Tag: Chief Olu Falae

  • June 12: Nigeria’s democracy has come to stay, says Falae

    June 12: Nigeria’s democracy has come to stay, says Falae

    Former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Chief Olu Falae, has said Nigeria’s democracy has come to stay, declaring that it is now impossible for the military to rule the country again.

    Falae, who is now the Olu of Ilu-Abo in the Akure North Local Government Area of Ondo State, acknowledged that the country deserved to celebrate its 26 years of uninterrupted democracy.

    According to him, the struggle by the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) ushered in the democratic system the country currently enjoys after 29 years of military rule.

    He spoke on Wednesday in Akure, the state capital, in commemoration of June 12, Democracy Day.

    “The NADECO struggle was a successful one, and of course, it ushered in democratic elections which had come to stay. So, since independence, we have never had 25-26 years of unbroken democratic rule, and the NADECO struggle was responsible for that,” Falae said.

    Identifying the heroes of the struggle who fought the military juntas to a standstill, the Afenifere chieftain said the military cannot have a thought of coming back to power, saying they would be visibly confronted by civilians.

    Read Also: Otti, Falae thumb up Tinubu’s bold policies

    “The soldiers saw how we fought to maintain democracy, and that’s one of the reasons they have not tried since then, because they know now there would be resistance. In the past, the military always showed that if they took over, nobody would kick, nobody would dare retaliate. We have dared.

    “We have succeeded. That’s partly why we have had 26 years of unbroken civilian democratic rule. I recall that we gave an ultimatum to the military government to restore Abiola’s mandate within 30 days.”

    He added, “Now, that’s very significant. It had never happened in our history that a bunch of civilians would give an ultimatum to a military government.

    “Since 1963, not once had any group dared to challenge the military. We were the first to give them an ultimatum.”

  • Celebs with peculiar bends to their birthdays

    Everyone has a birth day. But for some twice-lucky people, their birthdays fall on days set aside for public holiday, religious festivals or days that coincide with significant events in their lives.

    Below are some celebrities whose birthdays fall on special days or have extra significant issues that make their birthdays memorable.

    Dapo Abiodun

    Governor Dapo Abiodun, the executive governor of Ogun State, is a major player in the oil and gas sector. He was born on May 29, 1960. Incidentally, he won the governorship election of Ogun State in the recently concluded general election and was sworn-in as the fifth executive governor of the state on May 29 like his elected counterparts in other states.

    Olu Falae

    The abduction of former Secretary to the Federal Government (SFG) and former presidential candidate of the defunct Action Congress (AC) by herdsmen on September 21, 2015, by a twist of fate, coincided with his 77th birthday. The elder statesman was born on September 21, 2015.

    Chioma Ajunwa

    Chioma Ajunwa is better known as the first black African woman to win an Olympic gold medal in a field event than for her day job as a senior officer in the Nigeria Police Force. Ajunwa, an assistant commissioner of police, was born on Christmas Day, Dec 25.

    David Oyelowo

    British-Nigerian actor, David Oyelowo, marks his birthday on April 1, the day set aside worldwide for great fun, where people make a fool of one another. Oyelowo, also a director, producer, and screenwriter was born in Oxford, the United Kingdom.

    Theophilus Adeleke Akinyele

    Many people would wonder whether Chief Theophilus Adeleke Akinyele, a former Director of Budget and Special Adviser on Budget Affairs to President Shehu Shagari between 1979 and 1983, only celebrates his birthday once in every four years. Reason? He was born on February 29, 1932; a day that only comes up on the calendar once in every four years.

    Agbani Darego

    Born on December 22, 1982, in Abonema, Rivers, Darego is one of Nigeria’s most famous beauty queens and models. She became popular after winning the Miss World crown. She was the first African to win the pageant. Her birthday falls on a Judaism festival call the Chanukah.

    Sophie Okonedo

    Sophie, an English film, theatre and television actress, was born on New Year’s Day, January 1, 1969, in London to a British mother and a Nigerian father- who we heard left the family when Sophie was still quite young. In 2004, Sophie Okonedo was nominated for an Oscar – in the category “Best Supporting Actress” – for her role as Tatiana in the movie “Hotel Rwanda.”

    Damishi Sango

    Damishi Sango was born on New Year’s Day, January 1, 1950 in Ganawuri, in Riyom Local Government Area of Plateau State. He was appointed Nigerian Minister of Sports in the first cabinet of President Olusegun Obasanjo, holding office between June 1999 and January 2001.

    Abdullahi Ibrahim Gobir

    Dr Ibrahim Abdullahi Gobir, born January 1, 1953 is a Nigerian politician who was elected Senator for Sokoto East, in Sokoto State, in the 9 April 2011 elections. He is a chartered engineer and a Fellow of the Institute of Electrical Engineers (UK) and of the Nigerian Society of Engineers

    Ahmed Muhammad Maccido

    Like David Oyelowo, Ahmed Muhammad Maccido, a former senator for Sokoto North constituency of Sokoto State, was born on April 1.

