The Nation Newspaper

Tag: beyond

  • Beyond the system

    •Plan to return to parliamentary system not solution to Nigeria’s problem

    DEBATE over the more suitable system of government for Nigeria has continued to rage since 71 lawmakers last month sponsored a bill to return the country to the parliamentary system of government. They argued that the presidential system is too expensive and complicated to succeed in an underdeveloped, multiethnic and violence-prone country like Nigeria. Addressing journalists at the National Assembly on the matter, the lawmakers said that parliamentary system of government will help achieve economic growth and development in the country. Spokesmen of the group who briefed the press on the issue were Kingsley Chinda (PDP, Rivers) and Nicholas Ossai (PDP, Delta). Others present included  Abdulsamad Dasuki (PDP, Sokoto), Boma Goodhead (PDP, Rivers), Timothy Golu (PDP, Plateau), Gabriel Onyenwife (PDP, Anambra), Sergius Ogun (PDP, Edo), Emeka Ujam (PDP, Enugu).

    “We are 71 bi-partisan members of the House of Representatives, who feel that the parliamentary system of government promulgated by the Lyttleton Constitution of 1954 is the best for Nigeria since the presidential system has reduced us to the poverty capital of the world.”

    According to the lawmakers, “Studies have shown that countries run by presidential regimes consistently produce lower output growth, higher and more volatile inflation, and greater income inequality relative to those under parliamentary ones.” They added that “presidential regimes consistently produce less favourable macroeconomic outcomes which prevail in a wide range of circumstances for example in Nigeria.” They believe that the powers exercised by the executive president are too wide and make consensus building that is often required for economic decision impossible.

     

     

    Why First Republic fell

     

    Although the perceived failure of the parliamentary system in the First Republic accounted for its being jettisoned in 1979, Nigerians have become exasperated over the complexities and complications of the presidential system of government. True, a basic feature of the parliamentary or cabinet system tends to promote regular interaction                                                                 between the executive and the legislative arms of government, with the executive being a subset of the legislature, but the friction engendered under the presidential form in Nigeria can be attributed more to greed and immaturity of the politicians.

    The First Republic, too, fell to unjustifiable squabbles and conflicts within and among the political parties. No sooner was the Union Jack lowered than the Action Group (AG) that controlled the levers of governance in the Western Region implode; with external forces from other parties feasting on the crisis. By the 1964 federal elections, with two major alliances, the United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA) and the Nigerian National Alliance (NNA) emerging, the contest was fierce and it tore apart the fragile arrangement that produced the first post- independence government.

    What had proved the signpost of the cabinet system in other countries, that is the provision for a titular President as Head of State, and a Prime Minister as Head of Government became the sore point of the Nigerian government. Some scholars have since postulated that sharing executive power by whatever formula cannot work in Africa where institutions are weak.

    The question to ask is whether the institutions are now stronger, or the politicians more nationalistic and patriotic. Were this question to be answered in the affirmative, it is doubtful that the presidential system would have failed. We make bold to affirm that, rather than the system being deemed to have failed, the political class has failed the two systems. And, unless a fundamental change of attitude is effected, switching over to the parliamentary system with the present mindset of our political class would be a mere waste of time.

    We commend the legislators who  brought up the Bill since it is in exercise of their primary representative responsibility. Both the Ohanaeze Ndigbo in the South East and the Afenifere in the West, and the political wings sympathetic to them have continued to canvass the change, hence suggesting the need for a more formal reintroduction of the debate.

    It is obvious that such a Bill is unlikely to succeed at this point when legislators are engrossed in politicking. Besides, we are not convinced that such a sweeping and radical change is within the contemplation of the 1999 Constitution that is wholly erected on a strict separation of powers principle. To move from presidential system would necessitate the writing of a new constitution that could only be effected by a sovereign national conference which, for the period of its sitting, would suggest transfer of powers from the legislature to an ad hoc body.

     

    The place of public opinion

     

    The main preoccupation of all patriots should be for a wider base of political participation. The voters should realise that their role does not terminate at casting the ballot, but monitoring the government and ensuring that public opinion counts. Governance would become more effective when structures are lean and mean. It’s not the presidential system that prescribes 40 ministers for a poor country, 36 states, some having as many as 40-member executive councils, and 1,000 other aides. The establishment and keeping of so many agencies, some moribund, have nothing to do with the governance system. Nigerians should start asking questions from their leaders and representatives. We could start by being vigilant on the lifestyles of the politicians and reporting our observations to appropriate agencies.

     

    Punishment

     

    The legal framework should be made less tolerant of corrupt practices, the justice system supported to be more effectual, and those against whom guilt is established expeditiously made to face stiff punishment. The ongoing debate should rather focus on tweaking the presidential system to suit the Nigerian culture and environment. A near wholesale adoption of the American presidential system without adequate support structures such as a professional civil service and a well trained law enforcement system insulated from politics and politicking cannot produce the expected result.

  • Beyond fanciful names

    Nigeria now has 67 political parties,” it was reported on December 15.    This new figure is a result of the registration of 21 new parties by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). It is expected that INEC followed the proper registration process and that the new parties satisfied the registration conditions.

    Now, let’s check out the names of the latest additions to the number of parties.  A report said: “The 21 newly registered parties are: All Blending Party, All Grassroots Alliance, Alliance for New Nigeria, Abundant Nigeria Renewal Party, Coalition for Change, Freedom and Justice Party, Grassroots Development Party of Nigeria, Justice Must Prevail Party, Mass Action Joint Alliance, Legacy Party of Nigeria, Mass Action Joint Alliance, Modern Democratic Party, National Interest Party, National Rescue Mission, New Progressive Movement, Nigeria Democratic Congress Party, People’s Alliance for National Development and Liberty, People’s Trust, Providence People’s Congress, Re-Build Nigeria Party, Restoration Party of Nigeria and Sustainable National Party.”

    It is unclear how these new parties formed their names, and what factors and influences prevailed at the stage of name formation.  But some of these names are curious, suggesting that they are creations of curious minds.

