Tag: Chinua

  • Things Fall Apart goes on stage

    Things Fall Apart goes on stage

    It is in season now; Okonkwo’s Inquest is a play inspired by Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart and it is being staged in Lagos at the moment to commemorate the 55th Independence Anniversary of the nation.  The play itself is centred on the life and times of Okonkwo Unoka, the lead character in the book and one whose life did not end on a sound note.  It has been noted that Okonkwo was not properly interred to the mother earth.  And part of the nitty-gritty of Okonkwo’s Inquest is to continue from where that tragic end of a hero of his people was recorded in the book.

    Toju Ejoh is the director of the play and he says the project is a product of Oxygen Koncepts whose basic assignment is to produce plays for public consumption.  “Yes, it is a new work and that is why we want to use it to celebrate Nigeria at 55.  It is usually very difficult for us to pick a script for the season.  It is not that we do not always have good scripts to pick from.  But for us this play is symbolic.  It is a classical novel known all over the world.  It is a book that has been translated into different languages world-over and it is read in most schools across the globe.  It is one of the best written novels in the world.”

    Now, many people have done works on it; works that have been used to celebrate the book.  “Now, it is for us to adapt a part of it into stage to let the world see what the book can demonstrate on stage.  It is a pity that no one has gone further to talk about Okonkwo, the man whose role made the book an outstanding work of art.  Now, we need to demonstrate his character as a man, his flaws, his brevity, his role in making his people stand out and more.  The play has to zero into his place in the book and those issues that led to his death.”

    Ejoh, known for his precise character interpretation both as a director and an actor situates the play in a more succinct way:” This is going to be like an inquest, a real inquest demonstrated on stage.  Okonkwo was not buried.  We do not want to rebury him but we want to know what happened thereafter.  You know because he committed suicide, tradition forbids that he be buried properly.  Now he was thrown into an evil forest and there is still a story to be told therefrom.”  Ejoh said.

    Accepting that Okonkwo’s corpse was left like a dog while Obierika and others tried to see what to do to remove his corpse, Ejoh inferred, “now this is Okonkwo in all his glory, who was a common man who rose to the highest pinnacle of his life and career.  This was a man who was very resilient and hardworking in his life and now he would be buried like a dog.  Therefore, the play is to celebrate those values and then bring these issues to the contemporary times.”

    The essence of the play is to highlight hard work and bring to the fore the values of patriotism and love for justice and what is good.  “Those leadership values that the country still lacks today have to be pinpointed.  Yes, Okonkwo was a good leader, very courageous and brave and proud to be who he was among his people.  He was devoted, diligent and fearless.  These are qualities of a firebrand leader and this is why we have to embark on this project, using this play as a pivot point.”

    In reality, Okonkwo had ample opportunity to back out of the series of scenarios that led to his demise.  But he chose to remain to prove that a general does not run away from the battlefront.  “But he continued to uphold the culture of his people.  Those elements of cultures, to him then, were the height of the civilization of the people.  Without those values, to him, the people had no values, had no principles.  He was a custodian of those elements of tradition that even his position did not allow him to be lily-livered.”

    Some of the pressures that Okonkwo faced are also some of the issues that often lead to our destruction or to our glory.  “Yes, these are some of the things we pieced together to get the Okonkwo’s Inquest,” Ejoh surmised.  “And so in all, it is a noble concept, away from the central theme of the book itself.  The concept of Okonkwo as a big and imposing image in Thins Fall Apart in the play looms larger than life.

    In terms of props and costumes and the stage setting, all elements of the Igbo traditions have been brought to bear on stage.  The mud houses are to show the period in time and to bring memories of yesteryears back.  It is indeed to bring back reality into the play and demonstrate in truth the place of the traditions of the Umuofia community of the days of yore.

    The music is also ancient and in consonance with the period.  There is a cave and various pathways on the stage, depicting a typical rural place of many years ago.  A lot of the signs showed shrines and huts which were rampant in the book.  In all, it is a play to watch to bring back memories of a hero who stood for his people.

  • Re: There was a Chinua

    Re: There was a Chinua

    SIR: Olakunle Abimbola’s piece in The Nation of May 21, titled “There was a Chinua” characterises Achebe’s work “There was a country” as “more censorious of Nigeria than Things fall apart was of Britain”. Why should that be a big deal? How many people in today’s Nigeria are less censorious of Nigeria and more of Britain?