    Ehinomen Ehikhamenor

    Ehinomen Ehikhamenor, was born on April 1, 1980 in Benin City. He is a professional boxer from Nigeria who presently resides in Los Angeles, CA, who fights in the cruiserweight division. He fought 19 matches, won ‎15 and lost 4. Dr SID

    Popular Nigerian singer and song writer, Sidney Onoriode Esiri, popularly known as Dr Sid was born on International Workers’ Day, better known as May Day.

    Hakeem Kae-Kazim

    Hakeem Kae-Kazim, a British-Nigerian actor, Hakeem, is best known for his work in the Starz television series Black Sails and his portrayal of Georges Rutaganda in the 2004 drama film Hotel Rwanda. He was born in Lagos on October 1, Nigeria’s Independence Day.

    Bartholomew Ogbeche

    A Nigerian professional footballer who plays as a forward for Indian club Kerala Blasters FC, Ogbeche was born on October 1, Nigeria’s Independence Day.

    Bright Chimeze

    Chimezie, a hit-maker in his heyday, is the exponent of a music style which became known as Zigima Sound-a genre which became popular in the Eastern part of Nigeria in the early 1980s. He was born on Independence Day, October 1

    Emmanuel Amuneke

    Amuneke is a Nigerian football coach and former player. He represented Nigeria at the 1994 World Cup. He was born on Christmas Day, December 25.

    Ogenyi Onazi

    Ogenyi Eddy Onazi, born on Christmas Day, 25 December 1992, is a Nigerian footballer who plays as a central midfielder for Turkish club Trabzonspor and the Nigeria national football team.

  • Court sentences Falae’s abductors to life imprisonment

    Court sentences Falae’s abductors to life imprisonment

    The Ondo State High Court, sitting in Akure, the Ondo state capital has sentenced the abductors of the Former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) Chief Olu Falae to life imprisonment for kidnapping and armed robbery.

    Falae was abducted by some Fulani herdsmen during his 77th Birthday on September 21, 2015 at his Ilado farm in Akure North Local Government Area of the state.

    He was released after paying N5million ransom four days after his abduction.

    The convicts were: Abubakar Auta, Bello Jannu, Umaru Ibrahim, Masahudu Muhammed, Idris Lawal and two others.

    Charges against them read: “That you, Abubakar Auta, Bello Jannu, Umaru Ibarahim, Masahudu Muhammed, Idris Lawal and others now at large, on or about Monday, September 21, 2015 at Kajola/Eyinala Community in Akure Judicial Division did give information for the purpose of kidnapping and abducting Chief Samuel Oluyemi Falae.

    “Abubakar Auta, Bello Jannu, Umaru Ibarahim, Masahudu Muhammed and Idris Lawal, and others now at large, on or about Monday, September 21, 2015 at Kajola/Eyinala Community in Akure Judicial Division did aid the kidnapping and abduction of Chief Samuel Oluyemi Falae.

    “Abubakar Auta, Bello Jannu, Umaru Ibarahim, Masahudu Muhammed and Idris Lawal, and others now at large, on or about Monday, September 21, 2015 at Kajola/Eyinala Community in Akure Judicial Division did Kidnapped Chief Oluyemi Falae, the Former Secretary to the Government of the Federation and did not release him until N5,000,000 ransom was paid.

    “Abubakar Auta, Bello Jannu, Umaru Ibarahim, Masahudu Muhammed and Idris Lawal, and others now at large, on or about Monday, September 21, 2015 at Kajola/Eyinala Community in Akure Judicial Division did conspire to commit a felony to wit armed robbery.

    “Abubakar Auta, Bello Jannu, Umaru Ibarahim, Masahudu Muhammed and Idris Lawal, and others now at large, on or about Monday, September 21, 2015 at Kajola/Eyinala Community in Akure Judicial Division did rob Chief Olu Falae of N15, 000 and his handset while armed with guns, cutlasses and other dangerous weapons”.

    The offence, according to the Director of Public Prosecution (DPP) Mrs. Adeyemi Kuti from Ondo State Ministry of Justice is contrary to Section 2 of Anti-Kidnapping and Anti-Abduction Law, 5(1)(a) of the Anti-Kidnapping and Anti-Abduction Laws, Section3(11)(b) of the Anti-Kidnapping and Abduction Law, Section 6(b) of the Robbery and Firearms(Special Provision) Act,Cap R11, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004 and Section 1(2)(a) of the Robbery and Firearms (Special Provisions) Act,Cap R11, Vol. 14, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004.

    However, when the charge sheet was read to the convicts in court on the first date of their arraignment, they all pleaded not guilty to the five counts charge leveled against them.

    However, when the case came up yesterday for judgement after several adjournments, the Presiding Judge, Justice Williams Olamide said he was able to prove beyond reasonable doubt that the convicts committed the crime with the evidence tendered before him.

    Justice Olamide also said that during the hearing of the matter, the victim, Chief Olu Falae was able to identify three of the convicts as those who kidnapped him and threatened to kill him if he failed to pay the ransom when he was in their captivity.