    The point is that names are not enough, no matter how they sound and what they are meant to say to the public. A political party will not be rated according to what its name says.  For example, the former federal ruling party, the Peoples Democratic Party, was not progressive and could even be said to have been ironically anti-people. It is easier to give a party a progressive-sounding name than to ensure that the party is progressive-minded.

    The questions must be asked: Does Nigeria need 67 parties?  Does the number of parties mean that they are so different from one another?  Why do more and more people think they must form parties?  How many of these 67 parties are parties properly so called? How many of these parties are sustainable?  Further questions: What will happen in the 2019 general election?  How many of these parties are strong enough to compete for power? Additional questions: Will more parties be registered? Are more associations seeking registration?

    The problem with Nigeria is not a shortage of parties, but a shortage of progressive politicians who can work for progress. The new parties must demonstrate that they are ready to move beyond fanciful names.

  • 2015 election: Beyond Buhari’s victory

    2015 election: Beyond Buhari’s victory

    A book on the last presidential election, written by former presidential spokesman and Chairman of Editorial Board, ThisDay, Mr. Olusegun Adeniyi, has been generating attention in the media in the last two weeks. At the launch of the book, Adeniyi explained what spurred him into writing it. Eminent Nigerians at the event poured encomiums on the journalist, describing him as a pacesetter. Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI was there.  

    Against the background of the excitement generated by Against the Run of Play: How an incumbent President was defeated in Nigeria, a new book by former presidential spokesman and the Chairman of Editorial Board, ThisDay, Mr. Olusegun Adeniyi, friends, associates, professional colleagues, politicians and Nigerians from all walks of life gathered for the launch of the book in Lagos last weekend, with a lot of expectations.

    But, rather than dwelling on revelations about the Goodluck Jonathan presidency, the event was a celebration of the author, who was variously described as a pacesetter, a passionate and patriotic writer and journalist, who displays a lot of diligence in his work.

    Chairman of the occasion and former Head of State, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar (rtd) set the ball rolling when he described Adeniyi as a journalist who has displayed an abiding faith in the Nigerian project. He said the former presidential spokesman has proved that journalists can do more about the events they report daily in the course of their job. The former Head of State said it is the responsibility of journalists to stimulate robust and unbiased debate to bring about change and that that is what Adeniyi has done with his latest book.

    Abdulsalami said beyond the current effort, what the former presidential spokesman has been doing through his column and books are to chart a new path. His words: “He has proved and quite successfully too that our journalists do not have to limit their scope to covering the news and writing of weekly columns; they can do more, by giving us the back stories of some of the momentous events that help to shape our history.”

    The retired General said the book is not just a chronicle of the fall of one president and the rise of another. He said: “It is a typical journalistic history-in-a-hurry about what happened; what could have happened and what is currently happening in our country, so that we can all learn important lessons. We need journalists to write books about critical aspects of our national life, not just politics, which seems to be Segun’s fort. We need books to explain some of the issues that are treated perfunctorily, so that we can understand ourselves better.”

    He said there are serious developments in Nigeria that ought to be documented, such as the Boko Haram saga. He said fortunately the only book published on the subject is by a Nigerian journalist. However, he added: “But, it tells a different dimension of the story. Indeed, the issue of insecurity in the Northeast and other parts of the country has not been fully told; so we need Nigerian journalists to dig deeper into the issue of Boko Haram.”

    Abdulsalami implored journalists to exercise caution, especially when reporting crisis, adding that they should emulate Adeniyi’s style, by being “factual, engaging and capable of providing answers to hard questions”.

    He said the book, Against the Run of Play, is coming at the right time to further deepen peoples’ understanding of what actually happened in Nigeria during the March 2015 presidential election, which many believe is the most defining moment of the country’s political history. He added that the book may have taken the author two years to write, but given the information it contains, that it is worth the time spent. “I must therefore commend Segun, who has consistently demonstrated through his writings an abundant faith in the Nigerian project,” he said.

    Former Commonwealth Secretary-General, Chief Emeka Anyaoku, said Adeniyi’s treatment of his subjects is deeply perceptive and well thought-out. Anyaoku said he reads some opinion columns in Nigerian newspapers and that Adeniyi’s column in ThisDay newspaper is one of his favourites. He said though he has not read the book, but the revelations of the author, the book reviewer and others suggest that Against the Run of Play is an example of his thoroughness and diligence.

    Spokesman to former President Jonathan, Dr. Reuben Abati, described Adeniyi as a pacesetter in the inky profession. He said: “Many of us in this business do not take our time to reflect. He has set an example that many who occupy that office would follow.”

    The current presidential spokesman, Mr. Femi Adesina, also commended Adeniyi for writing a book that has generated a lot of comment in the media. He said he learned from the author, who found himself in a difficult position when his principal, the late President Umaru Yar’Adua became ill and incapacitated in 2009.

    Adesina said he tried to make himself available to the media and the public generally when President Muhammadu Buhari was in the United Kingdom recently on vacation and had to be hospitalised.

    The Managing Director of Leaders and Company Ltd, publishers of ThisDay, Mr. Eniola Bello, equally poured encomiums on Adeniyi. He said: “I must confess that writing is not an easy project, particularly with the problems of frequent light outage, bad roads and surviving in our country. I’ve been playing with an idea for a book for years.”

    It was former First Lady of Cross River State, Mrs. Onari Duke that alluded to Adeniyi’s patriotic zeal, by providing Nigerians with a lot of useful information to correct the mistakes of the past. Mrs. Duke who stood in for her husband, Mr. Donald Duke, as the Chief Launcher of the book, said Adeniyi’s “patriotic zeal is almost like a flame”.

    Mr. Tunde Rahman, who represented the APC National Leader, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, at the event, said the account of Tinubu as provided in the book is not about him losing the vice presidency, adding that his principal was quoted out of context in some of the reports. The media aide to Tinubu said: “The account of what transpired as told by Bola Ahmed Tinubu in the book and as presented in some newspapers is not about him losing the vice presidency and the eventual vice president emerging, as the reviewer has put it.

    “Asiwaju spoke in greater context in that book, and when people are making comments, they should speak within the context in which he spoke. If they are saying that Asiwaju lost the vice presidency and that a vice president emerged, where did he emerge from? Who nominated the vice president?