    What Abimbola describes as “sterile controversy” between Achebe, Wole Soyinka and the Nobel Prize is still a controversy he was willing to indulge in the commentary. Anybody who knew about the comments credited to Achebe and Soyinka on the Prize know that Soyinka’s remarks were not jibes (as Achebe’s was not) but a simple statement that European perspectives cannot diminish Achebe’s contributions to African literature and those of anyone else. The two remained kindred spirits till the end.

    Abimbola also suggests that Achebe alludes to Igbo’s as “meek saints” in the civil strife of the 60’s. What makes war crimes, war crimes or genocide, genocide is not that the victims must be “saints”. If Achebe created Igbo characters in Things fall Apart et al who were all flawed characters who could lie, hate, cheat, be cruel and love etc. what is the logic in suggesting that Achebe alludes to his tribe as “meek saints” in his book written 40 to 50 years plus after he created those flawed but enduring characters?

    Abimbola believes that Achebe “himself died not exactly a nationalist”. Achebe died being what he intended to be all along and that is as “a fearless writer”. In Nigeria’s political vocabulary the expression “nationalist” is a title that has spawn a list of recipients so long and which includes the OBJ’s, IBB’s of this country and a host of politicians and bureaucrats. Achebe in that list is not really in good company. Achebe however shares the company of eternal lights. For example in The Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism, a canon of the West for the greatest critical essays of greatest thinkers, Achebe enjoys the company there of Plato, Aristotle, Horace etc.

    On the issue of Igbo elites not minding to dominate others one would expect instances (if such is true) so one could see whether there are no parallel experiences of same with the elites of other ethnic groups.

    The commentary portrays Achebe as impotent in the sphere of social activism, more as an Igbo jingoist. Well, all the crises that Achebe was allegedly “muffled” about were mostly if not all rooted in symptoms already diagnosed by Achebe and berated in The Trouble with Nigeria, not to mention his role as erstwhile Deputy National Leader of PRP all before he became paraplegic.

    The commentary is a clear case of a commentator angling for faults with Achebe, someone asking for another book on “pan Nigerian victimhood” from Achebe afterThe Trouble with Nigeria amongst other works. Does it stem from deep-seated chagrin that draws from the perception that Achebe’s work challenges Awo’s legacies? Both Awo’s unforgettable legacies in the old western Nigeria and Achebe’s observations in There was a countryare mutually exclusive (each cannot warrant that the other is invalid).

    I agree with the commentary that Wole Soyinka is a wordsmith. Wole Soyinka (who is presented as being a rival to Achebe) responding to “There was a country” in an interview with the Telegraph of London on October 17, 2012 said the Igbo’s were victims of genocide during the civil war. He also said of the Igbo’s “A people who were abused, who’d undergone genocide and…therefore decided to break away and form a nation of their own”.Soyinka speaks as one, to quote Mr. Abimbola, “that takes no prisoners” not minding who served in the federal war cabinet even Awo.

    • Pete Morah

    Lagos

     

  • Re: There was a Chinua

    Re: There was a Chinua

    SIR: Your ‘Hardball’ of Tuesday, May 28, made a wonderful reading. In addition to General Jonah Jang and Godswill Akpabio who have been unmasked, laid bare and demystified, another person who has lent himself to be used as a cannon fodder in the whole perfidy and treachery is Dr Rahman Mimiko of Ondo State.

    I can’t understand why this individual is crying more than the bereaved. This is not the way of an average Ondo person. An average Ondo person just like his cousin in Ekiti is an epitome of what is just and true. Why can’t this man dignify himself by being neutral in the whole scheme? I hope he won’t have himself to blame much much later.

    A University of Ife (OAU) trained medical doctor behaving this way! He it was who was quoted as saying that they almost exchanged fisticuffs during the voting exercise at the governors’ forum meeting. Many alumni of that great citadel of learning would be scandalized and disappointed.

    It goes to affirm all the negative things being said about him in time past about his serial betrayals and his legendary inclination to side with unjust causes.