    He thereafter sentenced seven of them to life imprisonment.

    The Prosecution Counsel, Mrs Adeyemi Kuti hailed the judgment, saying justice has been given to the victim.

    But, counsel to the seven convicts, Abdulrahman Yusuf from the Legal Aid Council (LAC)said he would obtain the judgment, study it,to determine whether to Appeal the judgement or not.

     

  • Failure to recognise failure

    The National Chairman of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), Chief Olu Falae, can’t understand why his critics are criticising him and his party for taking N100m from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in a cash-for-support deal that was meant to boost the re-election effort of former President Goodluck Jonathan.

    In an interview, he said Chief Tony Anenih, the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of PDP at the time, sought the SDP’s support for Jonathan. Falae said: “I told him that in principle, there is nothing wrong with the two parties collaborating, but that the collaboration must be a principled collaboration; it must be based on principles.”

    The former Secretary to the Government of the Federation and ex-Minister of Finance continued: “There was a very robust debate and at the end of the debate, the executive committee of my party endorsed their (PDP’s) request that we should work with Jonathan in the election. I want to emphasise here that the most critical factor that turned the debate in favour of Jonathan was because he said he would restructure Nigeria and that he summoned the National Conference as a great step in that direction.”

    This argument is simplistic and mirrors narrow-mindedness. Falae meant that his party decided to back Jonathan for reasons unrelated to good governance. How can a promise to restructure the country’s structure based on a controversial National Conference be a deciding factor in the face of intolerable and inexcusable governmental failure?

    It was unsurprising that the electorate rejected Jonathan emphatically. The people voted against Jonathan because they weighed his performance in office and judged him a failure.

    Strangely, Falae insisted that the SDP did the right thing by endorsing a failed president who desperately wanted to continue in office. It is a reflection of Falae’s diminution that he failed to recognise failure.

  • Chief Olu Falae: matters arising

    Chief Olu Falae: matters arising

    So where Awo would have seen this problem as a national one, and rather than peremptorily asking Fulani herdsmen to leave Yoruba land, he would have thoroughly analysed it and suggested ways of resolving them as such.

    The  vice royal  of Ilu-Abo,  Chief  Samuel Oluyemisi  Falae CFR,  is  far  too  important and  distinguished a personality  than to be laid upon by some  incorrigible  vermin’s – here I must be careful not to sound like that  irascible author of “herdsmen from hell”–  like the ones whose photographs we saw displayed in newspapers, claiming they were looking for money to celebrate Sallah. In ages gone by, long before the dictates of law and order prescribe otherwise, these ones would have been fed to lions. Such is the enormity, and how macabre the moment is!

     We talk here of  a  Chief Olu Falae, spiritual head of his people, a celebrated economist who, long before he ventured into politics, had served  this country meritoriously as a top and distinguished civil servant, leading banker and minister of the federal republic; not forgetting  that he was secretary  to the federal government. In politics, where he would later contest the presidency, it was Nigeria that lost when he was defeated by Gen Olusegun Obasanjo because, were the result otherwise, the trajectory of our country would have been different, and a lot better, given that the military would have been handing over to a democrat. The most profane of humanity should never have had the effrontery to put the chief through such ordeal as well as put the nation on such tenterhooks, even the president had to intervene. It is sincerely hoped that the consequences of that atrocity would be fully visited on the miscreants who, of course, represented, not the Fulani, but themselves.

     Unfortunately, sad and nauseating as the above is, it is the saner part of this unfortunate Fulani herdsmen incident as Afenifere’s subsequent reaction has been absolutely embarrassing, to say the least. So uncharacteristic was it, of our respected elders, that you begin to wonder what has happened to the concept of leadership in Yoruba land. So totally strange were the reactions that you wonder if they were coming from elders who dined and wined with the avatar, the inimitable Chief Obafemi Awolowo: his very associates and collaborators in that unmatchable, and unforgettable, era in the socio, politico-economic history of the Yoruba. For Awo had a template  as he uncannily demonstrated when, seeing the trajectory the Nigerian economy was headed under President Alhaji Shehu Shagari during the Second Republic, he drew his (Shagari’s) attention to it. Since I cannot pretend to be teaching Awoism to core Awoists, let me invite  Idowu Samuel for elucidation, as he did to the Awo template on Wednesday, 15 September 2010,  in  the article: ‘Obafemi Awolowo: One prediction, one democracy’. Wrote Idowu: “When Awo stepped out to speak, the shout of ”Awooo…!” would be thunderous and almost endless. Papa would pause for more than 30 minutes to gain control. He had to do it, sensing that the message he was to pass was germane, eternal and compelling. He would clear his throat for the last time to indicate seriousness. And then, there would be pin drop silence everywhere.”  Awo’s style was simple and direct, aimed at a resolution of the problem. He would draw attention, complete with verifiable facts and figures, indicate the likely consequences if situation was left unattended, and then posit ways out of the problem. His was never, as we saw in the instant case, a scruffy, knee-jack and, on-the-spur of the moment megalomania, left in the hands of some young men: the types described by Robert Greene in the 48 Laws of Power, mutatis mutandis, as being eager to “draw attention to themselves by creating an unforgettable, even controversial image and doing anything to make them seem larger than life in order to shine more brightly than those around them.” Writing further, Green says of these youngsters: “they make no distinction between kinds of attention, as notoriety of any sort will bring them recognition as having fire in their bellies.” Better to be slandered and attacked than ignored -seems to be their mantra. Some of them are now trying more than is necessary to be remembered by President Muhammadu Buhari.