    “I’d like to say that even the Vice President has said on some occasions that a certain political leader from the Southwest nominated him for the job, and we all know who that is. That nomination has been a very good choice from all the wonderful things the Vice President has been doing.”

    Rahman also said Tinubu is “working on his own book to tell his account of what transpired”.

    The book reviewer, Dr. Okey Ikechukwu, who is a member of ThisDay Editorial Board, said the book is compulsory for anyone who wants to understand, grab and exercise political power.

    Adeniyi confessed that he did anticipate that the book would generate the kind of excitement it is generating today. He said: “For instance, I woke up yesterday morning to discover that people were already buying the book on Kindle, having announced in my column that it would only be on sale from today. And it has been trending ever since.”

    He said the idea for the book germinated when he was doing a fellowship programme at Harvard University, during the 2010/2011 academic session. He said: “I decided to research into why it is difficult for incumbent presidents to lose elections in Africa. In the process, I discovered that competitive presidential elections held in sub-Saharan Africa in the preceding two decades resulted only in four per cent defeat and 96 per cent victory for the incumbents.

    “As it would happen, when I applied the same principle to the rest of the world, I found out that it is a global trend, as incumbents were defeated at the polls only seven per cent of the time and winning 93 per cent of the time.”

    This, he said, led him to conclude that there was not much difference between Africa and the rest of the world, with respect to incumbency factor. He added: “Having eliminated that as the main factor why elections are usually skewed against the opposition whenever incumbents were on the ballot, I tried other variables. Eventually, I was able to locate fractionalised opposition as the main factor.

    “As at the time I was working on the paper, which I eventually titled: Divided Opposition as Boom to African incumbents, Nigeria was going through the 2011 presidential election that had President Goodluck Jonathan standing against Major General Muhammadu Buhari (rtd). At that period, there were feeble attempts at forming an opposition platform around Buhari and the former Lagos State Governor, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, but it turned out to be too little too late. From my findings, the only opposition coalition that can defeat an incumbent is one built over years and not one cobbled together weeks to the election.

    “When the election eventually held and Buhari lost, I adapted my research paper for a newspaper article which I titled: Divided They Run, United They Lose: How Fractionalised Opposition Strengthens African Incumbents. It was widely circulated in the media at home even though I was still then in the United States. The idea was to state clearly that Buhari should locate his defeat not on rigging or the factor of incumbency, but rather in the fact that he could not build a credible coalition.”

    The article, Adeniyi said, had admonished the opposition to close ranks, by building a formidable coalition well ahead of future elections; rather than go into the contest divided. He said: “The perennial narrative that they are rigged out by the ruling party is becoming hollow. In a milieu where political parties are not only weak, but lack financial wherewithal, while there is no ideology binding members together, forging an electoral alliance is a long and arduous task. Waiting till weeks or days to the election to begin the process for such an alliance is therefore no more than an open invitation to a sure defeat.”

    After the defeat of former President Jonathan in the last presidential election, Adeniyi said it was clear to him, as a keen follower of events that culminated in the election, “that while a credible opposition platform that the All Progressives Congress (APC) represented helped, it was not the main reason why the election went the way it did”. This, he said, spurred him to begin to interrogate the factors that led to that unprecedented electoral outcome. “The result is what we are presenting today,” he concluded.

    Adeniyi said none of the key characters of the last general elections that he interviewed in the course of researching for the work can complain that he was misquoted, because he spoke to a number of them at least twice to ensure that he got it right.

    The event was graced by a lot of eminent Nigerians, including former Minister of Communications and an uncle of the author, Chief Cornelius Adebayo, Chairman of Etisalat, Hakeem Bello-Osagie, Senator Tunde Ogbeha, Ambassador Joe Keshi, Dr. Yemi Ogunbiyi, Dr. Chidi Amuta, Akin Osuntokun, Kayode Komolafe, Ayo Arowolo, Soji Omotunde, Gbenga Omotoso, Eric Osagie, Yinka Odumakin, Emeka Opara, Dele Momodu, Tokunbo Afikunyomi, Dr. Emmanuel Egbogah, Opeyemi Agbaje and Hon. Ehiozuwa Agbonayinma who represented the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Hon. Yakubu Dogara.

  • Beyond the drama of recovered billions

    Left alone to face his own demons, ex-President Jonathan has gone through severe stress and stains in the past two years. He has had to account for the monumental looting of our national resources during his presidency. Some of our stolen funds, according to EFCC, have been traced to his aides, trusted ministers, governors and even his immediate family members. This development seems to have overshadowed his act of statesmanship in conceding defeat after the 2015 General Election despite Elder Orubebe and other PDP stalwarts’ resolve to pull the edifice down over their heads rather than allow power they had sworn to hold for 60 years slip away. If we forgot Jonathan’s huge sacrifice because of his current travails, some of his sympathisers have reminded us. First was Bishop Matthew Kukah of Sokoto Catholic Archdiocese who reminded us that the nation owes Jonathan some respect for conceding defeat instead of behaving like his other African leaders who would rather turn their nations into a killing field than relinquish power after losing election. A few days ago, Col, Umar Kangiwa, former military governor of Kaduna State who along with embattled. Col. Sambo Dasuki sold Buhari to slippery Babangida during the night of long knives in 1985 also reminded us of Jonathan graceful exit.

    However, majority of Nigerians hold Jonathan responsible for the level of debauchery that took place during his presidency. First it was the $2.2b arms funds said to have been ferried in boxes under the watchful eyes of the current CBN governor, brought in to replace cantankerous and stiff Lamido Sanusi who had just then raised an alarm about missing $20b from NNPC account to the office of Dasuki, Jonathan’s National Security Adviser.

