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Tag: citizens

  • ‘Nigeria’s security policies  failing to protect citizens’

    ‘Nigeria’s security policies  failing to protect citizens’

    • By Adebisi Onanuga and Kafilat Alabi

    A Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) Prof. Yusuf Ali has said that the current national security policies have been deepening human suffering, and actively creating new categories of victims.

    Prof. Ali  said this was contrary to the objectives of the policy which was designed to curb terrorism and insecurity.

    He said this was why the policies have been vehemently criticised by legal and security experts for abandoning constitutional safeguards,

    Prof. Ali made this observation in his keynote address delivered at the 2025 Gavel International Annual Lecture and Awards held at the Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industries (LCC1), Olowopopo Street, Alausa, Ikeja.

    The learned silk who spoke on the topic,: “The Impact of National Security Policies on Vulnerable Populations: A Human Rights Perspective,” warned that the nation’s counter-terrorism and law enforcement strategies have drifted perilously from their constitutional foundations, resulting in widespread violations against the very citizens they were meant to shield.

    Prof. Ali stated emphatically that the vulnerable, including the poor, women, children, and internally displaced persons (IDPs), have become unintended, yet consistent, casualties of the government’s efforts to combat terrorism, banditry, and separatist agitation.

    “The reality is that many of our security measures have turned citizens into victims. We have created a system where the people we are supposed to protect are being displaced, detained, or deprived of dignity under the guise of national security,” he declared.

    Read Also: FG vows swift rescue of abducted Kebbi schoolgirls, reaffirms duty to protect citizens

    The Senior Advocate stressed that national security cannot be pursued at the expense of human security. He urged policymakers to adopt a people-centred approach, where human dignity forms the bedrock of every security framework.

    “True security cannot be achieved by force alone. It requires the protection of rights, economic empowerment, and the strengthening of democratic institutions.

    “Where the state fails to uphold the rule of law or meet basic needs, insecurity will persist regardless of the number of guns or troops deployed,” he argued.

    Citing the acute humanitarian crises in the North-East and Middle Belt to support his view.

    Prof. Ali lamented that millions of displaced Nigerians face dehumanising conditions, are exposed to hunger, disease, and abuse.

    He pointed to the absence of accountability in security operations as a key factor fostering impunity among armed forces and police units, leading to a profound erosion of public trust.

    Prof. Ali specifically criticised provisions of the Terrorism (Prevention and Prohibition) Act 2022, which allow for prolonged detention without trial.

    He warned that such measures contradict both the spirit of the Constitution and international conventions ratified by Nigeria.

    “Laws designed to fight terrorism should not themselves become tools of terror. We cannot detain people indefinitely or silence dissent in the name of protecting the state. The Constitution was made for times of peace and crisis alike,” he cautioned.

    The legal luminary called for mandatory human rights training within the military, police, and intelligence services, alongside stronger legislative checks on executive power.

    He advocated for inclusive policymaking that actively incorporates the voices of affected communities, such as IDPs, women’s groups, and traditional institutions, stressing that lasting peace is intrinsically linked to community trust and participation.

    He said that the legitimacy of any security policy hinges on its ability to protect, not punish, citizens.

    “Security must never be an excuse for injustice. When citizens lose faith in the fairness of the state, the battle for national security is already lost,” he declared.

    Major General (Dr) James Alilu Atagura who spoke on security.issues, identified corruption and the chronic absence of an effective system of punishment and reward as the core drivers of Nigeria’s pervasive insecurity.

    He lamented the collapse of justice and accountability, noting that widespread impunity emboldens criminality across the political landscape.

    “Can anyone genuinely go to court and expect justice without bias?” he asked.

    “We see election malpractice, certificate forgery, and corruption go unpunished. Governors finish eight years and vanish when the EFCC comes knocking, while their predecessors remain in court 15 years later. Without justice, society reverts to a state of nature,” he added.

    Major General Atagura also questioned the extensive deployment of the military for internal security duties, arguing that the army has been overstretched beyond its constitutional role, which should primarily be the responsibility of the police.

    “The military should not be embedded among civilians. When soldiers act outside their defined scope, they create more problems,” he said.

    He insisted that insecurity is a symptom, not the disease, and will persist unless Nigeria addresses root causes such as poverty, unemployment, and institutional decay.

    “Even if Boko Haram is defeated today, another group will rise tomorrow because the root causes remain unaddressed,” he said, calling for a swift, certain, and consistent enforcement of laws.

    Dele Adesina (SAN) in his contribution described Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution as a fundamentally flawed document that actively undermines true federalism and effective governance.

    He cited scholars who have variously called the document a fraud and an illogical document.

    Adesina noted that despite Nigeria being a supposed federation, many of the constitution’s provisions are unitary, particularly concerning policing.

    He pointed to Section 214, which mandates only one police force, and Section 215, which restricts governors’ operational control over Commissioners of Police.

    “How can governors be chief security officers when they lack control over law enforcement?” he queried. He urged constitutional reform to correct these fundamental structural defects, insisting that no true federation operates a single, centralised police force.

    Earlier, the founder of Gavel International, Mustapha Adekunle Ogunsakin, said the lecture was conceived to draw urgent attention to the worsening security crisis and the government’s constitutional duty to protect its citizens.

    He lamented the political class’s indifference, urging leaders to rise above partisanship and unite against insecurity, which he rooted in poor governance, not religion.

  • Citizens, citoyens and fellow compatriots

    Citizens, citoyens and fellow compatriots

    As Nigeria’s sixty fifth birthday anniversary approaches, it is imperative, beyond partisan considerations, to ask some questions about the fate and fortunes of liberal democracy in the greatest conglomeration of Black people in the world. The question is even more pressing in the light of notable developments in Western nations, particularly the rise of rightwing populism and xenophobic nationalism in leading western nations such as America, England and France. As this column has noted several times in the last few years, these developments may suggest some fraying at the edges of the nation-state paradigm itself and the possibility of its undergoing some radical mutations as historical developments unfold.