    So where Awo would have seen this problem as a national one, and rather than peremptorily asking Fulani herdsmen to leave Yoruba land, he would have thoroughly analysed it and suggested ways of resolving them as such. Never would he have deigned to use Chief Falae’s kidnap, opportunistically, to re-open a political contestation already settled for the next four years. When, therefore, Afenifere threatened thunder, when it served notice of a unilateral declaration of independence by a Yoruba people it did not consult, when it undertook to banish a group of Nigerians from Yoruba land against the provisions of the Nigerian constitution, it was obvious that the traditional nation-cohering role for which the Yoruba leadership is well known, was being sacrificed on the altar of crude partisan politics, far away from fighting for Yoruba interest. At a time when former President Goodluck Jonathan has gloriously relocated back home to Otueke, it can only nauseate that our respected elders could, like the Catholic Bishop of Sokoto, still not appreciate that the next election is not due until 2019. Or what, other than politics, could have brought together all of President Jonathan’s  election time allies in Yoruba land – Afenifere, the now divided OPC plus Femi Fani-Kayode, all, not only splitting hairs, but like they did to the former president on Yoruba votes, making promises on which they are in no position to deliver?  When, for instance, they threatened secession, how many Yoruba have they consulted or carried along with them? For Dr Faseun and Gani Adams – leaders of OPC which they arrogantly claim is the Yoruba military wing – is the Yoruba nation now no more than their 5000- strong politicised OPC they claim to have deployed to their misbegotten oil pipeline security contract?

    In a mail to the ekitipanupo web portal this past week, I raised the following posers: ‘What does Afenifere do when after their 2-week ultimatum, Fulani herdsmen are still in the Southwest complete with their flock? What do they do if northerners also ask Yorubas- traders, tailors, businessmen, and taxi drivers etc – in their tens of thousands – to also leave the north? What succour would they give if, consequent upon their threat, helpless Yorubas are attacked up north? What percentage of Yorubas  any longer  trust their leadership,  post Jonathan, given that the period saw our palaces completely bastardised with dollars with not a few Yoruba believing it was on their advice? How many Yoruba are in support of this threatened UDI – unilateral declaration of independence – when most of those threatening it can neither play “MASSOB”, nor would volunteer their own well-heeled children to lead the charge? Do they think secession is a tea party that should not be thoroughly interrogated, even if it were necessary? These elders are obviously inviting something they no longer have the capacity to handle. And they should just honourably sheathe their sword.’

    I am certain they are aware that for almost no other reason than the Fulani herdsmen, states like Plateau, Nasarawa, Benue etc have become literal killing fields just as they cannot be unaware that some Yoruba persons have actually lost their lives, for the same reason, in the Oke Ogun area of Oyo State but with nary a word from our elders as if one Yoruba life is more important than the other. Without any iota of doubt, the Fulani herdsmen have become a pain in the neck; a murdering horde spewing blood wherever they go. It is now of the utmost urgency that they are reined in and separated from their menacing AK47’s most probably supplied them by some wealthy Fulani leaders as these weapons don’t come cheap. However, that is the business of our law enforcement agencies which should be seen, or dragged, if need be, to perform their lawful duties. That murderers in successive crises in the north were neither tried, nor punished for decades, is one of the causative factors of Boko Haram now laying prostrate the entire Northeast with tens of thousands dead and billions of naira consumed in fighting it. Governments, at all levels, must now rise to find a lasting solution to this pan-Nigeria problem and elders will help that process if they do not lend themselves to making incendiary demands.

  • Jubilation in Akure as Falae regains freedom

    Jubilation in Akure as Falae regains freedom

    Akure, the Ondo state capital was thrown into jubilation on Thursday following the release of the former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF)and Chieftain of the pan Yoruba Socio-cultural organization, Afenifere.
    Falae regained freedom after four days of hostage.
    His freedom came few hours after President Muhammadu Buhari read the riot acts to the Police and ordered the Inspector General of Police,(IGP) Mr Solomon Arase to secure the release of Falae.
    Falae who is the National Chairman of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) was on Monday abducted in his farm in Ilado, Akure North Local Government Area of Ondo state by hoodlums suspected to be Fulani herdsmen.
    The frontline Yoruba Leader clocked 77 on the same day he was kidnapped and spent four days in the captive of his abductors before he regained freedom.
    The IGP, Arase led top Police officers who rescued Falae to the Government house where the freed Politician was received by the state Governor, Dr Olusegun Mimiko at exactly 4.30 pm amid ecstasy by
    residents of Akure, hometown of Falae.
    The IGP who handed over Falae to Governor Mimiko decried the high level of kidnapping and other criminal acts in the country, saying the Police would soon overcome the trend.
    Arase who informed that no amount was paid as ransom on Falae, disclosed that the Afenifere Leader was found by Police officers along Owo/Akure express road, saying he was dropped on the road by his
    kidnappers.
    Although the Police boss said no arrest has been made in connection with the abduction of Falae, he maintained that the Police would do everything possible that those behind his abduction are brought to book in no distant time.
    Speaking, Governor Mimiko who expressed gratitude to God for the safe return of Falae said the return of the abducted Politician was a proof that God answers prayers.