    The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project, SERAP, has since asked Jonathan to explain to Nigerians what he “knew or had reason to know on the apparent diversion and sharing of over $2 billion meant for purchase of arms to fight Boko Haram.”.There was Diezani Alison-Madueke, his minister of petroleum who according to EFCC invested huge sums of money she allegedly pilfered from NNPC on properties in and outside Nigeria.  His closest confidants including t Babangida Aliu, the self-styled chief servant of Niger State that was dragged to court by EFCC two days ago over an alleged theft of N3billion are in various courts trying to defend their honour. Before then, huge sum of funds had been traced to Jonathan’s wife, cousin and other relatives.   Some N1b, $2m and 4m pounds suspected to be stolen funds were seized by EFCC between Buhari’s inauguration in May 2015 and Dec 2016. Following the introduction of government’s whistle blowing  policy, the haulage has been in droves with about  N145 b, $217m  and 2m pounds  raked in between December 2016 and April this year according to SB  Morgen Intelligence.

    But shoeless, ex-President Jonathan, in spite of the haulage of these huge sums of loose is funds is just a symptom of our problem. The rain started beating us long before he became President. All Jonathan, who admitted he was caged by PDP all through his presidency did, was to build on the legacies of his predecessors beginning with General Babangida, the man he described as his ‘father’ and General Obasanjo who he once described as the third greatest influence on his life after God and his biological father. These two leaders should be held responsible for our current nightmare. They presided over systematic sales of our national assets and sharing of a national patrimony, handed over to Balewa, Zik and Awo by the departing colonial masters which they in turn preserved for our children.

    Our nightmare started with IBB who along with his military prefects sold off many of our once viable companies covering hospitality, pharmaceutical beverages and other industries to themselves and their fronts sometimes at less than the cost of land on which they were built. Obasanjo and Atiku under the ill-managed privatization exercise sold off what IBB could not sell off before he was forced by Nigerians and civil society to step aside after he had annulled the most credible election in our nation’s history.  El Rufai, current governor of Kaduna State who presided over BPE at the period , is on record as having told a House of Representatives probe that  what the nation recouped from an investment of over $100b was just a little over $1.5b.

    President Jonathan was programmed by those who imposed him on the nation to continue with the legacies of his predecessors. Unfortunately there was little left to sell or share by the time he got into office. Tormented and harassed by those he claimed caged him, he came up with his crooked, logic that ‘stealing of government funds is not corruption’.  From then on, Jonathan was unrestrained. The huge earnings from the oil sector which dwarfed the total accruable to the nation between 1999 and 2010 ended up in the pockets of politicians and their fronts. Jonathan did not forget his family members. Only this week, it was revealed that the sum of $43.4million haul made from the Osborne Towers, Ikoyi, was part of the $289 million allegedly withdrawn from the National Petroleum Investment Management Services (NAPIMS) Company’s accounts then headed by Jonathan’s kinsman.

    While aggrieved Nigerians most of whom live below $2 a day have the luxury of engaging in the drama about alleged stolen billions traced to peoples’ homes, abandoned at airports or bureau de changes offices, or buried in cemeteries, Buhari and his APC were given a mandate to resolve our economic crisis and our crisis of nationhood through politics and not through the judiciary which we all know has remained the scourge of the nation since independence.

    And here, no one is asking Buhari and APC to invent the wheel. Faced with similar crisis a few years ago, Russia under Putin chose politics over judiciary. Like many other nations did before him, he refused to engage in a battle with the enemies of his nation who subscribed to the rule of the jungle, using rule of law. He was however fair to those who had turned Russia into a candidate for western aids. Those who shared Russian national patrimony through dubious privatisation programme under drunken Yeltsin and who had failed to keep to the terms of sales were forced to cede the confiscated assets to the state. We have more than enough evidence that our nation was short-changed during the ill-implemented privatization programme. We know many of the new investors embarked on asset stripping while some others have gone ahead to sell the confiscated national assets to foreigners. These are some of the reasons why our graduates roam the street while we import the labour of other societies in form of fake products including drugs. Recovered billions can change this narrative.

    Those who brought our nation to its knees did so by exploiting political power. This was why we gave President Buhari and his APC political power to resolve our economic crisis and our crisis of nationhood through restructuring. They have spent two years unable to appreciate the value of political power at their disposal. In less than two years, they will have to face the electorate to account for their stewardship. Drama about recovered billions will be an appendix.

  • Beyond lip service

    Someday, death will become something more than an unexplainable mystery to the incumbent ruling class. Every public officer will die; their family members too. Despite their inhumanity, they are human after all. They breathe and bleed just like we do. At their demise, they shall discover what manner of life they deserve in the afterlife. They shall find that money and rank they covet are useless after the last howl had fallen silent, at their funeral. They shall learn that currency-activated prayers their clerics hoist above them will serve like raincoats under a blitz of cannon balls, at the end.

    In the wake of their demise, how shall they be remembered? How do we remember men who summon our joys to harness it with a sable bind? Shall we remember them with rage and rant? Shall we wish they burn in the earth, like splinters of wood fed into the hearth to spite the fire? Shall we wish that they lie in plagued repose low down with the worm and ant?

    How shall we be remembered? How shall posterity remember the ones who have perfected the art of letting their voices trail off in confusion at decision time? What will our children think of our desperation to keep the worst of our kind in power? What pantheons or dungeons shall we inhabit in the annals of Nigerian citizenship?

    The troubles of Nigeria are unwieldy like a storm. By our perversions, we impregnate and corrupt a history and civilization 56-years old. Great evil lies in you and me, and by our perpetuation of it, we make history the way of the diabolic, that decapitated his newborn to satisfy his hunger pangs. Too many threads of heedlessness, woven of gluttony and lust, of racism and fear, inequality and blind hate of the stranger, form in our souls, a thick network.

    Yesterday, we suffered violence and bloodshed by militants in our creeks, down in the Delta. Today, we suffer violence and bloodshed by Boko Haram and Niger Delta Avengers.

    Every day, we suffer greater violence and bloodbath by murderous and incompetent ruling class. The most remarkable characteristic of the Nigerian ruling class, according to Prof. Itse Sagay, “is its complete and total insensitivity to the public outcry and outrage over the percentage of our resources that the members appropriate to themselves for their own consumption.”

    Sagay, in his lecture on ‘Good Governance and Enforcement of Law and Order’ at the Nigerian Institute of Management’s 2013 Management Day, lamented that while Nigerian Senators and House of Representative members earn $1.7m and $1.4m respectively per annum, American Senators and British parliamentarians earn 174, 000 and £65,738 respectively per annum.