      If this were to be the case, it will amount to double jeopardy for African nations that are yet to inculcate the habits and operational procedures of the nation-state after the epoch of empires before they are frog-marched once again into uncharted territory. The question must now be broached as to why western-type liberal democracy seems to be taking its time to take root in Africa. Why has it proved difficult for Africans to internalize and interiorize its habits and norms? At the superficial level, the question can be converted to its own answer. Africa is not Western Europe or America for that matter. The mode of acculturation and socialization of each entity is different. So is their historic trajectory. Africa is the last bastion of traditional feudal autocracy.

     But something far more profound and fundamental seems to be afoot. Early developmental economists such as Samir Amin, the iconic, Egyptian-born radical economist, historian and social philosopher, suggested that Europe, America, Australia, New Zealand were able to overpower and overcome the contradictions of feudalism so rapidly ironically because they were at the periphery unlike its classical formation in China, India, Ethiopia, the Arab countries and core Africa. As a matter of fact, the United States is supposed to represent a complete new beginning for humanity founded on the ashes of feudal Europe.

      Even then it took several centuries of turmoil and bloody strife preceding the signing and sealing of the Magna Carta in June 1215 through subsequent civil wars and a revolution to domesticate and naturalize the democratic franchise in Britain. It was only in the last century that adult suffrage was extended to all male and later women. In America despite the self-declared “self-evident” truths that all men are born equal, it took centuries of protests and violent confrontations on the streets for Black people to be declassified as sub-human curios not worthy of voting or being voted for. Democracy is not a Kayo-kayo festival.

       When African postcolonial elites cotton on to the heroic struggles for self-emancipation of other people to demand same for their nation without having expended the same toil, tears and sufferings for the emancipation of their own people not to talk of immersing themselves in their analogous struggles except when it confers certain privileges and political advantages on them, that is breastfeeding democracy leading to empty caterwauling and the sulking of colonial sucklings. They quote John Locke’s theory of social contract without understanding its limited universal applicability, what led to what and the context and circumstances.

    They warmly approve of Rousseau’s famous saying that man is born free but is in chains everywhere, without appreciating the fact that not all “men” fall into that social category or genetic classification.  Rather than coming to grip with their intellectual, political and moral limitations and go back to the drawing board, they resort to hoary prescriptions and demagoguery about how to move democracy forward and safeguard votes which is dead on arrival because it is founded on peer-envy and losers’ fatigue. Seeing through the hegemonic ruse, elites from countervailing cultural formations dismiss it all with contempt and hostility, a development which reinforces the extant ethnic temples and drives the prospects of liberal democracy further away. You cannot buy into a game of numbers and ethnic herd-count after conducting your own tribal census and then buy out midgame. That is electoral disruption, or isn’t it?

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      This is the bane of democratic growth and expansion in Nigeria with the nuclear caucus of each dominant group gaming away to snatch the supreme laurel on the basis of extant strengths and advantages rather than relying on a pan-national consensus. In such circumstances, it is the dominant group that is able to claw away at the electoral strengths of rival power formations and cobble together the semblance of a national consensus that is bound to prevail at the centre. This is what happened in 2023 and may yet repeat itself in 2027 given the enormous economic and strategic resources that have since accrued to those that have found themselves controlling the levers of power at the centre despite the wailings about pangs of hunger.

    It is a precarious situation and the circumstances are far from rosy. It is an established fact that in conditions of depressing and distressing economic indices, elite contestation for power which involves fanning the embers of religious and cultural identities in an already severely polarized polity may eventuate in political disorder and ethnic confrontation on a prohibitive scale. The western powers that used to nudge Nigeria in the direction of democratic rectitude and restitution are all embroiled in internal contradictions and existential complications of their own which leaves no room for international do-gooding.

      It reminds one of an anecdote about Charles de Gaulle, the greatest Frenchman of the last century. After surviving another of the numerous attempts on his life, the get-away car conveying him to safety had barely left the scene when it developed a flat tyre. The tall looping figure of Charles de Gaulle craned out and then ruefully noted that those who were trying to save his life were as incompetent as those who were trying to kill him. Democracy has many night nurses who often turn out to be daylight killer-medics.

    Democracy may be a permanent work in progress. But when improperly and incompetently handled, it is also prone to quick regression and summary retrogression. We have seen this in the many coups, countercoups, civil uprisings, religious upheavals, military annulment of election and the consequent abridgement of democratic growth as well as the instances of civilian autocracy that this country has hosted since independence. They all point at something very fundamental: the lack of nourishments and nutrients on which a viable and sustainable democratic culture can grow and flourish.

       To compound our predicament, this foundational lack is complicated by the vestiges of traditional authoritarian rule which we inherited from our forebears and which has survived the most outlandish onslaught of colonization. The rich irony is that traditional authoritarian rule had its unique checks and balances which allowed empires, kingdoms and autonomous principalities to flourish until the colonial irruption. Had it been that we had listened to some of our visionary founding fathers who insisted that what has been handed to us is not a real nation in the classical sense of the word but a pastiche and mosaic of countervailing ethnicities with different cultures and different historical trajectories, we could have fared much better because the scope and enormity of the task ahead would have been apparent.

       For example, while the Yoruba spent most of a previous century fighting themselves in a series of interlocking civil wars, the Igbo people were in a world of their own with periodic eruptions of internecine bloodletting while the Fulani conquerors had just completed a systematic decimation and takeover of Hausaland. To beat all these together into an organic whole would have required masters of violent homogeneity or a political surgeon of uncommon skill of surgical disentanglement and unbundling. But with the heady beat of independence, rather than facing the fundamental issues squarely, we headed straight off to uncharted territory. Six years later, the whole thing fell apart and we are still at it sixty years later.

     So, let us by all means continue with our quarrelling and bickering about the validity of the military-ordained 1999 constitution, the need for a national dialogue, the tragic unraveling of the judiciary, INEC and its failings, the need for state police, devolution of power and the messy constitutional impasse about Local Government which speak to the tyranny of overbearing centralization and its strangulation of genuine democratic aspiration of Nigerians for over sixty years. But let us also revive debates about certain issues that are even more germane and foundational to our democratic evolution, particularly our inability to throw up a genuine nationalist and patriotic political class, the drastic decline of civic consciousness and the continuing absence of an authentic citizenry to act as guardrails against democratic derailment.