  • Falae’s abductors reduce ransom to N90m

    Abductors of a former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Chief Olu Falae, have reduced the ransom earlier placed as a pre-condition for his release from N100million to N90million.

    Falae, who was the presidential candidate of the All Peoples’ Party (APP) in 1999, was abducted on his farmland in Ilado, Akure North local government area of Ondo State by suspected herdsmen on Monday.

    Sources within the family said negotiation was still on between the family and the abductors.

    But it is unknown if the kidnappers have allowed Falae to speak with his relations.

    When The Nation visited the residence of the former Finance minister, reporters were still barred from talking with his wife, Rachael.

    The state’s Commissioner of Police, Mr. Mike Ogbodu, who assured the family on the police readiness to rescue Falae alive, has taken over the investigative team.

    He was at the ex-SGF’s Oba-Ile road residence in Akure.

     

  • ‘I never influenced Deji’s appointment’

    ‘I never influenced Deji’s appointment’

    Two days before the plane crash, which claimed the life of Ondo State Commissioner for Tourism Deji Falae, his father, Chief Olu Falae, frontline Afenifere chieftain and former Secretary to the Federal Military Government, spoke on his son and his foray into politics. Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN met him in Akure, the Ondo State capital.

     

     

     

    Why did you back Labour Party in the last governorship election in Ondo State?

    I didn’t back the Labour Party, but its candidate, Olusegun Mimiko, on self recognition. My support for him was because he performed. Since my party didn’t field any candidate for the election, I decided to back Mimiko.

    I didn’t lobby Mimiko to appoint my son, Deji, as commissioner. Mimiko and Deji came to know each other in 1999, when I was running for Presidency. They were in the field together campaigning for me. That was how they met and they have sustained the friendship till today. I didn’t influence his appointment by Mimiko, first as board chairman, and as commissioner.

    Nigeria is 53. Would you say this is Nigeria of your dream?

    Certainly no. At independence in 1960, my generation was just entering university. We were excited and hoped that, within one or two decades, Nigeria would have completely transformed and occupied a place of pride in the comity of nations. Shortly after independence, it has been crisis after crisis. We had the Western Regional crisis that led to the trial of the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo for treason, which led to a breakdown of law and order in the region. Remember operation wet e; thereafter in 1966, there was a bloody military coup in which some leaders like the Prime Minister, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, the Premier of the North Ahaji Ahmadu Bello, and his counterpart in the the West Ladoke Akintola, were killed. The aftermath of the coup was the mass killing of Ibos in the North, which culminated in the outbreak of the civil war that lasted two-and-half years. Invariably, the forces that could not brook opposition in the post independence era drew back the hand of the clock. It shattered our dream of a great nation as young Nigerians then.

    What are those things you think we are not getting right in this country?

    We have not got the right leadership. Nigeria is blessed with virtually everything such as large population, large market, good climate, mineral resources etc. But leadership, which is very critical is missing. That is why other centres of power are not developing that explains why we have been wasting our resources and missing our chances. It was lack of right leadership that had led to the emergence of sectional militant groups like the MEND, OPC, MASSOB, and now the dreadful Boko Haram.

    A joker comes whenever we want to choose a leader. A cabal decides on who becomes our leader. No matter his antecedent. Once he can do their biddings. That is why our leaders have been selfish, sectional and juvenile in attitude-lacking mature minds. Many of our leaders steal public funds to invest abroad. I was in Dubai recently, a business tycoon over there accosted me thinking I was one of the Nigerians, who came to invest billions in Dubai. He told me that one-quarter of his company’s customers are Nigerians. Our leaders invest public funds stolen in other economy, not Nigerian economy. Money that could have been used to build electric generating plants, rehabilitate schools and hospitals, modernise agriculture, reconstruct cities and towns, and provide water for our people are being used to buy houses in Dubai. In the past, it was Switzerland, but now, Dubai has become the first choice in keeping stolen funds. It is part of the illness and tragedy of our time.

    When Chief Awolowo was alive, he lived and dreamt of peoples’ welfare and development. Western Region was a pace setter under him. He introduced the first television in Africa at a time when some European countries were yet to have television. He built the first standard stadium in the country. He was the first to introduce free primary education and free healthcare for children of school age and his government was the first to establish Muslim Pilgrims Welfare Board in Nigeria despite being a christian. Awolowo used his house at Ibadan as collateral for a bank loan taken by farmers at Elere Village to establish Gari Processing Plant.

