Tag: concept

  • Redefining the concept of Aluta

    It is a fact that man runs mad after having too much dose from the gourd of power. How wonderful it would be if he only runs mad. But no! He also runs after the bliss of others, for the madness thrills him so, and only he must have a taste of it. He knows full well that to graduate in madness, the sanity of others is a threat; and to broaden his highway of power, walls of liberty must be crushed.

    It is a fact that when man beholds the sight of power through the grip of other’s liberty, he shall not be talked out of it except with a decree from the world unseen. Either for the fear of ‘retrogression’ or for the protection of his albatross-like ego, he will not voluntarily let go of this grip. And it is because of this that struggle, alias aluta, is inevitable.

    I am not sure this reality has been better captured by any other than Malcolm X, who said: “Nobody can give you freedom. Nobody can give you equality or justice or anything. If you are a man, you take it.”

    For the record, Thomas Jefferson, third president of the United States (U.S.), also remarked: “The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants. It is the natural manure.”

    ‘Struggling’ for the attainment of freedom has taken several shapes over time – protests, rallies, riots, assassinations or even outright revolutions. History blesses us with more than enough examples, ranging from the 1960 rally against Anglo-Nigerian Defence Pact to the Ali Must Go protest of 1978.

    Many have debated the efficacy of protests. Some say they are unnecessary, that they wreak more havoc than they bring advantages. Some even assert protests are ungodly. God has chosen our rulers for us and we must submit to them, just as a wife must to her husband. What we can do is call them privately and talk gently to them, or look inward to effect a change through our own lives. Besides, are the rulers not an inseparable reflection of the people?

    Well, as lip-smacking as this moot point is, it is not my instant concern. The focus of this discourse is to suggest improvements and replacements for the hackneyed methods we are used to, especially on campuses. This is in the light of recent developments in places, such as the University of Ibadan (UI), University of Lagos (UNILAG) and University of Port-Harcourt (UNIPORT), among others. The school administrators have now become analogous to the proverbial bird which has learnt to fly without perching, because the hunters also have learnt to shoot without missing.

    The failure and inadequacy of the popular approach to unionism is too obvious to deserve illustration. The approach mostly is no different from a man trying to spit on the sun. No doubt, the more he tries, the more saturated he becomes for his sputum has just about enough fuel to get it back home.

    It is painful to observe that many student unions lack the basic tools needed for a successful protest. They call congresses of more than a thousand students in attendance, yet they use cheap megaphones with worn out batteries for public address. At the end of the day, the student-leaders end up speaking to themselves. For most students, during the eventual protest, they will be unable to highlight the hard facts or the basic premise. This is wrong. Solid, sound and standard public address systems have to be acquired, if for nothing else, for the purpose of protests. It will not only aid mobilisation and communication, but understanding too.

    Also, I have found that 21st Century students’ unionism is yet to grow beyond 20th Century technological reality. We easily accuse our parents and lecturers of being old school and conservative, but how different are ourselves in the things that actually matter? Protests today are mostly about raising dust, beating drums and shouting eloquently to the high heavens. We are yet to really understand and fully utilise the potentialities of the social media and similar channels. The struggles always start and end within the four walls of school premises, except perhaps someone dies and it reaches the desk of a judge. This is not good for student welfarism.

    However, the inherent powers of Facebook and Twitter nonetheless, they should not be the very first resort. Their instrumentality should be reserved in the arsenal. And just as you would not go to the school principal whenever your pencil is stolen, it is not in all cases you run to the people’s court for justice. The world is too busy to attend to trivialities.

    Having talked about the new media, we also must not forget the print media. And the reason for this is simple – not everyone is online at most times, not everyone will come across your struggle on the internet and not everyone has patience to want to know what the goings-on in your school are.

    Students need to also learn the crucial role placards and banners play in a public demonstration. They tell the world the demands of the aggrieved persons, and just like tweets, they do so epigrammatically. Pictures which go viral on the media will never carry with them the ‘greatest gbagba’ and ‘greatest gbogbo’ of the Students’ Union leaders. But with placards, they carry even more.