    This is a big lesson for us in Ondo State. It’s therefore hoped that Ondo State people are taking notes. In any case, he doesn’t need the peoples’ votes anymore since he’s no longer qualified to stand for election as governor next time. That is why he can now afford to do anything he likes including fighting a cause that doesn’t concern him.

    My appeal to the good people of Ondo State is that next time, they should be discerning enough to know who and which party to vote for;not just anybody and not just any political party.

     

    • Olu Ajayi,

    Akure.

     

  • Praise Chinua! Bury Chinua!

    Praise Chinua! Bury Chinua!

    Cheer and jeer greeted ‘There was a Chinua’, the Achebe obituary published on this page last week: cheer for perceived comeuppance and jeer for bitter pains over the alleged disrespect to the memory of a departed icon. But the message was clear: everyone would be judged by his own professed standards – so be fair to all. It’s a hot war out there. Don’t be caught by zipping bullets!

     

     

    Excellent piece, in your accustomed depth, thoughtfulness, grasp of the subject matter and lucidity. I can’t resist saying excellent indeed. Well done and thank you. – +2348034004252.

    Achebe started well, capturing the minds of all literate country men and women with the classic novel, Things Fall Apart. But he started faltering with the tribal-induced The Trouble with Nigeria; and destroyed whatever remains of the respect other ethnic nationalities, other than his Igbo tribesmen, had for him. He died a dyed-in-the-wool hater of the Yoruba and Hausa-Fulani nations. To Achebe, only his tribesmen deserve to dominate and others must not complain.

    His is a good lesson to all our so-called elders. If they cannot add nationalistic value to the Nigerian state before their departure from this planet, they should hold their peace. There was indeed a Chinua! There goes another tribalist and an Igbo irredentist. – Adeniyi Olasunmade, Lagos.

    Your article, ‘There was a Chinua’ was apt, blunt and educative. Thanks. – Chief T. A. Odofin, Ofada, Ogun State, +2348103113512

    I am an avid reader of The Nation just to keep abreast of the Yoruba opinion on every issue under the sky. Your column today did not disappoint. – +2348055105774.

    All of you are living to hate Achebe because he documented the truth to the world about the sins of Awo. You can only heal your conscience by stating your facts to contradict his own. ‘There was a Chinua’ you said and I ask: would there ever be an Olakunle? – Amadi Ibeleme, +2348066516467

    It makes no sense for an Achebe to claim ignorance of events he witnessed. My father told us stories of how Hausas slaughtered his Igbo friends in Zaria in 1966 – same story Achebe told [in There was a Country]. I have read the remarks he made of our dear sage, Pa Awo. But Achebe wrote with conviction. He didn’t spare Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, neither did he spare Ojukwu. – +2348132634663.

    I just finished reading your piece, ‘There was a Chinua’. I do not, with due respect, really understand what you want to portray or achieve with it. To me, you have done what you accused others of – tribalism. Let’s learn to write positively about our fallen compatriots. – Kelvin, The Polytechnic, Ibadan +2348033660174.

    Your piece on Achebe this week was excellent! – Wale Adebanwi.

    Your piece on Achebe registers on the superlative scale. Salute! – Tade Ipadeola, +2348038023412.

    Truth is always bitter but it must be told. Achebe was a statesman. No amount of calumny can prevent it. – +2348038762465.

    The tribute given by Labaran Maku, the Information minister, on behalf of President Goodluck Jonathan, that Prof. Achebe was a nationalist to emulate by Nigerians must be a product of a brainless intellectual. Achebe was a literary genius worldwide. But he was also a chronic tribalist. His writings are good attestations. – Larry Adebisi, Lagos, +2348060227434.

    ‘There was a Chinua’ – that piece today was great. – Jimo Akeran, +2348023096362.

    Just read your ripples on Achebe – my sentiments exactly. Your conclusion is on point – insightful. But what to do to avoid that Nigerian harm? Sovereign national conference. – +2348023157882.

    How sad that you too are a victim of Yoruba tribalism. Why are you so bitter with a dead man for chronicling an event that he witnessed, the way he saw it? Though you tried rather fruitlessly to balance your write-up as all professional writers should, you failed to disguise your hatred for Achebe and the Igbo tribe. You stopped short of openly mocking Achebe at death. The title of your article was even cheeky, the comparison between your tribesman, Soyinka and Achebe gratuitous and, at this mourning period of the fall of a great Nigerian, very indiscreet and insensitive. I got off with the impression that you had a score to settle with Achebe; and his death offered the opportunity to do it. – +2347030398497.