    Yet income per capita for the US and UK is $46,350 and $35,468, respectively, while that of Nigeria is $2,248. The figure have grown more outrageous over time. Simply put, Nigerian legislators pay themselves the highest salaries of all legislators in the world, even though their country is amongst the least developed in the whole world.

    More worrisome is the government’s inequitable distribution of benefits and punishments meted out to people from different classes and professions, along with the asymmetrical distribution of respect and dignity. Eventually, you get the feeling that some people don’t count and never expected to count in the Nigerian State.

    In the wake of violence and bloodshed by successive terrorist groups, mostly constituted by youths, in the country, Mr. President, legislators and governors simmer in frustration and moral outrage. Jumping on to the bandwagon of these elected representatives’ deceitfulness and officialese, monarchs, clerics, newspaper columnists and other bastions of society pay lip service to the degeneration of the Nigerian youth and State.

    It is hardly astonishing that the government and cohorts resort to explanations of criminality, a feral underclass, and dysfunctional parenting. These are easier explanations for which the government does not need to accept responsibility. However, a careful assessment of the situation reveals that a greater percentage of the culprits are motivated by poverty, illiteracy, dysfunctional parenting, unemployment and inequality induced by unfair government policies, insensitivity and oppression by the ruling class.

    But such cruelties foisted on us by the most insidious ruling class, do not justify the descent of the Nigerian youth into barbarism or bloodthirstiness of any kind – but we choose to be savages anyway. Insensitivity and bloodlust enjoy sweet repose in the psyche of the Nigerian youth thus habituating them to all manners of savagery and triviality.

    Hence it wasn’t surprising to see the youth, the media and the general public descend on Shema Obafaye, former Lagos State Commandant of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defense Corps (NSCDC) as violently as a mugger, as frighteningly as an armed robber, and as deadly as a hit man, over his gaffe when he featured as a guest on a breakfast show on Lagos-based private television, Channels Television.

    For Obafaye’s “My oga at the top” slip-up and his inability to accurately state his organization’s internet address, he became an object of nationwide ridicule. Footage of his blunder went viral on the social media making him an object of malicious jokes and caricature on Facebook, Twitter, Blackberry Messenger, T-shirts, and rascally musical medley by local disc jockeys (DJs).

    It was one gaffe that Nigerian youths particularly, couldn’t forgive; consequently, branded mugs, face-caps and T-shirts with the inscription: “My oga at the top!” were produced and sold at a profit in merriment over Obafaye’s gaffe.

    Several celebrities cashed in on the madness and donned the branded T-shirts to major public events in pitiful desperation to replenish their dwindling acclaim. A smart movie producer attempted to cash in too on the national ridicule of a man and public servant while it lasted by hastily putting together and releasing a film titled, “My oga at the top.”

    Nobody cared what sorrow or misery burdened Obafaye’s heart nor did anyone pause to imagine what shame and disillusionment his wife and kids are forced to relive and suffer daily long after the mockery had quieted to a murmur.

    If the Nigerian citizenry, the youth particularly, could be so coordinated and methodical in their perpetration of such “good-natured” ridicule and hate, would it not do Nigeria immense good to have us unite in more coordinated and disciplined revolt against the oppression and cruelties of the incumbent ruling class?

    We are past the novelty of coordinated mockery and moral outrage. The most powerful indignation we could express exceeds the pages of acerbic columns and social media; it subsists in latent courage and will we haven’t yet summoned the courage to express.

    Until we mature in grace and learn to apply ourselves to passionate pursuits for the love of the good, our pains shall run amok where we seek ease and bliss, always. It’s a matter of choice; to which system of thought should we commit our lives to? Is there anything in our norms worth saving? Shall we define the Nigerian dream in the language of humanity? Shall we begin to officiate for posterity’s sake? Shall we begin to affect the honesty and decency to which we pay lip service? Shall we choose the right candidates and vote them in at election time come 2019?

    It’s about time we refined the subtleties that make the Nigerian dream the fantasy of thieves, looters and blinkered murderers.

  • National resolution for 2017 and beyond (2)

    National resolution for 2017 and beyond (2)

    While our primary challenge as a nation is the weakness of institutional structures, there is hardly a doubt that this is itself linked to our cultural predilection for misplaced priorities in the arena of values. When our warped values endorse, but institutions condemn, to us, that’s just too bad for institutions. That is how we have carried on, at least in the last thirty something years.

    Consider the following personal narrative which I had shared in this column before. After successfully completing the Secondary Modern School in December 1960, and not having secured admission for further education, I was hired as a pupil teacher by the late Chief I. A. Adelodun, the headmaster of First Baptist School, Isia, Okeho, to teach his class because, as headmaster, he had assigned himself a class while he was also an Honourable Member of the Western Region House of Assembly. He paid my salary of £5 per month from his pocket.

    I would like to highlight a few salient points from this story. First, membership of parliaments in the First Republic was not considered a full-time job and members were expected to keep their day jobs. How they managed the two was between them and their conscience on the one hand, and between them and their constituencies on the other. But where any of them might have a weak conscience, their constituencies did not let them get away with cheating.

    Second, because of the combination of a strong conscience on the part of many of those legislators and political appointees and uncompromising constituencies who monitored them, the values of hard work and honesty were preserved. Therefore, when in those days, we taught children J. F. Odunjo’s immortal lines “Ise logun ise” (work is the antidote to poverty), it resonated with them. When we taught them the lyrics “Bi mo ba ka we mi, bata mi a ro koko ka...” (If I am well-read, I am on the road to comfort), they were motivated, for they were witnesses to the stories of “rag to riches” because of education.

    Third, however, those values have suffered disastrously in the face of newly discovered vices of indolence, dishonesty and selfish greed that have unfortunately been promoted and celebrated as modern values. A headmaster could not have done otherwise than Chief Adelodun did in those days. His conscience would not allow him even if he wanted. And the parents and school authorities would not have condoned an absentee teacher.