    This brings me to another issue which must be addressed: the fear students nurse against taking of pictures during protests. Often time, students and journalists who try to do this get harassed and have their devices either seized or smashed. It is my humble submission that this is a demonstration of cluelessness, especially when the protesters are enormous in count and the mode is reasonable.

    Unless, anyone gets something to hide, there is no need to be aggressive towards the cameras. In fact, if well utilised, cameras would promote the struggle beyond expectation. If you are afraid of being associated with a protest, then you have no business calling yourself an activist or complaining when things are not in order.

    Boycotting some activities, especially lectures, is equally a great way to grab attention. The hurdle here, however, is that students often lack a unity of purpose and a unity of action. When a leader says ‘do not attend lectures’, we will have some, in fact many, who would go, sign the attendance, sit for the test and put their colleagues into trouble. This apathy has been attributed in some quarters to the fact that the majority of undergraduates nowadays are timid teenagers who may pee in their underpants should they hear of trouble.

    We might also consider importing the art of hunger strike, but everyone knows this one is dead on arrival. Our leaders will simply go on with their business as though nothing is happening. If you die, not only will your closest friends join the ‘enemy’ to blame you, the law will fold its hands, if not even wave you goodbye.

    I recently heard though that a student of UI has attempted this; it’s not only Herculean but Sisyphean feat in the past. My source told me others later joined him after they realised he was serious. But then, I still have my doubts. Something tells me the chap was nibbling at some food when nobody cared to look. In any case, he tried.

    Well, I take a glance through the pages and I just realised how bored you must now be. If you have endured with my flight of thoughts till this moment, do accept my sincere thanks. I shall sign off by saying protests must never be seen as an end in themselves. They are merely a means to an end. They are tools for a people with lesser strength to jack up their bargaining power and get them to the roundtable. Students should approach them with all sense of civility and open-mindedness. They should also never be caught on the wrong side of reason or seen making outrageous demands. Only then can perpetual victoria be acerta.

     

    • ‘Kunle is a student of University of Ibadan
  • Elegbeleye identifies with grassroots concept

    Elegbeleye identifies with grassroots concept

    The Director-General of the National Sports Commission(NSC) Gbenga Elegbeleye has identified with the grassroots concept of the Akwa Ibom State/NNPC/MPN Schools Athletics Championships.

    Yesterday in Abuja, he reacted to an invitation to attend the grand finale by commending the project.

    When told that the programme was in its 14th consecutive year and was geared towards the discovery of talent, Elegbeleye,an apostle of catch them young, was all praise for the Sponsors and the consultant, Paul Bassey and promised to attend.

    “At the NSC, we appreciate programmes like this that are geared towards the discovery of stars, especially when they come from private concerns.

    “Mobil over the years has been linked with track And field development in the country. I have heard so much about this programme and will endeavour to be part of it this time around,” he said.

     

  • The concept of permanent liberation

    The concept of permanent liberation

    Just as eternal vigilance is the price to pay for continuous liberty, the concept of permanent liberation advances the thesis that permanent liberation battles is the price to pay for living in a post-colonial country. One struggle for liberation and freedom commences as soon another terminates. It is a state of permanent warfare as battles succeed battles in a roiling cauldron of continuous strife and contention. No man is tailor-made for permanent warfare. Even the greatest of warriors often falter or lose their nerves. In a state of permanent warfare, you need permanent moral clarity and consistent focus in order not to join the wrong battle formation.

    It has been said that people fight for a cause only to find that what they have fought for is not what has supplanted the old order. It is then often left to others to fight on. But when the same struggle for liberation and freedom resumes in a new guise with the old demon wearing a new face, some old warriors, out of sheer historical exhaustion and loss of the acuity of vision, are wrong-footed into joining the wrong battle formation against the immanent will of their own people. This is just as some regnant forces of the discredited old order suddenly found themselves as part of the ascendant winning coalition.