    ‘There was an Achebe’ is vintage your provenance. But one could read the complex driving your striving, as your views therein are not necessary. In fact, they are uncalled for on this solemn occasion. I am looking forward to the day your Yoruba compatriots would rise above certain innate instincts. – Peter, +2348093912933.

    I am ashamed to know that you are very illogical in your war against Achebe. As a Yoruba, I have read There was a Country and believe Achebe spoke against injustice to all. There was nothing wrong in the way he defended his people, after all, they have suffered the most in Nigeria, against their wish. Please have some respect for the late icon. – Sarah Isijola, +2348132634663.

    You truly have come to bury Chinua, not to praise him. Thanks for a thoughtful piece. Never mind that it didn’t sufficiently explore the psychology of Igbo chauvinism and ‘victimhood’. – Femi Macaulay, +2348020339050.

    That was a wonderful piece on Achebe. You have called a spade a spade. You should not be deterred by some reactionaries over such a factual presentation. Kudos. – Niyi, Lagos, +2348023377135.

    Genius and gerontocrats have one thing in common: set minds. You hardly can convince them or make them see reason from a different perspective. So it was with Achebe. I think the Federal Government and those who want a posthumous recognition for him should let him be. Otherwise, he will turn in his grave. Achebe had defined his part as an Igbo irredentist – a truly Igbo of Nigerian extraction. – Olumide, Kaduna, +2348057277770.

    Your article, ‘There was a Chinua’ was good but deficient. I want you to bear in mind that other Nigerians see the late Awo’s politics as insecure, insensitive and rancorous. – +2348033334562.

    Your ‘There was a Chinua’ is thought provoking. It has set me on a spiral of thoughts and wonder about our national figures. How many are nationalists? When shall we place Nigeria as a collective over and above our tribes? Until we see ourselves first as Nigerian before our tribal sentiments, all efforts towards nationalism will keep raising local champions, rather than Nigerian nationalists. – +2348071023711.

    I couldn’t have agreed with you more – ‘There was a Chinua’ – Achebe died a frustrated and bitter man, as well as a jingoist. – Wale Osoba, +2348023264597.

    Achebe’s book, ‘There was a Country’ is a hard and bitter pill to swallow. It takes a strong will and courage of a lion to damn the consequences of saying the truth. Achebe did the best thing by telling his people the truth of the Civil War. If Awo was a god to the Yoruba, that had nothing to do with the right of the Igbo man to say exactly how he perceived him. – Barrister Orji, Port Harcourt, +2348030961855.

    I wish I can write like you. You are too good and very familiar with national issues, thus helping people like me to know. Please keep up the excellent work. – Ogoo, Abuja, +2348054727240.

  • There was a Chinua

    There was a Chinua

    I have come to bury Caesar, not to praise him – Mark Anthony, Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar

    Between Things Fall Apart (1958), his first work and There was a Country (2012) his last, Chinua Achebe (1930-2013), the world-acclaimed novelist for burial on May 23, defined himself: an Igbo man from Nigeria, not a Nigerian from Igbo land.

    That was no high crime against Nigeria, a country that is no nation but passionately craves doting nationalists.

    Though English, the coloniser’s language, provided Achebe his vehicle to global fame, the professor, in Things Fall Apart, told a grim tale of how British colonialism smashed the Igbo pristine world: all too clear in the personal tragedy of Okonkwo, that has held the world spellbound for more than 50 years – and still counting.

    But There was a Country was even more censorious of Nigeria than Things Fall Apart was of Britain.

    If Things Fall Apart was a dignified, taut and divinely crafted creative prose that won about everyone’s attention, empathy and awe, There was a Country, a non-fiction that nevertheless bordered on the fictional, with its wild, sweeping and bad-tempered claims; and ringing denunciation of pan-Nigeria sinners doing in the meek Igbo saints, belonged more to the world of the virago than of the grand old sage, where Achebe rightly belonged.

    Not a pretty sight, to be sure. But that was Achebe’s brutally frank (some insist, impassioned) reaction to Nigeria’s ever-unfolding crisis of nationhood, with its penchant for injustice as national ethos; and the insouciance to dominate, with its happy-go-merry march to self destruction.