    Unless we have government and leaders that de-emphasise the acquisition of wealth and personal aggrandisement, what we are lamenting today will continue to persist. The present day may even be better than the future. I moved into this house in 1979. Since then, there is no public water supply and most of the time the generators are on for power supply. What have we done in the past 53 years with all the oil wealth?

    Do you regret losing the 1999 presidential election?

    I won the election. The result obtained by my agents at different collation centres and brought to me showed that I won the election by 1.2 million votes. Former President Jim Carter of United States, who led an observer team, told me “you are being wronged”. I asked him to say it in public. Carter addressed a press conference and said: “The true result of election observed by my team was different from what was declared by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).” The pressure was on me to launch a nationwide fight, but I told my supporters that I didn’t enter politics to cause pain or crisis. My intention was to serve. It is not a do or die. If you don’t allow the wish of the people to prevail you can never get it right. The power brokers prevented Awolowo, MKO Abiola and Falae from ruling the country because they would not play their game. If you keep frustrating the people’s choice, the nation will never get out of the woods. God is righteous. He can never support fraud.

    How has it being reviving the Social Democratic Party (SDP), ahead of 2015?

    We have started mobilising support for the party. People feel nostalgia for the SDP because it was the party that once controlled the National Assembly, that produced 22 governors out of 30, that had majority in most state Houses of Assembly and that bridged the political, ethnic, religious and other divides in Nigeria. All these achievements surge the minds of the people when they hear the party’s name. It’s image is working for us. It is being well received across the country. People are happy about it. We are launching the party on October 31, in Abuja.

    You were the Minister of Finance when military President Ibrahim Babangida introduced the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), which many believe ruined the economy. Sir what do you think went wrong during its implementation?

    Babangida announced the adoption of the SAP on December 18, 1985. That announcement brought to an end the debate over the International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan. I was appointed Secretary to the Federal Government on January 30, 1986, six weeks after announcement. I was never involved in the planning of the SAP. I supported it because the thrust of the SAP was right. SAP was intended to liberate Nigerians from economic bureaucratic control of the Marketing Board, Central Bank, Price Control Board. From 1945 to 1986, it was the Marketing Board that determined the price of cocoa. The cocoa farmers were the highest tax payers in this country as they paid 40 per cent of their earnings as tax. That SAP had stopped. SAP also eliminated import license because people were free to import directly and eve earn foreign exchange. During the Shagari regime, Nigeria imported goods worth $34 billion that we could not pay for. SAP became the solution to the problem. IMF could have paid off the $34 billion but it could have taken over the management of our economy by positioning its officials in the Federal Ministry of Finance. Shagari’s incompetence caused the crisis.

    Prior to the introduction of the SAP, the Cenral Bank determined the foreign exchange arbitrarily. It was stopped. Market forces determine the value of naira. By the time I left government in August 1990, the exchange rate was N5.50k to a dollar. Soon, after I left, it rose. By the time Obasanjo took over in 1999, it was N86 to dollar. The mismanagement led to over valuation of naira. The naira is still undervalued. The level of foreign reserve warrants a stronger currency.

    President Jonathan’s ambition to run in 2015 has split the ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) and the crisis is affecting governance. As an elder statesman, what would you advise him?

    Well, I am not a member of the PDP. I don’t involve myself in the internal affairs of other political parties. But on his 2015 ambition, Jonathan has the right to seek re-election for a second term, based on the provisions of the 1999 Constitution. The constitution permits him. He’s acting within the precint of the constitution. The law does not stop him from completing the Yar’Adua’s term following his death. Those against Jonathan’s running in 2015 should go to the Supreme Court for the interpretation of the constitution. If people don’t want him, they will reject him at the poll.

    What is your assessment of the Jonathan Administration?

    He has done fairly well despite the monumental problems confronting him in the past two years. His major problem is the PDP made up of opportunists that ganged up for power. They are not committed to the country but what individual can grab. Besides, some people vowed to make the country ungovernable for him shortly after 2011 presidential election. The aftermath of this threat is the Boko Haram insurgence.

    However, Jonathan himself was not fully ready for presidency. For someone who wants to rule a heterogeneous country like Nigeria he must be well prepared. Before I came out to contest presidency in 1999, i had prepared a blue print with inputs from technocrats, professionals and politicians. Jonathan found himself in trouble because of lack of preparation. The problems are many and complex. He needs to sit down and fine tune his strategy. By and large we have other presidents that have failed the country in the past.

    Are you satisfied with the government’s handling of security challenges in the country?

    Now, yes, but before, no. I have always advocated military action against terrorists. Every fight will end up on peace table. The First World War ended on a peace table. Jonathan wasted about one year dilly dallying on Boko Haram problem. I was not happy with him until he started fighting. Military action is part of the solution. If Boko Haram believes in violence, persuade them through military action.