       So far, what we have in the context fierce elite contestation for power without a coherent and holistic nationalist ideology of development and democratic growth is ethnic citizenship or nationalism in furious reverse gear in which primordial loyalty to tribal origins and aspirations trump all considerations for the larger nation. In the ensuing collision of tribal temples and templates, the soul and essence of the nation is lost leaving an amorphous mass of contending ethnic nationalities. Having been handed Nigeria by the colonial masters, we are finding the task of creating Nigerians a mission impossible, except by default.

       We must thank the authorities for restoring the teaching of history to our school curriculum. This is the way to go. The original decision to expunge history from our pedagogical space is so bizarre in its malicious intent and conception that it could only have come from the philistine mindset of a perverse egomaniac. As we noted only last week, It has led to a rupture of heroic remembrance and a short-circuiting of institutional memory. We must shudder at the effect and impact of this on a whole generation of our youngsters. Unfortunately, while the teaching of history can be restored and civic consciousness imparted by boosting and enhancing national literacy levels, not so authentic citizenship which is an integral and organic bastion of the storied history of a united people in all their shared destiny, their shared inspirations and aspirations and their shared faith in the orgiastic future.

       It is the absence of authentic citizenship aided by a historical void and the collapse of civic consciousness which opens the door and a pathway to the phenomenon of “fellow countrymen”, the false narrative beloved of military despotism and civilian autocracy alike in which there is no fellow feeling or compatriots but the barbarity of cave-dwellers. Fortunately as that phenomenon recedes into remote and malignant antiquity, we have the opportunity to create the nation anew. If the opportunity slips, the alternative is too dark and sinister to contemplate. Happy anniversary to the nation.

  • Citizens will enjoy democracy dividends, AGF assures Nigerians

    Citizens will enjoy democracy dividends, AGF assures Nigerians

    The Attorney General of the Federation (AGF) and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi (SAN), has said President Bola Tinubu is committed to taking bold decisions that will bring the democratic dividends to people.

    He said the giant strides of the current administration would bequeath “the nation of our dreams to us”.

    The AGF noted that with the spread of the President’s appointments, he has proved himself as a true nationalist dedicated to ensuring unity and cohesion of the nation, despite the polarisation which characterised the electoral system in the last general elections.

    Fagbemi urged everyone to give the Tinubu administration a chance, warning saboteurs to desist before the long arm of the law catches up with them.

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    The AGF, who was the keynote speaker at the 13th annual lecture, award and Hall of Fame of the Afrikanwatch Network Communications at the weekend in Yaba College of Technology (YABATECH) Lagos, spoke on the theme of the event: Nigerian Politics of Today: The Quest for National Rebirth… Reclaiming the Identity of a Nation.

    Fagbemi stressed that reforming the justice sector was a veritable tool for national rebirth.

    He said: “We can only talk of national rebirth when politicians realise that the election period is over and should join hands with the government of the day to develop the nation.

    “A situation where those who lost in the last elections are still making inflammatory remarks only gives room for incitement and hate, which is not good for a nation that wants to progress, it should be condemned irrespective of whose ox is gored.”

  • Govt urged to prioritise citizens’ rights

    Govt urged to prioritise citizens’ rights

    A non-profit organisation, Accountability Lab Nigeria, has urged the Federal Government to prioritise citizens’ rights and privacy while pursuing national security.

    The organisation said democratic principles such as freedom of expression must be upheld in the digital area.

    It said this during the unveiling of four policy briefs developed in collaboration with Data and Digital Rights Coalition to mark the 2024 data privacy week.

    The briefs provided insights into protecting access to information in Nigeria, enhancing accountability in surveillance practices, implementing Data Protection Measures to Safeguard Against Surveillance Abuse in Nigeria, and strengthening data protection.

    The four policy briefs were unveiled at a briefing by the Country Director, Accountability Lab Nigeria, Friday Odeh, Programs and Learning Manager of the organisation, Ehi Idakwo, and Communications Officer Accountability Lab, Nigeria, Blessing Anolaba in Abuja on Monday.

    The country director of the organisation said the policy briefs sheds light on the growing adoption of unregulated digital technologies and policies in Nigeria.

    He said: “This brief underscores the urgent need to combat online censorship and protect access to information in Nigeria. It emphasizes the importance of upholding democratic principles, human rights, and free expression in the digital age. We urge Nigeria to take proactive steps to preserve these fundamental values.

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    “Also, we must enhance accountability in surveillance practices. It is important to prioritise citizens’ privacy and rights while pursuing national security objectives through surveillance practices. This calls for robust judicial and public oversight mechanisms to ensure transparency and accountability in using surveillance technologies.”

    He said the gap in citizens’ awareness regarding digital rights, online harm prevention and content moderation created an environment prone to misuse and abuse by government security agencies, particularly in counterterrorism efforts, leading to severe consequences such as human rights violations and harassment.

    Odeh added: “The overall argument of this briefs calls for balanced co-existence of privacy protection and national security approaches within the evolving digital landscape. It reiterates the importance of government accountability frameworks, responsible leadership from businesses (banks and telecommunications), and the active participation of citizens in the Nigerian digital landscape.”

    Idakwo said: “Combating Online Censorship: The brief underscores the urgent need to combat online censorship and protect access to information in Nigeria. It emphasizes the importance of upholding democratic principles, human rights, and free expression in the digital age, urging Nigeria to take proactive steps to preserve these fundamental values; Enhancing Accountability in Surveillance Practices: highlights the importance of prioritising citizens’ privacy and rights while pursuing national security objectives through surveillance practices. It calls for robust judicial and public oversight mechanisms to ensure transparency and accountability in using surveillance technologies, Strengthening Data Protection, and Towards the Implementation of Data Protection Measures to Safeguard Against Surveillance Abuse in Nigeria.”

  • US warns its citizens to avoid major hotels in Nigeria 

    US warns its citizens to avoid major hotels in Nigeria 

    The United States of America has warned its citizens to avoid major hotels in Nigeria.