    Now, however, we have some headmasters without other official jobs not only absenting themselves from their stations, but also condoning teacher absences. We have teachers seated in their boutiques three days a week at the expense of their students and getting paid at the end of the month. Far more serious is the contemporary phenomena of ghost teachers and ghost workers. We have evolved tragically in our embrace of greed and dishonesty as a new national value. And it appears we are not letting prudential considerations obstruct our dangerous sprint toward the edge of the cliff.

    Fourth, but who are we to blame the crooked tail when the head is itself wobbly? The teacher in his classroom, the headmistress in her office and the clerk in his cubicle, are all variants of a mini iromi. They all dance to despicable beats coming from the drums of selfish greed and economic sabotage. It’s surreal. Legislators pass bills for their self-aggrandisement. They vote to give themselves raises even when they know that there are no funds to repair roads or provide potable water for their constituencies. They allocate to themselves funds for constituency projects but heaven helps anyone that tries to find the location of such projects in the constituencies. In the age of twitter and snapchat, the teacher, the headmaster and the clerk are very much aware of what’s going on in the corridors of power. They are naturally, therefore, cynical about sermons that tell them to be the change they want to see.

    Fifth, as a corporate entity, we have lived our entire life spending beyond our means with an insatiable appetite for borrowing to finance our flamboyant lifestyle. We have never cut our national coat according to the size of our clothes. And because our productivity has not met up with, let alone overtake our consumption, we are in constant debt to other nations from which we import to satisfy our wants.

    Though we can live comfortably without much of what we import, our vulgar wants must be fulfilled. And the big ones among us are in the lead for these desires of the flesh. So, the driver is an insider to the boss’ lifestyle and he cannot wait to have what Oga has. What course is open to him? Theft or conspiracy to kidnap Oga’s kids! In the economies that we envy, individuals go about in jeans and T-shirts, while saving for education, home, nutritious food and vacation. We go into debt for aso-ebi.

    Sixth, while there are certain cultural values that have been passed on to us from our forebears and which we rightly think of as morally obligated of us to continue, we have, without much thought, taken them to insane heights. Naming of newly born, wedding and funeral represent the three most important landmarks of a person worthy of celebration. But while tradition recognises this, it does not impose on us an obligation to go into debt in recognising them. Unfortunately, this is what many folks have done, cheered on by the rest of us. We make feferity, apology to the late Chief Anthony Enahoro, our cultural pride, without the necessary constraint to rein in its excesses.

    Seventh, meanwhile, we hold government responsible for our normal parental responsibilities without even bothering to do our part. Besides civil servants and private sector employees, who are forced to part with taxable portions of their incomes through the PAYEE system, it is only a few conscientious ones that pay taxes these days because we assume that there is oil revenue to take care of our national wants. And when there is lull in the oil market giving rise to recession, we grumble.

    Eighth, as citizens, we aid and abet corruption with our inordinate and greedy demands from government and from candidates and elected officials. It is a rational law of economics that one invests to make profit. Therefore, when the electorate demand and receive gratification from candidates to give the candidates their support rather than support their positions on issues which would benefit them in return, those candidates are rational to consider the bribe they give voters as investment from which they must make reasonable profit. Do we then really have a good reason to complain when on getting to office, those elected officials dip their hands in the coffers of government?

    Ninth, from the immediate prior paragraph, it seems clear that big-time corruption, the type that involves politicians in 10 figure theft of public funds, has its root in the petty corruption initiated by the electorate. The victim may have been the culprit in the first place. Without recognising the impact of citizen demand and the culture that tolerates it, we are not going to resolve the big problem. More importantly, without dealing with the cultural ethos that celebrate undeserved opulence, and the perverse values that thwart our original belief in the wealth that comes from hard work, we are not going to successfully confront and win the war against corruption.

    Finally, we may then ask the question: what should be our national resolution for 2017 and beyond? First, we must create strong institutions that can withstand the onslaught of political jobbers parading as patriots. Second, we must reverse the vice of conspicuous consumption and vanity that presents itself as a fundamental cultural value. Third, we must affirm once again the truth that hard work is the antidote to poverty and teach the coming generations the same. Fourth, let us truly and in practical terms adhere to the declaration of our norm with a firm embrace of discipline, integrity, dignity of labour, social justice, religious tolerance, self-reliance and patriotism.

    • Concluded

     

     

  • National resolution for 2017 and beyond (1)

    National resolution for 2017 and beyond (1)

    Nigeria enters 2017 in a bad shape, perhaps, its worst economic meltdown since the oil glut of the 1980s led to harsh austerity measures. With divine intervention, the country survived that period but learnt nothing from it. History has thus repeated itself.

    I just attributed to divine intervention the nation’s survival of harsh conditions when, all things being equal, she should have collapsed. I could have cited chance or sheer luck. But it feels good to be reassured of a superior being’s interest in our survival.

    As a former leader put the matter recently, Nigeria was created by God and God does not make mistakes, and the one who created the nation will not stand by to see her crumble. The God who has been our help in ages past is still our hope for years to come. If so, the various agitators for her collapse and disintegration in favour of more homogenous artifices may be wasting their efforts! Unless, of course, God changes His mind.

    And change of mind is always a possibility for the divine who is self-controlled and owes none any explanation. Paradoxically, however, were a survey of Nigerians conducted today, a sizeable majority would favour a change of mind on God’s part, with preference for a dissolution of the God-officiated marriage by which the many became one. The reason is not far-fetched. They are tired of a country that is endowed with the potential for greatness, but has settled for smallness its entire life.

    It’s no use cautioning cynics against impatience. They have been patient for more than half a century. It is counterproductive to counsel them against the unknown. They rationally respond that when the known poses an imminent threat to personal survival, the unknown cannot be worse. And there is little doubt that as it is presently constituted and operating, this nation poses an imminent threat to the survival of many of her citizens and residents. Just go to the street corners and the dung hills and you will find tears rolling down your face for God’s creatures. A loving God will change His mind in a jiffy.

    But the good news is that it can be fixed, provided the root cause is recognised and dealt with sincerely. If Nigeria was created for greatness and if the greatness of the nation was to have a multiplier effect on the citizens, there must be a formula that the original author, who provided that, has been abandoned at some point. The remedy is to find it and apply it once again.