    The people treat the former oppressors turned new liberators with wary regard. Thanks but no thanks. The rogue liberators would soon be back to their old ways when the cannons boom once again, and very soon too. As for the old liberators turned new oppressors, they are treated with instant excommunication and prompt expulsion from the Order of Political Saints. It is a cruel, harsh and unforgiving world. There are no come back kids here. The political galleria is full of walking corpses and numerous casualties; former heroes who have been expelled from the Procession of Holy Patriots.

    This is probably an old society’s way of transposing its old values to a new society. But it is just as well. It may well be because nothing lasts in the tropics. Things grow so fast and die so fast. And when they die, they decompose so fast, that you begin to wonder if they ever lived. That is the nature of the tropics. Nothing is permanent, not human institutions, or artifices for reining in the wilder impulses of humankind.  In the sultry heat, even the nation-state itself is permanently on the boil.

    Revolutions revolve. One liberation struggle is quickly succeeded by another. Just when you think you have got rid of a band of oppressors, new oppressors emerge in the sizzling cauldron. And in the combustible contradictions, old oppressors transform into iconic arrowheads of the new struggle.

    By the same token, some icons of the old struggle caught in the maddening tempo of events, the shifting and swirling political gyrations, suddenly become villains of the new struggle. It takes more than moral clarity, political sophistication and analytical prowess to be on the right side of history in the permanent shuffling and shuttling. It takes divine luck.

    Yet it does not take a diviner to conclude that the forthcoming elections are a watershed for post-independence Nigeria. What was seen a few months ago as a routine contest between a superbly well-entrenched even if under-achieving and under-performing government and a disorganized and desultory opposition has now shaped into an epic power struggle the like of which has never been seen on these shores. There is a mysterious will to this election, a metaphysical potency to its gathering hurly-burly which cannot be lightly ignored. Needless to add that it will determine the fate and destiny of Nigeria.

    Despite the numerous battles, the wars of liberation in modern Nigeria can be grouped under three broad rubrics, namely: The war of national liberation against colonial oppression; second, the war against internal colonization and military occupation of Nigeria; lastly the war against the combined forces of ascendant ethnic and neo-military power formations bent on keeping Nigeria in political slavery and economic servitude which is currently joined.

    With retrospective clarity, it can now be seen that the battle of the Victorian Lagos Press against the various colonial administrations, particularly the journalistic slugfest between these illustrious Nigerian patriots and the Lugard family, the Aba Women Uprising, the various ethnic revolts, political trials and numerous workers’ strikes were all part of an uncoordinated war of national liberation.

    Similarly, the ethnic rebellion against internal colonization in the old Western region which culminated in the First Coup, the Tivi uprising in the Middle Belt, the Civil War, the Zango Kataf riots, the Ogoni Rebellion, the Orkar military mutiny and the protracted and bitter struggle for the de-annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election were all part of a costly war against internal colonization and military despotism in Nigeria. Of all of them, it was only the June 12 contention which had a pan-Nigerian template that spawned an international wing.

    It is also worthy of note that in the history of Nigeria, this is the first election that is going to be entirely issue-driven, even where dominant ethnic and religious preferences cannot be discounted or ignored. While virtually all the other elections have been more or else ethnic referendum fought under some ideological or political occlusions, the veil seems to have come off this time. This is ironically because it is also the first time in Nigeria that elections are being entirely driven by the will of the people. The role of the political elite in the deployment of ethnicity and religion as instruments of political negotiations can no longer swept under the carpet.

    The coming elections will be fought on three main planks, namely (1) the validation of the sovereign electoral will of the Nigerian people. It is on this that all the other planks rest (2) The issue of corruption and its multiplier effect on the national climate (3) The stunting of certain vital national institutions, namely the military as seen in the Boko Haram fiasco, the judiciary as manifested in sheer corruption and unwarranted government interference and the failure of the political class to modernize Nigeria.

    The election is not about ideological proclivity or political refinement, pressing as those may be to the political sophisticates. The election is mainly about the first principle of nationhood which is  the inalienable sovereignty of the electorate and whether the people have the right to choose or change their government if and as when they deem appropriate.