    The warning which is the first in recent times warned of elevated threats to major hotels in the country.

    The US warning is termed emergency information for American citizens, dated November 3.

    It urged all US citizens to be vigilant and be alert of their surroundings.

    It also warned them to keep a low profile, and review the travel advisory for Nigeria before checking into any hotel.

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    The notice reads, “The US Government is aware of credible information that there is an elevated threat to major hotels in Nigeria’s larger cities.

    The advisory said the Nigerian security agencies are working to counter the threat.

    “Nigerian security services are working diligently to counter the threat,” it stated.

    The notice also provided the addresses and telephone numbers of the US embassy in Abuja and consulate in Lagos should any US citizen require help.”

  • Citizens tired of not seeing results, say West African elders

    Citizens tired of not seeing results, say West African elders

    The West African Elders Forum (WAEF) has urged African leaders to respect constitutions and put citizens’ welfare, peace, and security at the centre of governance.

    According to a statement by Wealth Ominabo, communication officer of the Goodluck Jonathan Foundation, the forum gave the advice during a webinar themed: ‘Making meaning of democratic reversals in West Africa’.

    Eight countries in West and Central Africa have witnessed coups in three years, with Gabon being the most recent.

    The forum examined the challenges to democratic governance in the region and how best to advance democracy amid the growing trend of coups.

    The forum urged governments, regional and sub-regional bodies to invest more in citizen-centric initiatives that would help serve as a buffer against threats to democracy.

    WAEF also called for strengthening democratic frameworks in countries to ensure accountability and guarantee free and credible elections.

    WAEF said the democratic decline in the region, owing to the poor state of governance, has led to frustration and a trust deficit between citizens and governments.

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    They called for the rethinking of democracy in the continent to address citizens’ contemporary realities.

    Contributing to the discussion, Fatoumata Tambajang, former vice-president of the Gambia, attributed democratic reversal in the region to political leaders’ disregard for normative values of democracy and inability to deliver on their political promises.

    “It is time to rethink democracy within our context. First of all, what are the factors leading to democratic decline?” Tambajang asked.

    “The context in the Sahel is complex because we have civil leaders who are not ready to respect the constitutions and civil institutions. They are also not ready to deliver on their democratic promises.

    “Most of our leaders believe that after soliciting for votes and getting victory at the polls, they forget to deliver their promises to the people.

    “Citizens are getting more aware and saying they are tired of voting and not seeing results.

    “They are saying we want decent lives; we want food in our homes; we want security and competent people in the civil service who can deliver on services.

    “They are equally saying we want equal opportunity, gender equality.”

    Also, ‘Remi Ajibewa, former director of the department of political affairs, peace and security at the Economic Community of West Africa States, said ECOWAS should focus more on citizens than incumbent presidents.

    Ajibewa highlighted the initiatives ECOWAS has undertaken to safeguard democracy in the sub-region.

    “Not that ECOWAS has not been doing well. It is a problem of perception,” he said.

  • CITIZENS OF TWO WORLDS

    Beyond their fame from movies, some actors are now flourishing as university lecturers in different citadels of higher learning across the country. Leading the pack is Sola Fosudo, whose acting prowess register his name in the minds of movie buffs, with his performance in hugely successful soap opera, Village Headmaster (now rested), Glamour Girls, Ripples, and Iyawo Alhaji, among others.

    Now, a professor of Theatre Arts at the Lagos State University (LASU), Ojo, Fosudo, who joined the university in 1994 as Junior Lecturer, straddles between two worlds—acting and lecturing.

    In a recent interview with a newspaper, he gave reasons why he decided to juggle the two worlds against the disenchantment of many of his colleagues who feared that he was about to drop his relatively successful and lucrative career for lecturing, which at the time was poorly remunerated.

    He said: ‘’I was happy with the industry at the time I moved to LASU, but I have always looked forward to growth, and I knew LASU would be a platform for me to make a bigger contribution to the development of theatre in Nigeria.

    “Development theatre in Nigeria should not be only through films but also by training people. I applied to LASU, passed the interviews and was employed. But when I joined LASU in 1994, some people felt I was unserious or insane. I was already earning N150,000 to appear in movies. I had featured in popular movies like Glamour Girls, True Confession and a host of others. However, when I joined LASU as a Lecturer 2 in 1994, my salary was N5,000.

    ‘’A few years after joining LASU, I was instrumental to the establishment of the Theatre Arts Department. I joined the English Language Department but later applied to the Department of Theatre Arts, which started in 2001. For me, this is a major achievement as many students have passed through the department.’’

    Next is multitalented performance artiste, Tunji Sotimirin. The Ijebu Aiyepe, Ogun State born popular actor, stand-up comedian, broadcaster and singer with two music albums to his credit currently lectures in the University of Lagos (UNILAG). Famed for his Konkere music contraption, Sotimirin, in a recent media interview, said: “When you find yourself teaching, it doesn’t mean you should give up your first love. You don’t say you’ll abandon it because you are teaching.’’

    In this league also is seasoned actor, Ayo Akinwale, a professor of Theatre Arts at the University of Ilorin, Kwara State. Akinwale is famed for combining deep Yoruba accent with fluent English diction. He has appeared in countless flicks, including Oko Aseetani, Osooro, Eti Keta and a television commercial on Bagco super sack.

    Akinwale studied at the University of Ibadan, and he participated at local and international theatre festivals under the tutelage of Prof Adelugba. He was formerly in the employ of the Broadcasting Corporation of Oyo State (BCOS) in the 1980s, from where he moved to The Polytechnic, Ibadan. He was later appointed the Head of the Department of the Performing Arts at the University of Ilorin (UNILORIN) in 1985.

    Akinwale is a scholar of repute with books and articles on Theatre Arts in Nigeria to his credit. Some of his publications include From Compound Space, to the Living Stage’ Nigerian Theatre Journal (1998); ‘Theatre and Democracy in Nigeria’ Nigerian Theatre Journal; ‘The Nigerian Theatre and Economic Viability.’ Arts Administration in Contemporary Nigeria; The Nigeria Broadcaster’ Media Nigeria, among others.