    Let me suggest the following reasoning to find that formula: The greatness of a nation is a function of the goodness of its people. Therefore, for a nation to be great, it must have good people. But the goodness of the people is a function of the goodness of their leaders. Therefore, there must be good leaders. However, the goodness of leaders is a function of the strength of the institutions which create them and monitor them. Therefore, there must be strong institutions. Ultimately then, for a nation to be great, it must have strong institutions.

    What is an institution? It is a system of rules and practices established for the purpose of efficient and effective governance. Strong institutions produce good servant leaders and prevent the emergence of leaders that see the nation as their personal estate. Strong institutions prevent the abuse of power.

    Consider the case of electoral institutions, a pillar of democratic system of government. With a weak system of rules and practices governing elections, electoral corruption is unavoidable. For the better part of her life, this nation had a corrupt electoral system. It was the immediate cause of the first military incursion into politics and it nearly caused the disintegration of the nation.

    We did not learn from that near-death experience which we repeated during the Second Republic, leading again to another military takeover. When finally we appeared to get something right about electoral system in 1993, the personalised rule of the military ensured that it never worked. The institution of the military, which produced strong leaders for the purpose of the defence of the country from external attack, found itself being asked to respect the institution of “bloody civilian” elections. The tail wagged the dog and it also nearly led to the disintegration of the country.

    Since the beginning of the Fourth Republic, we have seen the rise and fall of institutional structures which had not been designed well to withstand the assault of egoistic leaders who prefer personal rule to the rule of law. From the Police to EFCC, from Code of Conduct Bureau to INEC, each has been tools in the hands of those they were supposed to rein in. It is not just at the federal level. The states and local governments are veritable grounds for the emasculation of institutions, including the judiciary, whose independence is constitutionally guaranteed. The latter has sadly been exposed as corruption-ridden.

    The country has indeed been subjected to the ridiculous competition between the executive and the legislature in the matter of controlling governing institutions. Witness the ongoing effort on the part of the National Assembly to cow the Code of Conduct Bureau.

    Surely, there is always self-interest and self-preservation lurking around the corridors of power. Just as I write this column, a news flash appeared on my screen. The Republican Congress in the United States voted to gut an independent ethics law that Democrats had put in place after a series of scandals some years ago. Republicans who now control Congress and the White House wanted Congress to control the Independent Office of Congressional Ethics (OCE). But what happened? There was an avalanche of criticisms, including two tweets from the president-elect. Republicans had no choice but to bow to public opinion and reverse their decision just within 24 hours.

    Meanwhile, in our corner of the world, there is intense suffering in the land, with great anxiety for the future, and a frightening precursor to national upheaval which handouts cannot prevent. No human being is satisfied with the indignity of waiting for a handout from anyone. We are wired to be productive agents and not idle consumers. With good planning, strong educational and economic institutions assign people to tasks they are capable of performing without the intervention of god-fathers or god-mothers.

    Whenever they suffer from human-made problems, as in the United States economic recession of 2008, citizen resilience, combined with the smartness of good leaders bring them back up. This is why the U. S. unemployment rate is now 4.6%, the lowest in more than 10 years. Our economic institutions are weak because leaders either have little or no clue, or are encumbered by self-seeking gimmicks that preclude respect for the objective laws of economics.

    What then must be our national resolution for the year 2017?  From the experience of established democracies, we know that strong leaders produced by strong institutions risk a hostile backlash from the public when they attempt to weaken those institutions which have worked effectively and efficiently.

    We must collectively resolve, therefore, to create and sustain strong institutions of governance going forward. This is of course contingent upon our collective willingness to give the Nigerian experiment another chance. The leadership slogan of an indivisible entity is just that. Without a willingness on their part to build the institutions that will ensure its indivisibility, it is all going to be a mirage. But the indivisibility of a country must be the outcome of citizens’ reflection on its meaning and promise for them. It cannot be commanded from above.

    Assume then that there is the willingness to give the Nigerian project another chance. There must be individual and collective efforts to identify institutions that are required for democratic governance in a federal setting, and a determination to strengthen them. It will not be easy as the leaders at various levels may be tempted to place their self-interest above the national interest. They need to be persuaded to the side of reason. Otherwise, they must be shamed. No one is indispensable.

  • ‘I didn’t say economy is beyond Buhari’s control’

    ‘I didn’t say economy is beyond Buhari’s control’

    Minister of Information and Culture Alhaji Lai Mohammed has refuted reports, which claimed he said the economy had gone out of the control of the President Muhammadu Buhari-led administration.

    Mohammed spoke on a radio show on Saturday.

    Reacting to the reports and criticisms, the minister yesterday issued a statement through his Special Assistant, Segun Adeyemi, saying his words were distorted.

    The minister described the comment as a gross misrepresentation of what he said at the radio show.

    Speaking earlier on Saturday night at the Third Kannywood Award in Abuja, Mohammed said: “I know we are here for entertainment and glamour, but when a matter of national interest or importance is involved, everything else takes a back seat, if only for a moment.

    “Earlier today, I appeared on a radio show here in Abuja at which I spoke extensively on the issues affecting our country, especially the economy.

    “To my surprise, my views were twisted and I was reported to have said that the economy of our country is beyond the control of the President.”

    According to him, this is a gross misrepresentation of what he said.

    “I could not have said that the economy is out of the control of the President or the administration that he is leading.’’

    The minister said the Buhari administration decided to turn the economic disaster that it inherited to a blessing by diversifying the economy.

  • Beyond the death of Oluchi Anekwe

    Beyond the death of Oluchi Anekwe

    Death, according to William Shakespeare, is a necessary end. Martin Heidegger described it as an inevitable condition of humanity. In metaphysical terms, death is believed to be individualistic; affirming the notion that every man must die his own death. Death brings an abrupt end to man’s aspirations, a leveller of the perpetual parallels between the rich and poor, strong and weak, compassionate and the wicked. These distinctions clearly mirror the recent death of Miss Oluchi Anekwe who was said to be a top flight student of Accounting at the University of Lagos. She was full of promise until death decided to snatch her bright future away. The narrative purrs with the most pathetic of emotions.