    The Yoruba leaders have complained against the marginalisation of the ethnic group by the Jonathan Administration. What steps have been taken to reverse the situation?

    The marginalisation is real. Do you know that in some key sectors of the bureaucracy, there are no Yoruba directors in the past 60 years? We under the platform of Yoruba Unity Forum (YUF) met President Jonathan to formerly present our case. He acknowledged that there was marginalisation and promised to address it. Now tabulation of appointments in the civil service has started with a view to correct imbalance in the system.

    President Jonathan has set up a committee on the national conference. What’s your view?

    It is a welcome development. The ultimate solution to most of the problems in the country is restructuring. The national conference will lead to that. More powers will be devolved to the regions and more funds would be given to them to perform their functions. That was the British plan for a heterogeneous society like ours. With restructuring, marginalisation will become a thing of the past.

     

     

     

     

     

     

  • ‘I never influenced Deji’s appointment’

    Two days before the plane crash, which claimed the life of Ondo State Commissioner for Tourism Deji Falae, his father, Chief Olu Falae, frontline Afenifere chieftain and former Secretary to the Federal Military Government, spoke on his son and his foray into politics. Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN met him in Akure, the Ondo State capital.

     

     

    Why did you back Labour Party in the last governorship election in Ondo State?

    I didn’t back the Labour Party, but its candidate, Olusegun Mimiko, on self recognition. My support for him was because he performed. Since my party didn’t field any candidate for the election, I decided to back Mimiko.

    I didn’t lobby Mimiko to appoint my son, Deji, as commissioner. Mimiko and Deji came to know each other in 1999, when I was running for Presidency. They were in the field together campaigning for me. That was how they met and they have sustained the friendship till today. I didn’t influence his appointment by Mimiko, first as board chairman, and as commissioner.

    Nigeria is 53. Would you say this is Nigeria of your dream?

    Certainly no. At independence in 1960, my generation was just entering university. We were excited and hoped that, within one or two decades, Nigeria would have completely transformed and occupied a place of pride in the comity of nations. Shortly after independence, it has been crisis after crisis. We had the Western Regional crisis that led to the trial of the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo for treason, which led to a breakdown of law and order in the region. Remember operation wet e; thereafter in 1966, there was a bloody military coup in which some leaders like the Prime Minister, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, the Premier of the North Ahaji Ahmadu Bello, and his counterpart in the the West Ladoke Akintola, were killed. The aftermath of the coup was the mass killing of Ibos in the North, which culminated in the outbreak of the civil war that lasted two-and-half years. Invariably, the forces that could not brook opposition in the post independence era drew back the hand of the clock. It shattered our dream of a great nation as young Nigerians then.

    What are those things you think we are not getting right in this country?

    We have not got the right leadership. Nigeria is blessed with virtually everything such as large population, large market, good climate, mineral resources etc. But leadership, which is very critical is missing. That is why other centres of power are not developing that explains why we have been wasting our resources and missing our chances. It was lack of right leadership that had led to the emergence of sectional militant groups like the MEND, OPC, MASSOB, and now the dreadful Boko Haram.

    A joker comes whenever we want to choose a leader. A cabal decides on who becomes our leader. No matter his antecedent. Once he can do their biddings. That is why our leaders have been selfish, sectional and juvenile in attitude-lacking mature minds. Many of our leaders steal public funds to invest abroad. I was in Dubai recently, a business tycoon over there accosted me thinking I was one of the Nigerians, who came to invest billions in Dubai. He told me that one-quarter of his company’s customers are Nigerians. Our leaders invest public funds stolen in other economy, not Nigerian economy. Money that could have been used to build electric generating plants, rehabilitate schools and hospitals, modernise agriculture, reconstruct cities and towns, and provide water for our people are being used to buy houses in Dubai. In the past, it was Switzerland, but now, Dubai has become the first choice in keeping stolen funds. It is part of the illness and tragedy of our time.

    When Chief Awolowo was alive, he lived and dreamt of peoples’ welfare and development. Western Region was a pace setter under him. He introduced the first television in Africa at a time when some European countries were yet to have television. He built the first standard stadium in the country. He was the first to introduce free primary education and free healthcare for children of school age and his government was the first to establish Muslim Pilgrims Welfare Board in Nigeria despite being a christian. Awolowo used his house at Ibadan as collateral for a bank loan taken by farmers at Elere Village to establish Gari Processing Plant.

    Unless we have government and leaders that de-emphasise the acquisition of wealth and personal aggrandisement, what we are lamenting today will continue to persist. The present day may even be better than the future. I moved into this house in 1979. Since then, there is no public water supply and most of the time the generators are on for power supply. What have we done in the past 53 years with all the oil wealth?

    Do you regret losing the 1999 presidential election?