    That much was clear from the British-programmed Hausa-Fulani hegemony; the brief Igbo ascendancy that ended in Civil War (1967-1970) and fired the Achebe bitterness in There was a Country; the Olusegun Obasanjo me-first-others-never presidential philosophy, disguised as altruistic national ethos; and of course, the brainless muscle-flexing of Goodluck Jonathan’s current Ijaw presidency.

    The most casual of logical introspections, therefore, must reveal that about everyone is a victim in Nigeria’s vast physical, spiritual and psychological killing mine.

    Yet, what Achebe did in his swan song, There was a Country, was to pounce on co-victims in the Nigerian morass; and with the arrogance of a writer’s licence, tarred them as the Igbo enemy.

    Talking about victims, whoever thinks the Hausa-Fulani are not, even of their own past power rascality, must chuckle at the North’s frantic bid for power after Jonathan. Yet, their grand concept of power, untrammelled ethnic over-lordship served as “national interest”, of pre-12 June 1993 Nigeria, is gone and gone for good!

    Perhaps questioning Achebe’s judgment, by his last hurrah, would be going too far. But beyond clannish roar and the emotive whipping of ethnic flag to toast a master race allegedly stopped in its track, There was a Country did not show enough sensitivity to the plight of the Ndigbo still trapped, and the coming generation to be trapped, in the Nigerian debacle. It certainly did not win the Igbo new allies; nor prescribe a reasonable way out of the jam, beyond a shrill orchestration of the Igbo as victim, without admitting the vast ruin of pan-Nigeria victimhood.

    This, of course, is no unanimous verdict. To the Achebe-converted, There was a Country was a tribute to the master storyteller’s brutal candour, like The Trouble with Nigeria (1983) before it.

    But all too often, people come to be judged by their own professed principles; and there is but a thin line between brutal candour and bad grace, particularly when candour is brutally exercised on wrong occasions. So, it is with Prof. Achebe.

    When Obafemi Awolowo died and politically correct jiving was waxing poetic about giving him a “national burial” (even if Awo was only pre-independence Premier of old Western Region), Achebe cut the crap, insisting Awo did not deserve a national burial because he was a “tribalist”. Well, Achebe himself died not exactly a “nationalist”.

    Also, after Wole Soyinka, his great contemporary, won the Nobel, Achebe quipped: winning a European prize did not make Soyinka the Asiwaju of African literature. WS, a wordsmith that takes no prisoners, promptly countered: he had no intention to become the Ogbuefi of African literature! Was Achebe resentful of Soyinka’s win – and why the ethnic colouration?

    That, of course, dovetails into the sterile controversy over WS, Achebe and the Nobel.

    In sheer fecundity, Soyinka’s 34 titles in non-fiction, novels, drama and poetry tower over Achebe’s 20, though Achebe’s tally also includes classics in children stories, as Prof. Biola Odejide, a children’s literature expert formerly of the University of Ibadan, noted in her tribute to Achebe shortly after his death. Even in their primary fortes, Soyinka the playwright with 15 plays trumped Achebe the novelist with five novels.

    But Achebe possessed the arresting simplicity that ensured probably more people have read Things Fall Apart, his flagship classic, than all of Soyinka’s works combined. So, maybe the Nobel committee settled for fecundity over accessibility.

    That was their choice – and it had nothing to do with Achebe’s secured place in global literature, Nobel or no Nobel. In Nigeria’s often ethnic-powered discourse, however, things are not quite that simple and clear-cut.

    But judged from the prism of writer as robust social crusader (which the Nobel citation also noted), Soyinka is it. Beyond strident protests over Ndigbo troubles, Achebe was much more muffled over other Nigerian crises: June 12 crisis, Ken Saro-Wiwa state murder, among others. Soyinka’s The Man Died and You Must Set Forth at Dawn, fully document how Civil War activism sent the author to gaol; and how he rallied global conscience against the Abacha state murder of Saro-Wiwa.

    So, was Achebe roused to action not by injustice per se, but by injustice meted his native Ndigbo? That is no illegitimate poser!