     

    OTHERS

    In the Nigerian movie sector, no one can deny the place of veteran actor, Kola Oyewo, a professor of Theatre Arts at The Redeemers University, Ogun State. Oyewo, who started out as a stage actor and instructor at Obafemi Awolowo Univesrity, Ile Ife, Osun State, had featured prominently in the stage acting era of the country’s film sector with notable doyens of the art, including Oyin Adejobi and Kola Ogunmola, both of blessed memory.

    Desirous of upping his ante and educational background, Oyewo would later earn a bachelor’s degree in Theatre Arts from the same university and capped his academic back up with masters and doctoral degrees from the University of Ibadan (UI).

    With his then newly attained academic background, Oyewo, who played the lead role in Tunde Kelani’s movie, Kosegbe, where he acted as Mako, the incorruptible Customs chief later lectured at OAU and retired from the university in 2011 and has since pitched his tent with The Redeemers University.

    Speaking with The Nation recently, Oyewo said he decided to earn university degrees and become a lecturer in order to further make impact in his profession.

    “When I joined Oyin Adejobi Theatre group in 1964, Chief Lere Paimo, who was manager of the theatre then, was my role model. I loved the way he acted, the way he sang, and I tried to emulate him.

    “When I came to the University of Ife theatre in 1973, Uncle Jimi Solanke was there for me to look up to. So at different stages of developing my talent in theatre, I had different people to look up to.

    ‘’I wouldn’t call it an afterthought (his decision to acquire university degrees), because I started living in an academic ambience and I saw that it was necessary for me to improve on my status. That if I had the opportunity, why don’t I acquire knowledge and become a teacher, not just remain as an actor forever? “Because I started working in the university environment since 1973, I saw the opportunity and I grabbed it. And I was encouraged by a lot of people, including my wife.

    “My then head of the department, Dr. Akomolafe, encouraged me to change to academic after my first degree. Professor Femi Osofisan also encouraged me. Even those who are younger than I am encouraged and mentored me to get into the status that I am now as an Associate Professor of Theatre Art.

    ‘’A lot of people think that they can jump up one day and say that they are actors. I believe that there is talent, but they just have to acquire some knowledge so the talent you have, you will nurture it to maturity.

    “So, it is not enough to be talented. It is equally important to acquire knowledge in whatever you are doing. I advise that the young ones who want to be artistes, once they discover they have the talent, they must also try to acquire knowledge to learn the techniques and the mechanisms of the profession.”

    Movie lovers of the 80s and 90s would easily remember Doyin Hassan, who starred in Natal, a film produced in the 80s by Doyin Hassan. Hassan shot into limelight in the movie scene in 1985 as star actor in The Heretic, a movie jointly produced by Baba Babs-Fashina and Jimi Odumosu of Lagos Televison, LTV 8.

    “Hassan who holds a doctoral degree in Marketing has featured on many stage productions and movies, including Trials of Oba Ovonranmwen written by Ahmed Yerima in 1996; Iku Olokun Esin, an Akinwunmi Ishola’s adaptation of Death and the Kings Horseman written by Wole Soyinka in 1994; Ola Rotimi’s Kurunmi directed by Olu Akomolafe of Obafemi Awolowo University, Ife in 1996; Arrows of God (1998); Sango (1999); Saworoide (1999), Agogo-Eewo (2003), Campus Queen (2003), Arewa (2003), and Widows the Mourning After by Jimi Odumosu in 2003, among many others.

    Hassan, currently a senior lecturer in the Department of Marketing at the Lagos State University (LASU), where he was an Assistant Director in charge of School of Part Time Studies.

    Alex Usifo rose to fame in 1988 when he starred in Zeb Ejiro’s soap opera, Ripples, where he played the villain called Talaab Abass and has since starred in over 250 movies to date.

    He took a break from acting to earn degrees in the university, culminating in a doctoral degree in Information Studies from Babcock Univesity in Ogun State, where he now teaches in the Department of History and International Studies.

    Joke Muyiwa is one of the few female thespians around who are doing exploits in the movie industry. The star actor in Ayitale, a film produced by Femi Adebayo, is a senior lecturer and former Head of Department of Theatre Arts at Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ogun State.

    Also on the list of actors turned lecturers is a renowned playwright, actor, director and producer, Professor Ahmed Parker Yerima. Yerima, a former director of the National Troupe of Nigeria and Director-General of the National Theatre, is currently Dean of the College of Humanities at Redeemers University. He has featured in several movies, including Widow, The Mourning After, produced by ace filmmaker, Jimi Odumosu.

    Popularly called Saka, Hafiz Oyetoro, a comedian and actor, has featured prominently in several movies, including Tunde Kelani’sKosegbe. He is a senior lecturer in the Theatre Arts Department of Adeniran Ogunsanya College of Education, Ijanikin, Lagos. He made the headlines when he ported from Etisalat to MTN as ambassador with a mouth-watering remuneration.

    Like Oyetoro, Gbenga-Windapo is a prolific thespian and comedian who has featured in several movies and stage productions with Oyetoro. Windapo, who is the founder of LAFOMANIA, is also a lecturer at Adeniran Ogunsanya College of Education (AOCOED).

    Although Igodo, an epic film, brought Dr Sam Dede into prominence, he is also a lecturer at the University of Lagos (UNILAG). He would later switch over to the Department of Theatre Arts at the University of Port Harcourt and was later appointed as the director-general of the Rivers State Tourism Development Agency.

    While the foray of theatre arts practitioners into academics may be personal decisions of the aforementioned actors, a cross section of them are not willing to quit acting for lecturing yet.

    Sotmirin said: ‘’When you find yourself teaching, it doesn’t mean you should give up your first love. You don’t say you’ll abandon it because you are teaching.

    “The universities also began to give some focus to the discipline in their curriculum.

    “The truth is that the admission of students into the Theatre Arts departments in universities has helped to correct certain misconceptions about the profession.

    “They now realise that it is discipline that prepares you to hold your head high anywhere you find yourself.”