    I won the election. The result obtained by my agents at different collation centres and brought to me showed that I won the election by 1.2 million votes. Former President Jim Carter of United States, who led an observer team, told me “you are being wronged”. I asked him to say it in public. Carter addressed a press conference and said: “The true result of election observed by my team was different from what was declared by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).” The pressure was on me to launch a nationwide fight, but I told my supporters that I didn’t enter politics to cause pain or crisis. My intention was to serve. It is not a do or die. If you don’t allow the wish of the people to prevail you can never get it right. The power brokers prevented Awolowo, MKO Abiola and Falae from ruling the country because they would not play their game. If you keep frustrating the people’s choice, the nation will never get out of the woods. God is righteous. He can never support fraud.

    How has it being reviving the Social Democratic Party (SDP), ahead of 2015?

    We have started mobilising support for the party. People feel nostalgia for the SDP because it was the party that once controlled the National Assembly, that produced 22 governors out of 30, that had majority in most state Houses of Assembly and that bridged the political, ethnic, religious and other divides in Nigeria. All these achievements surge the minds of the people when they hear the party’s name. It’s image is working for us. It is being well received across the country. People are happy about it. We are launching the party on October 31, in Abuja.

    You were the Minister of Finance when military President Ibrahim Babangida introduced the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), which many believe ruined the economy. Sir what do you think went wrong during its implementation?

    Babangida announced the adoption of the SAP on December 18, 1985. That announcement brought to an end the debate over the International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan. I was appointed Secretary to the Federal Government on January 30, 1986, six weeks after announcement. I was never involved in the planning of the SAP. I supported it because the thrust of the SAP was right. SAP was intended to liberate Nigerians from economic bureaucratic control of the Marketing Board, Central Bank, Price Control Board. From 1945 to 1986, it was the Marketing Board that determined the price of cocoa. The cocoa farmers were the highest tax payers in this country as they paid 40 per cent of their earnings as tax. That SAP had stopped. SAP also eliminated import license because people were free to import directly and eve earn foreign exchange. During the Shagari regime, Nigeria imported goods worth $34 billion that we could not pay for. SAP became the solution to the problem. IMF could have paid off the $34 billion but it could have taken over the management of our economy by positioning its officials in the Federal Ministry of Finance. Shagari’s incompetence caused the crisis.

    Prior to the introduction of the SAP, the Cenral Bank determined the foreign exchange arbitrarily. It was stopped. Market forces determine the value of naira. By the time I left government in August 1990, the exchange rate was N5.50k to a dollar. Soon, after I left, it rose. By the time Obasanjo took over in 1999, it was N86 to dollar. The mismanagement led to over valuation of naira. The naira is still undervalued. The level of foreign reserve warrants a stronger currency.

    President Jonathan’s ambition to run in 2015 has split the ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) and the crisis is affecting governance. As an elder statesman, what would you advise him?

    Well, I am not a member of the PDP. I don’t involve myself in the internal affairs of other political parties. But on his 2015 ambition, Jonathan has the right to seek re-election for a second term, based on the provisions of the 1999 Constitution. The constitution permits him. He’s acting within the precint of the constitution. The law does not stop him from completing the Yar’Adua’s term following his death. Those against Jonathan’s running in 2015 should go to the Supreme Court for the interpretation of the constitution. If people don’t want him, they will reject him at the poll.

    What is your assessment of the Jonathan Administration?

    He has done fairly well despite the monumental problems confronting him in the past two years. His major problem is the PDP made up of opportunists that ganged up for power. They are not committed to the country but what individual can grab. Besides, some people vowed to make the country ungovernable for him shortly after 2011 presidential election. The aftermath of this threat is the Boko Haram insurgence.

    However, Jonathan himself was not fully ready for presidency. For someone who wants to rule a heterogeneous country like Nigeria he must be well prepared. Before I came out to contest presidency in 1999, i had prepared a blue print with inputs from technocrats, professionals and politicians. Jonathan found himself in trouble because of lack of preparation. The problems are many and complex. He needs to sit down and fine tune his strategy. By and large we have other presidents that have failed the country in the past.

    Are you satisfied with the government’s handling of security challenges in the country?

    Now, yes, but before, no. I have always advocated military action against terrorists. Every fight will end up on peace table. The First World War ended on a peace table. Jonathan wasted about one year dilly dallying on Boko Haram problem. I was not happy with him until he started fighting. Military action is part of the solution. If Boko Haram believes in violence, persuade them through military action.

    The Yoruba leaders have complained against the marginalisation of the ethnic group by the Jonathan Administration. What steps have been taken to reverse the situation?

    The marginalisation is real. Do you know that in some key sectors of the bureaucracy, there are no Yoruba directors in the past 60 years? We under the platform of Yoruba Unity Forum (YUF) met President Jonathan to formerly present our case. He acknowledged that there was marginalisation and promised to address it. Now tabulation of appointments in the civil service has started with a view to correct imbalance in the system.

    President Jonathan has set up a committee on the national conference. What’s your view?

    It is a welcome development. The ultimate solution to most of the problems in the country is restructuring. The national conference will lead to that. More powers will be devolved to the regions and more funds would be given to them to perform their functions. That was the British plan for a heterogeneous society like ours. With restructuring, marginalisation will become a thing of the past.