    The literature of Achebe is simple, rigorous, clear and sweet; the majesty of an uncluttered mind that made Things Fall Apart such a classic; and set a benchmark for the African novel.

    But the politics of Achebe is far less edifying: partial, insensitive, rancorous and insecure – all in defence of his Igbo people and culture, against Nigeria’s internal colonisers: hardly a crime.

    The snag is, with all due respect to individual differences, the Igbo elite does not mind dominating others, yet are shrill to protest perceived domination by others. But to all these, Achebe appeared patriotically blind, deaf and dumb; even with his rather indulgent criticism of Igbo brashness and triumphalism. That made There was a Country so rankling.

    Between literature and politics, therefore, an author met own debacle: noxious gas from Nigeria’s institutionalised injustice, and the resultant fierce rivalry, robbing his golden mind of pristine equitability!

    So, there was a Chinua from Nigeria who could easily have been an icon of global justice. But he bowed out as a patriotic ogre against Igbo-tailored injustice – hardly illegitimate in Nigeria’s killing fields.

    Still, that was a much diminished place for his world-acclaimed genius. But it is yet another glaring example of the harm Nigeria does, even to its greatest minds.

  • CHINUA ACHEBE The one who asked painful questions

    Professor Chinua Achebe’s life and career reflect the growth and development of Nigeria itself. Son of first-generation Christian converts, he grew up at the very crossroads of cultural change, when the novelty of western culture crystallised into a desirable way of life. As one of the brightest minds of his generation, he was at the core of that critical mass of intelligent and enlightened Nigerians who made observers so confident in the country’s prospects as an African superpower.

    And he certainly lived up to those lofty expectations. His Things Fall Apart, published in 1958, is widely accepted as the most influential African novel ever written: its delineation of the complex interactions between indigenous and foreign cultures has rarely been bettered. His reputation was cemented with the subsequent publication of novels like No Longer at Ease, Arrow of God, A Man of the People and Anthills of the Savannah, as well as several thoughtful essays which sought to explain his understanding of Africa and its culture.

    Given Achebe’s primary identity as an author, it is perhaps fitting that it is a book which has made him one of The Nation’s Men of the Year. There Was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra, his memoir of the Nigerian Civil War, has stirred controversy, inflamed passions and whipped up sentiment to a degree unheard of in Nigerian writing.

    Like the book itself, Achebe’s choice of title is provocative. “There Was a Country” raises obvious questions.Was there a country? What animated it, gave it life and form? If “There Was a Country” in the past, “Is There a Country” now? What kind of country is it, particularly compared to the country that “was”?

    Achebe’s book revisits a crucial aspect of Nigerian history in an attempt to understand what happened, why it happened, and what its consequences are. What distinguishes his effort from others is the depth of feeling and the courage he brings to the topic. Ever since the last shot was fired, there has been a conspiracy of silence on all sides, a determined attempt to forget that the conflict ever happened. It was first seen in the pious mantra of “No Victor, No Vanquished” peddled by the Gowon administration and was entrenched in the complacent attitudes that quickly developed in reaction to it.

    In a country where it is far more profitable to ignore the past, There Was a Countryhas dragged Nigeria, kicking and screaming, back to a history it would prefer to forget. The ensuing debate, raucous and unmannerly though it has been, has compelled Nigerians to look more intensively at themselves than before. In a country where questions of justice and equity are often subordinated to the “turn-by-turn” ethos of Nigeria’s cake-sharing political process, Achebe’s book has compelled a new focus on fundamentals. The questions Nigerians now ask themselves are as terrible as they are necessary: To what extent did ethnic animosity and private ambition turn an avoidable conflict into an inevitable war? What does genocide mean? What is a war crime? How did the conflict affect the country and its people?

    While much of the discussion has degenerated into a heated argument over the actions of specific personalities and ethnicities, the book’s main thesis is incontrovertible: the fallout of Nigeria’s Civil War cannot be glossed over, or forgotten, or ignored, or wished away, or put aside. It is simply too significant to a coherent understanding of how Nigeria is, who Nigerians are, and what they can be. The war speaks to the country’s skewed structure and the tensions that characterize relationships between its constituent ethnic groups. The manner in which it was prosecuted carries harsh lessons about the dire consequences of political and military overreach. Its lingering after-effects carry grim portents for Nigeria’s future stability.

