu Aregbesola. The colloquium was obviously spurred by Aregbesola’s outstanding re-election for a second term in the bitterly contested August 9th governorship election in Osun state.

    There is much to agree with in Banire’s presentation on the occasion titled ‘Osun’s Election: A Pathway to Nigeria’s Democratic Growth’. For example, he paints a vivid and harrowing picture of the security siege on Osun before and during the election. He exposes the many behind the scene bids to manipulate the poll and rig the elections and how these were thwarted through vigilance and proactive action. Among the more sensible of Banire’s recommendation is his admonition that a political party should always monitor closely officials elected in its platform. This is in order to ensure adherence to the party’s manifesto as well as prevent the alienation of the government and the party from the people due to unpopular policies.

    However, Banire treads treacherous and slippery analytic terrain when he makes a distinction between a party and the candidate seeking election on its platform. He contends that it was Aregbesola that won the election in Osun and not the All Progressives Congress (APC). The APC, according to Banire, has become unpopular because of imposition of candidates such that the people may have voted for the opposition but for Aregbesola’s charisma, grassroots appeal and superlative performance.

    Let us admit without conceding that Banire is right. What would be the incentive for the average voter or APC supporter to vote for the PDP, for instance, when its own candidate for the Osun election emerged through a violence-infested process where a former governor of Osun was savagely manhandled by a serving Minister all because he aspired to fly the party’s flag in the election!

    Again, could it be that most of those Banire claimed to have visited on door-to-door campaigns and who reportedly expressed disenchantment with the APC, sought elective or appointive positions and were unjustly denied the opportunity? That would be strange. I would wager that in most polities, those who actively seek elective office constitute less than one per cent of the population. Osun certainly cannot be an exception.

    In the first republic, Chief Obafemi  Awolowo’s Action Group (AG) was the cynosure of all eyes due to its spectacular developmental achievements in the South-West. Even though he was enormously gifted as a leader, thinker and astute manager of men and resources, Awolowo never sought to personally appropriate the party’s collective success to himself. It was the same case in the second republic when Alhaji Jakande was easily the most distinguished governor. Again, he never claimed or sought personal glory. He knew that in a progressive party, both successes and failures must be collectively borne.

    I am sure that Banire’s thoughts at the colloquium are his and do not necessarily represent the views of Aregbesola. For, being a product of collective struggle himself right from his student days, I think that Aregbesola is too philosophically deep, intellectually sound, historically conscious, and organisationally disciplined to identify with the kind of hubris espoused by Banire.

    It is pertinent to ask, ‘Why was Aregbesola able to seek re-election for a second term?’ It is because he had won election for a first term and performed creditably. Why was he able to contest for the first term? It was because he was fielded by the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) as its governorship candidate. Here is where I think Banire misses the critical point. The relationship between a party and a candidate is a dialectical one. The party can offer a candidate its platform but it cannot do the candidate’s job for him/her.

    If we apply Banire’s logic to Ekiti, then we can surmise that the outcome of the polls there was a vote against Fayemi and not the APC. That would be nothing but sterile intellectual masturbation. Even if it were so, the reality is that both Fayemi and the APC in Ekiti are out of power – at least for now. The APC must gnash its teeth and bemoan the calamity that befell it in the August 9th election. The grief is not that of Fayemi alone. In the same way, the APC is entitled to rejoice at the triumph of the party in Osun while basking with Aregbesola in the euphoria of victory.

    If the candidate performs exemplarily, the success belongs both to him and the platform that gave him the opportunity to develop and exhibit his leadership skills. On the other hand, if an elected official performs poorly and is defeated at the polls, both the party and the candidate bear the consequences.

    Let us take governor Babatunde Raji Fashola (SAN) as an example. By 2007, he came to power relying solely on the machinery and structure of the party as he did not have any structure at the time. By 2011, however, his impressive performance had turned him into a formidable brand. The party gave him an opportunity to run for governor on its platform. He grabbed the opportunity and through industry, competence and vision, endeared himself and his party to the electorate. At the end of the day, both the party and the governor enjoy a mutually beneficial and reinforcing relationship.

    Banire rightly stressed the need for internal democracy within parties to allow the best and most popular candidates emerge in free and fair intra-party processes. He argues that imposition of candidates is one of the greatest banes of the APC. Well, it is difficult for one to scientifically determine the meaning of imposition in a situation in which, for instance, over 20 aspirants are gunning for a given position and each believes that if he does not win, it is because the winning candidate has been imposed on the party!

    The eminent political scientist, Professor Richard Sklar, is quoted by Banire as describing the defunct AG of the first republic as “the best organised, the best financed and the most efficiently run party in Nigeria”. But nothing in this quote suggests that the AG was a model of internal democracy. In fact, I think Banire should read Sklar more extensively. I would recommend in particular his collection of essays titled ‘African politics in Post-Imperial Times’. He has at least two chapters in this book, which offer a rigorous discourse of the contradictions of Nigeria’s political system as well as the travails of Obafemi Awolowo in Nigerian politics.

    When Awolowo, following the failure of his party in the 1959 parliamentary election, went to the centre as Leader of Opposition, he tried to re-fashion the party as a vote harvesting machine capable of winning elections outside the South West. To do that he had to retain a firm grip both on the party as well as the machinery of government in the western region even as he sought ethnic minorities in the North and the East to ally with the AG. This led to a head on collision with Chief SLA Akintola, who had succeeded him in office as Premier of the region. His espousal of the new ideology of democratic socialism further alienated Awolowo from the business interests that formed a formidable pillar of support for the AG as well as many of the elders and traditional rulers who flocked to Akintola’s side. Awolowo’s attempt to have his way against all odds was partly responsible for the crack within the AG that ignited a chain of events that led to the collapse of Nigeria’s democracy in the first republic.

    No matter what anybody may think about Tinubu and Fashola, they have managed their relationship with maturity and mutual respect such that we have not witnessed in Lagos, the kind of intra-party implosion that destroyed the Action Group in the first republic and nearly brought the entire country to ruin or the godfather versus godson skirmishes prevalent in different parts of the country in this dispensation.

    A third critical issue raised by Banire in his lecture is that of the place of zoning and religion in the country’s politics particularly Lagos State. He is opposed to any form of zoning or concession of positions to accommodate divergent interests in the political process. He declares: “For God’s sake, Lagosians are only interested in good and qualitative governance and no-one cares whether you are a Christian or Muslim”. To put it mildly, this is simplistic and overly idealistic.

    I recommend Professor Arendt Lijphart’s ‘Democracy in Plural Societies’ for Dr Banire’s perusal. Lijphart examines the various strategies, including institutional strictures and processes put in place in ethno-culturally plural societies like Nigeria to achieve political inclusiveness and promote political stability and national cohesiveness. Yes, merit must never be sacrificed on the altar of zoning. But the truth is that there are capable and competent candidates for public office cutting across all nooks and crannies of the country? Would Banire, for instance, want the federal character provision, which is a deliberate balancing device in the 1999 constitution abrogated?