  • Paradoxes of captured citizens and failed leadership

    If the misery of the poor be caused not by the laws of nature, but by our institutions, great is our sins -Charles Darwin

    In 2015, Nigerians stood proudly poised for its competitive presidential election in 16 years. Expectations were high and a sense of accomplishment filled the air. Nigeria had, after all, moved smoothly from one civilian rule in 1999 under Olusegun Obasanjo to a semi-functioning democracy under Shehu Yar’Adua/Goodluck Jonathan. However, Muhammadu Buhari’s election victory over Jonathan was a turning point for Nigeria and indeed Africa. It was the first time an incumbent president lost at the polls, accepted the outcome, and peacefully gave up power. This achievement brought Nigeria into limelight as a model for democratic process in the sub-region and a harbinger of hopeful political trends in the years to come.

    However, there are many political, social and economic issues along the pathway of Nigeria’s development and many of these issues affecting the overall well-being are essentially in the hands of the citizens constantly being hoodwinked by social media falsehood. It is time we had a genuine and sincere dialogue to explore how we can work together to address some of the most contending impediment to our national aspiration template. The general elections provide an opportunity to redirect our thoughts and ideas on how to promote poverty reduction, education and its accessibility and indeed religious tolerance. Therefore, it would be beneficial as we go into the elections as citizens to look at the individual candidates and the political party they represent with a view to setting an enduring agenda that would elicit reverse leadership.

    Many citizens see the current state of country as being at crossroads. It is not difficult to join this conversation, not least because the challenges involved are multiple and touch upon all strata of our nation building efforts. During the presidential debates, apart from the two dominant parties that failed to address the critical milestone to retooling Nigeria, many thoughtful and constructive solutions emerged. While the analytics of the previous and current governments have continued unabated, most recommendations have predictably remained un-implemented. Consequently, the challenges remained largely unaddressed by the APC and the PDP.

    Crucially, Nigeria’s historiography of adversarial politics and our propensity to play by poster boys as a means of problem solving is not going to help us as a nation. Sadly, there are mounting inventory of challenges –economic, social, governance, peace and security and the abysmal leadership failures our fellow citizens have been obliged to endure since we gained independence.

    Frankly, leadership is not only about winning elections. It is not about building coalitions of self-serving political warlords either. It is about building consensus, especially on difficult national issues. It is also about promoting compromises necessary for solving those complex problems.

    Benjamin Franklin, one of the writers of the U.S. Constitution, said, “Only a virtuous people are capable of freedom, and if nations become corrupted and vicious they have more need of masters and the people themselves will insist upon it. Protect us from those who prey upon us by night and day, they will insist on masters and you’ll end up with martial law at the insistence of the people.”

    Going forward, there is a clear need to prioritise the issue of federalism and restructuring. Incorporating mandatory quotas for local government autonomy is one way to ensure that locals’ representation in governance is increased. There is also a need to revise election laws with regard to campaigning methods available to election candidates. Currently, disadvantaged candidates who do not have access to substantial funds make the emergence of authentic leadership difficult. Furthermore, consideration should also be given to the regulation of campaign spending and transparency in campaign financing, including donations. This will also help to level the playing field for all candidates.

    Indeed most political parties and party leaders and the so-called progressives and democrats are not motivated, by any shared ideology or political incentives, but rather they are driven by material gains above the larger interest. The leadership of all political parties should adopt a zero-tolerance policy towards election violence, and should promote this vigorously among the regular members of their parties.

    On the other hand, the newly registered political parties, one would again, assume a sense of an all-inclusive, one approach to responding to issues of national interest devoid of narrow partisanship and putting the country first. A patriotic party in my humble submission is one whose sole and primary interest is in working for the nation. The drumbeat of war emanating from their leaders is disquieting and unnecessary. The manifest disregard for issue-based politics raises concern for our emerging democracy particularly for the 2019 general elections.

    Indeed one of the major failing in Nigeria’s political engineering is the peddling of falsehoods with a view to drawing attention to its key officers at the national levels and the total lack of respect for electorates in my view is tantamount to failing on issue- based politics and credible alternatives. Must we accept that just because politics is said to be dirty and politicians will always tell lies to sell their ideas and rig elections, therefore it is in order? If our politicians openly and blatantly tell us lies, exaggerations and other falsehoods as part of their manipulation, should we allow such people to win elections and stay in government? We must begin to invoke all the provisions in the constitution to demand good and transparent governance at all levels irrespective of our sentiment.

    Therefore, a constant and constructive civic engagement through various non-state actor platforms like the traditional and new social media must be deployed constantly to set the agenda for national development. The recent Afro barometer public opinion survey in Nigeria says that majority of the citizens describe the present economic condition of the country as very bad. The Afro barometer (AB) is a comparative series of public opinion surveys that measure public attitudes toward democracy, governance, the economy, leadership, identity, and other related issues across Africa.

    There is need to cast our votes based on merit and to look for the best people to serve in the various sectors and roles, based on integrity, honour, respect and know – how. It should be noted that the nation is bigger than anyone person, and that people irrespective of party, should  approach the elections with clear conscience for the collective interest of Nigeria with a view to providing credible alternatives in people- centered policies and programmes that will transform our great country.

    It is about time Nigerians and indeed the electorates start demanding from politicians – political aspirants, their surrogates, functionaries and groups that at all times they must tell us the truth no matter how much it hurts or is unpleasant in the spirit of national development; and that we will hold them to account for their utterances, actions and inactions and the elections is the time to do needful. Let our votes count!

     

    • Orovwuje is Founder, Humanitarian Care for Displaced Persons,Lagos.

  • Political leadership and citizens democracy (1)

    Over three and a half decades ago, in his slim classic, ‘The Trouble with Nigeria’ Professor Chinua Achebe identified leadership inadequacy as the single most critical factor responsible for the country’s continued unpalatable romance with underdevelopment. As he most poignantly put it, “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership. There is nothing basically wrong with the Nigerian character… The Nigerian problem is the unwillingness or inability of its leaders to rise to the responsibility, to the challenge of personal example which is the hallmark of true leadership”.