    Many things have been said and written about this incident and the life of the persona. For a fact, these emotions are not out of place, considering the circumstances surrounding her unfortunate demise. But sadly, all these are largely insufficient to resurrect the promising gem.  But there are clear facts deductible from this incident. If anything, it shows how we don’t value human life in this part of the world. And I just can’t help but wonder what the future holds for a society whose people and institutions have clearly demonstrated untoward contempt for the value of life.

    Reports of the various investigative committees revealed the depth of that contempt. Students have continuously complained about the level of sparks from not just that pole but on several other poles. But nothing has been done until fate decided to play a fast one on innocent residents of New Hall where the pole is cited.

    The school management has not stopped trading unnecessary blame on the ownership of the cable. But the management seems to forget that the said cable is not only naked but that it also constitutes danger to students who reside around that area. It would have cost school management little to liaise with authorities of PHCN to fix the wire. But the tradition of bureaucratic process in Nigeria’s civil service seems to have blindfolded the authorities from taking proactive steps. That tradition is not entirely new even in cases of emergency where people barely pass the buck to other people or refuse to do their job altogether. The culture of passing files from table to table is the norm, even if it involves emergencies as critical as the electric sparks from this pole. Members of staff in the service station have a share of this blame as the entire episode would have being avoided if they had been proactive.

    But the deed had been done and we can’t help but learn the hard way. Death has decided to take Oluchi as deterrent for our collective negligence. Death, where lies your strength as you took delight in cutting short a fellow whose promise and flourish are as bright as the stars of heaven?  One day, perhaps, officials who were privy to the condition of that cable but refused to act in good time may have to answer the creator of all flesh.

    May be it takes just one Oluchi to point out what many had reported to officials working around the New Hall area of the campus. Protesters or those who intend to challenge this obvious negligence need not ground the activities at the university as no amount of disruption will bring back our late compatriot. What we need is an empathy revolution; a paradigm shift from putting human life at risk just because of sheer inefficiency and bureaucracy. As I watched some of the aggrieved protesters the other day, I was not sure Oluchi will be happy to see people have fun all in the name of protesting an issue that would not have arisen, had the authorities acted promptly.  A number of students took pleasure in the lecture-free day that followed the incidence. Some took to stealing the wares of campus sellers all in the name of protesting OLuchi’s death. Some went as far as ripping open the tires of PHCN vehicles in their office situated off campus.

    Today, it is Oluchi. Who knows who the next cable will fall on? Is this incidence likely to jolt other public servants to action and be a little proactive? Only time will tell.

     

     

  • Beyond the removal of service chiefs

    It is natural that controversy trailed the recent appointment of new military chiefs by President Muhammadu Buhari. This is because most of the appointments made since inception of this administration have gone the way of the North. Putting sentiments aside, we should not be biased by ethnicity or religion of the appointees, we should be concerned about service delivery in the face of the rising wave of violence by Boko Haram in the past 60 days.

    Many had thought the relocation of Defence headquarters to the epicentre of Boko Haram insurgency would naturally lead to the rooting out of the criminals.We need to have the right army and leadership to restore peace in the Northeast.

    Buhari’s inauguration speech inspired hopes, but the insurgency is yet to fizzle out. The sacking and new appointments of service chiefs is believed to be a good decision, but reprieve must come the way of aggrieved junior officers who are being victimised for daring to complain about lack of ammunition to combat the insurgents. There should be an inquiry to know why the military has not been able to defeat the insurgents.

    Low morale, dereliction of duty, indiscipline and human rights abuses are now synonymous with the Nigerian Army. The years of neglect and misappropriations funds meant for the procurement of military hardware may have caused the Nigerian Army to bleed in competence and morality. The last three years witnessed a loss of armory and territories to the insurgents.

    The soldiers complained of their unpaid remunerations, poor weapons and logistics. While the money set aside for soldiers’ welfare was misappropriated, the officers cannot but to lament, grumble and complain. As the funds disappeared, the looters sabotaged efforts to combat the insurgency.

    Those brave and loyal officers were sent to the warfront with empty barrels by their top commanders. When they refused, they were tried for mutiny and sentenced to death. This is wrong under any known law.

    Perhaps, the reason some soldiers vent their anger on innocent civilians is to draw attention to the low into which the military has sunk. Junior officers have been relegated and are at the receiving end of ruthless treatment by their fat and highly-unprincipled bosses, who amass wealth at the expense of the junior officers.

    Many may blame the Federal Government for underfunding of the security agencies, whereas the blame should be for military top brass.

    A look at the military shows that merit has been sacrificed, starting from recruitment process to engagement of the personnel. Some join the military by political connections and they see their job as employment and not service. This is why many recruits are not prepared to die for the nation. They joined the army to eke out a living. If they rise through the ranks, they would constitute impediment to the growth of the military.

    Unfortunately, soldiers who are willing to defend the country against aggression are poorly paid and lack equipment to fight in wars. This is tantamount to sending an unarmed man to a battle where gun booms and you expect him to come back a hero.

    No wonder President Buhari said, sometimes ago, that “Boko Haram would give you an inventory of the weapons in their possession”. Does it mean that the military has lost its essence? Does it mean soldiers are now to be seen as powerless fighters while Boko Haram continues to overrun our land? The fact is that the nation has lost its best soldiers in the war against insurgency, because of lack of weapons should send a message to the country.

    We must not continue to watch while we lose our gallant soldiers, because some people did not give them the right ammunition to face the enemies.

    The military leadership was angry when Amnesty International criticised it over human rights abuses and unlawful killings in villages of Borno and Yobe states. Why should we expect unpaid soldiers not to vent their spleen on innocent civilians? Before the last administration threw money at the battle against the insurgents, transfer of officers to the North used to be seen as a death sentence. Now, many soldiers want to go to the Northeast because of the mouth-watering allowances.

    Beyond the sacking of the service chiefs, the government must investigate how Defence budget has been spent in the last four years. It is good we have new service chiefs but the activities of the past leadership should be reviewed. The president should ensure that perpetrators of corrupt practices are brought to book.

    • Tobi is an ND II student of International Institute of Journalism, Ado-Ekiti Campus