    The simple truth is that no nation can overlook a conflict that resulted in between one and three million deaths, most of whom were non-combatants. The very enormity of the tragedy cries out for attention: far too many innocents on all sides died for their deaths to be in vain. If the Americans and the Spanish are looking into the causes and courses of older civil conflicts, there can be no reason why Nigeria should not do it. Hard truths will be told; guilt and innocence, culpability and exculpation, victory and defeat could become so intertwined as to be indistinguishable from one another. But the country will have made progress in the vital task of understanding itself, and will thus be the better for it.

    For asking hitherto-unanswered questions, for uttering the supposedly unmentionable, for demanding that Nigeria live up to its own noble ideals, Chinua Achebe is The Nation’s Third Runner-Up for Man of the Year, 2012

  • Why Nigerians hate Igbos, by Chinua Achebe

    Why Nigerians hate Igbos, by Chinua Achebe

    The increase was so exponential in such a short time that within three short decades the Igbos had closed the gap and quickly moved ahead as the group with the highest literacy rate, the highest standard of living, and the greatest of citizens with postsecondary educ

    Nigeria’s foremost novelist Chinua Achebe has claimed that Nigerians,especially of the Hausa/Fulani and the Yoruba stocks, do not like his Igbo ethnic group because of the southeast’s cultural advantage.

    He made this claim in his new book, There was a Country, which has generated controversy for his onslaught on the role of Obafemi Awolowo as the federal commissioner of finance during the Nigeria civil war. He accused Awolowo of genocide and imposition of food blockade on Biafra, a claim that has drawn rebuttals and contradictions of emotional intensity from some southwest leaders and commentators.

    “I have written in my small book entitled The Trouble with Nigeria that Nigerians will probably achieve consensus on no other matter than their common resentment of the Igbo,” he wrote under the heading, A History of Ethnic Tension and Resentment. He traced the origin of “the national resentment of the Igbo” to its culture that “gave the Igbo man an unquestioned advantage over his compatriots in securing credentials for advancement in Nigerian colonial society.”

    He observed that the Igbo culture’s emphasis on change, individualism and competitiveness gave his ethnic group an edge over the Hausa/Fulani man who was hindered by a “wary religion” and the Yoruba man who was hampered by” traditional hierarchies.”

    He therefore described the Igbo, who are predominantly Catholic, as “fearing no god or man, was “custom-made to grasp the opportunities, such as they were, of the white man’s dispensations. And the Igbo did so with both hands.”

    He delved into history with his claim, asserting that the Igbo overcame the earlier Yoruba advantage within two decades earlier in the twentieth century.

    “Although the Yoruba had a huge historical and geographical head start, the Igbo wiped out their handicap in one fantastic burst of energy in the twenty years between 1930 and 1950.”

    He narrated the earlier advantage of Yoruba as contingent on their location on the coastline, but once the missionaries crossed the Niger, the Igbo took advantage of the opportunity and overtook the Yoruba.

    ‘The increase was so exponential in such a short time that within three short decades the Igbos had closed the gap and quickly moved ahead as the group with the highest literacy rate, the highest standard of living, and the greatest of citizens with postsecondary education in Nigeria,” he contended.

    He said Nigerian leadership should have taken advantage of the gbo talent and this failure was partly responsible for the failure of the Nigerian state, explaining further that competitive individualism and the adventurous spirit of the Igbo was a boon Nigerian leaders failed to recognize and harness for modernization.

    “Nigeria’s pathetic attempt to crush these idiosyncrasies rather than celebrate them is one of the fundamental reasons the country has not developed as it should and has emerged as a laughingstock,” he claimed.

    He noted that the ousting of prominent Igbos from top offices was a ploy to achieve a simple and crude goal. He said what the Nigerians wanted was to “get the achievers out and replace them with less qualified individuals from the desired ethnic background so as to gain access to the resources of the state.”

    Achebe, however, saved some criticisms for his kinsmen. He criticised them for what he described as “hubris, overweening pride and thoughtlessness, which invite envy and hatred or even worse that can obsess the mind with material success and dispose it to all kinds of crude showiness.”

    He added that “contemporary Igbo behavior(that) cab offend by its noisy exhibitionism and disregard for humility and quietness.

     

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