    Of course, one confronts some problem here. If there is nothing wrong with the Nigerian character or society, how come we have been condemned to reproducing mediocre, pedestrian, unpatriotic and utterly venal leadership for the better part of our post-colonial history? Are the leaders not in the final analysis drawn from the people and thus only a reflection of the society that produces them?

    Another great Nigerian thinker, the political economist, Claude Ake, brings a slightly different perspective to bear on the problematic of finding the appropriate kind of development-oriented leadership capable of helping to liberate the trapped potentials of an otherwise richly endowed country. In one of his essays which I cannot precisely recall now, Professor Ake stressed the need for Nigerians to stop looking for political messiahs with a magic wand to solve all their problems. Rather, he admonished, every Nigerian must strive to discover the political messiah within each and every one of us so that we can be change agents and impactful leaders in our respective spheres of influence however small.

    In his new book, ‘The Quest for Political Leadership & Citizens Democracy’ published this year, leadership consultant, motivational speaker, researcher, public intellectual and minister of the gospel, Joseph C. Ibekwe, offers refreshing insights into Nigeria’s leadership quandary that takes in and transcends the Achebe and Ake perspectives on leadership.

    A recurring message that echoes throughout his book that runs into approximately 270 pages subdivided into 19 chapters is the author’s contention that hatred for or indifference to politics is a luxury the ordinary citizen in Nigeria, indeed Africa, can ill afford. For, there is an ineluctable link between the quality of political leadership and a polity’s level of socio-economic development.

    The book is divided into two major parts, the first dealing with the nature of political leadership – its purpose, goals and objectives; the socio-economic and cultural context within which political leadership is exercised, the processes of leadership recruitment and mentoring, how leaders can be agents of change or retrogression as well as the linkages between poverty of political thought and morality and how this spawns the gargantuan corruption that is in turn responsible for the pervasive poverty that so badly dehumanizes millions of people across the continent.

    The second part of the book, which will form the concluding part of this review next week, focuses on how the individual in a society like ours can become a public citizen, develop a high sense of political efficacy and exercise effective leadership at whatever level of the polity he or she is found. The author communicates profound thoughts simply and lucidly. His prose is smooth and free flowing thanks, perhaps, to his sound grounding in journalism. Even when discussing the dismal leadership scenario in the country and Africa, he refuses to lapse into unproductive negativism or paralyzing despair.

    Rather, he seeks to inspire his readers to aspire to elevate themselves from being simply private citizens unconcerned about public life to become empowered public citizens by participating purposively in the democratic process. His aim, in his own words, is to help transform “individuals from docile, apathetic private citizens into active public space citizens, who are able to orchestrate the kind of political change that truly changes their lives for the better”.

    Poverty and underdevelopment, the author convincingly demonstrates, are largely functions of poor leadership and it is only competent, experienced political leadership that can harness the potential of the people to realize a nation’s possibilities for greatness. But then, leadership, Ibekwe points out, is not an attribute that just occurs by chance. It is an art and a set of skills that must be learnt through training and honed through practice. In his words, “Great leaders do not just emerge; they are trained”. The chapter on leadership grooming is thus one of the most important in the book.

    However, leadership training itself does not occur either in a vacuum or in the abstract Ibekwe explains as the reader reasons along with him. Rather, since the essence of leadership is change, training and mentoring for leadership must thus aim at equipping the leader to help steer a given society in the direction of the kind of change necessary to achieve the goals of optimal development and positive transformation that would, to paraphrase Harold Laski, enable and empower the individual to realize his best positive potential both for himself and for society as a collectivity. As the author pithily put it, “Change is the most important thing every leader should bring to office: no matter what office that is and at whatever level. Leaders that cannot effect change are simply nebulous”.

    Ibekwe offers tips on how leaders can develop their capacity to be change agents. These include having a self consciousness of their personalities including their moods and emotions, cultivating an awareness of the socio-economic, psychological, cultural and political context within which they function, nurturing a sense of humility that undergirds the ennobling principle of ‘servant-leadership’, as well as summoning the audacity and resoluteness to confront and overcome obstacles on the path to the desired change. The capacity for prompt and decisive decision making is equally critical as the author notes that “Unless you can effectively lead yourself, you are not likely to effectively lead in public”.

    In chapters four and five of the book, Ibekwe examines ‘Political Capitalism & Poverty of Thought’ as well as ‘Political Leadership and the Myth about Political Corruption’. These chapters make for compulsive reading given the virulence of corruption in our polity, its corrosive effects on virtually all spheres of our socio-political life and the ongoing war against corruption being waged by the incumbent All Progressives Congress (APC) administration. The author exhaustively and incisively analyses the many facets of what he describes as ‘grand political corruption’ including nepotism, governance by political expediency, greed, decision making for personal financial benefit, favouritism, selfishness and ethnicity.

    While the author acknowledges the need to tackle the phenomenon of financial corruption as is currently the case, he sees this as only a symptom of more deep rooted causes including poor leadership and the attendant grand political corruption earlier touched upon. He advocates a systemic approach to effectively contain and check corruption by inculcating public moral values through public education and a new form of political socialization to be driven and exemplified by the government in power at any point in time. This he believes will achieve far more positive results than orchestrated and propaganda-driven ‘war’ or ‘fight’ against corruption that may be high on drama but low on efficacy and enduring impact.

    On the debate as regards the choice in Africa between strong leaders or strong institutions, Ibekwe demonstrates that they are not mutually exclusive. His words: “Nigeria, the heart of Africa, needs strong leaders to create strong institutions. Strong leaders are resolute and visionary. They are values-driven and people-focused. They understand that people operate institutions; therefore, institutional systems are set up that leaders of those institutions must align with, and not bend institutional systems to the whims and caprices of those leaders”.

  • Cattle and citizens

    This article had appeared on this page before. It is being republished as an acknowledgement of change in policy response to what has become a national crisis spawned by conflicts between nomadic pastoralists and farmers. The recent decision of the federal government to establish ranches in 10 states of the federation marks a major change from obsession with grazing zones  to ranching, a model that represents global best practice in meat and milk production.

    Tim Marshall in a recent book, Prisoners of Geography: Ten Maps That Tell You Everything You Need To Know About Global Politics has a conclusion that could have been written specifically in relation to politics of cattle production in today’s Nigeria: “As the twenty-first century progresses, the geographical factors that have helped determine our history will mostly continue to determine our future…. Of course, geography does not dictate the course of all events. Great ideas and great leaders are part of the push and pull of history. But they must all operate within the confines of geography.” This quote, like the rest of the book, has lessons for the whole world and more immediately for Nigeria that is under serious stress of coming to terms with nature in a century more empowered by science and technology to cope with the constraints of geography.

    Desertification may be a remote cause of the problem between herdsmen and farmers in states below the Sahel belt in the northern part of Nigeria, but desertification is not peculiar to Nigeria. About 900 million people in the five continents live in zones that are threatened by desertification. But most countries adopt new techniques to cope with such challenges of geography. Nigeria must find ways to acquire such knowledge to save itself from creating easy solutions that may create similar or worse problems in the future for its citizens and its cattle.

    Indiscriminate cattle grazing has not always been a problem in the country. Those who were born before independence would know that up to the 1970s when the Sahel had not moved down as radically as it has in the last twenty years, it was unheard of that herdsmen harassed farmers in the South and largely in the middle-belt. One immediate cause of herdsmen/farmers clash is the fear of Fulani herdsmen to accept the unworkability of the old system of roaming with cattle across states as well as the fear of adopting new modes of cattle raising. Just as many Nigerians are mourning with Benue State over recent killing of men, women, and even children allegedly by herdsmen, the officers of Fulani socio-cultural organisation, Gan Allah Fulani Development Association of Nigeria (GAFDAN) are insisting that it is only annulment of Benue State’s Anti-Open Grazing Law that can prevent violence. The Organisation’s Secretary General, Alhaji Saleh Bayeri, indirectly holds the government responsible for the recent tragedy in Benue: “Naturally, the government should know that the Fulani that keep multiplying in human population and their animals should know that they need a space to occupy and carry out their legitimate business.”

    Bayeri’s call for a space for herdsmen to occupy and carry out legitimate business raises two issues that the federal government must address fast. One is demand for a space for herdsmen and the second is what type of space and why. The interest of GAFDAN seems to be in favour of the pre-colonial mode of cattle farming: nomadism and roaming. The second problem concerns government’s readiness to intervene intelligently and equitably in the clash of interests between animal and plant farmers in different parts of the country.

    So far, it appears that the federal government’s latest intervention is to create “cattle colonies.” The Agriculture Minister, Audu Ogbeh, has attempted to distinguish between cattle ranch and colony: “Ranching is more of an individual venture for those who want to invest, but cattle colony is bigger in scope and size. … Cattle colony is not using Fulani herdsmen to colonize any state. It is going to be done in partnerships with state governments that would like to volunteer land for it. Federal government will fund the project and those wishing to benefit from it will pay some fees.”

    The distinction between cattle ranch and colony befuddles the federal government’s policy on this urgent matter of economic restructuring. How big must a ranch become to qualify for a colony? Is the federal government planning late in the ethos of market economy to run cattle farms or colonies in partnership with states or individuals? Why would the federal government feel comfortable with privatising telecommunication, electricity, banking, fertilizer, and even education while calling for restoration of government/private partnership in cattle business? Is the federal government now ready to return to a mixed economy mode it had stopped since establishment of Bureau of Public Enterprise? FG’s decision to pay for space to serve as colonies and charge cattle farmers “some fees” smacks of special subsidy to cattle farming? Is this policy going to be extended to other forms of farming, especially farmers in non-cattle producing states of the federation? What is the extent of involvement of the National Assembly in formulation of this policy so far?

    With or without climate change, the world is changing in geographical terms and is likely to continue to change. Undoubtedly, science and technology are now deployed to assist humanity to cope with constraints of geography. The federal government needs to get more scientific techniques from global best practices in cattle farming. Given the recent tragedy in Benue, policy wonks cannot afford to go to sleep. But while they are doing necessary comparative studies on raising cattle in states vulnerable to desert encroachment, the government should pay immediate attention to investigation that can lead to prosecution and punishment of those who had given Nigeria the worst name possible in international relations: a country practicing genocide.  Policymakers need to benefit from two Nigerian proverbs. The Igbo proverb says roughly in English “life is like a dance, you need to follow the dance in order to enjoy it.” The Yoruba version says, “it is the contemporary dog that is used to chase the contemporary rabbit.” Both proverbs promote adaptability to new modes and methods. The challenge for the ministries of agriculture and the environment is how to fight desertification frontally and how to adopt new ways to produce cattle.

    If herdsmen were children of upper or middle-class men and women in our country, they would have cried foul for being hired to nurse cattle for the rich at great risk to their being. If the country had created an educational system akin to what exists in Kaduna today—free and compulsory basic education for all—it would have been impossible for current owners of cattle to find herdsmen to follow cows across the country.  Such difficulty must come to cattle owners if part of the goals of national development and integration include ensuring equality and equity. Having herdsmen in the 21st century should be discouraged; potential herdsmen should be in school like the children of owners of the cattle they are hired to herd. Young herdsmen who after receiving Basic Education choose to become cattle farmers should be given opportunities to own ranch, even if they need to take loan guaranteed by government to buy land for ranching.

    The media is already celebrating creation of ranches in 10 states as symptomatic of radical change from government’s earlier preoccupation with establishment of Grazing Zones to adoption of ranching as the hallmark of modern animal farming. Undoubtedly, this is a noticeable change. However, citizens require further explanations on there are further explanations on philosophy and method behind selecting the states to be provided with ranches. How does selecting each state to house some of the 94 ranches fit into the agricultural and land management of the ‘lucky’ states to benefit from about N180 billion? Has the federal government acquired sites for ranches for government use and later for transfer to private cattle farmers? What steps are taken to ensure that federal government’s acquisition or purchase of land that is constitutionally under the jurisdiction of states does not derogate from the power of the state to manage state resources on behalf of citizens in a federation? While the nation justifiably celebrates the priority of ranch over grazing, citizens are likely to get a clearer picture of the new  policy, as more details of the policy emerge. (Not in the original essay)