    It has been possible to mess up Nigeria this far because the rulers believe that the electorate have no say in elections. The fundamental and overwhelming revolutionary imperative of our time is to return power and sovereign will to the Nigerian people. All other things can then follow. Being mass-driven, this is an election of limited political vision but unlimited strategic clarity.

    It is that unlimited strategic clarity which informs the alliance between the dominant political tendency in the South West and the core north which has produced the APC in the face of present odds and past prejudices. Political impurities often have their strategic value. In the June 12 presidential election and the struggle to terminate military despotism in Nigeria, Abiola, a friend and creation of the military, brought rightwing resources to bear on an essentially rightwing venture.

    In the current conjuncture, the APC with its slew of recuperating feudalists, former authoritarian strongmen and republican royalists has brought immense rightwing resources of fabulous wealth, visibility and connection to bear on what is particularly a leftwing project: the authentication of the Nigerian electorate. What bullet could not achieve, the ballot may yet achieve. Help always comes for Nigeria from the most unlikely of sources.

    As we have said, the concept of permanent liberation requires permanent struggle. To be sure, the emerging two-party structure in Nigeria is adversely weighed down by its freight of political misfits, frauds and nonentities. In all probability, and if the law of permanent liberation subsists, the battle for the ideological refinement and political redefining of the parties will commence as soon as the current battle for popular supremacy terminates. In that forthcoming shakedown, the current victors will get their own comeuppance if they fail to read the tea leaves or could not find the moral clarity and altruistic strength of character to handle unaccustomed change.

    Such inability to deal with sudden, unexpected changes coming from unexpected quarters has been the great tragedy of the surviving barons of the old Yoruba political establishment who are bent on a mission of final self-immolation. Even for the stoutest and most valiant of men, it is not easy to be in a permanent theatre of war and roiling contention and still maintain one’s alertness and strategic foresight. But they should learn from history.

    A quick glance at the turbulent pageantry of Yoruba history and modern mythology might suffice. Nobody ever remembers the earlier sterling contributions of Aare Afonja to Oyo Empire, or the fact that the self-willed generalissimo and prince thought he was actually attempting to lay the foundation of a formidable new empire out of the wreckage of the old in contempt and defiance of a succession of effete and clueless Alaafins.

    There were many Lagosian grandees of Yoruba extraction who got swept out of historical contention simply because they could not understand or align themselves with the strange new doctrine of Yoruba self-determination as advocated by a man they despised as an upstart from the Ijebu interior,  just as there were many authentic heroes of the Action Group struggle of the fifties that fell by the wayside simply because they could not read the Awo-SLA feud of the early sixties correctly.

    In 1993, a few avatars of the Action Group/ UPN struggle against internal colonialism in the First and Second Republics who allowed legitimate grudges and grievances against Abiola on account of his past perfidies to condition their attitude to the annulment suddenly found themselves on the wrong side of history from which they have never recovered. In 2015, those who are allowing ancient grudges and ancestral animosities to becloud their political judgement may also find themselves trapped in the abyss of historical infamy from which there may be no escape or recovery.

    The graveyard is filled with the bones of indispensable men indeed. The Yoruba pitch for an alliance to win power at the centre is not incompatible with defending core Yoruba interests while advancing national interests. Attack is often the best form of defence, more so in a colonial cage of chaotic contraries. The old strategy of waiting for the enemy to come for you in your own territory was the product of a siege mentality, a Laager mindset or what the Americans call the habit of circling the wagons.

    Only those who have failed or refused to come to terms with the emergent realities of the post-colonial polity can still be sold on this ancient strategy.   In the long run the Yoruba nation and Nigeria at large may yet have to thank those political wizards responsible for this remarkable rupture of customary political praxis and its radical epiphany of fresh possibilities

  • Abati’s concept of service

    Abati’s concept of service

    SIR: Just recently the Special Adviser to the President on Media, Dr.Reuben Abati was on a live programme on one of the popular TV channels, and for close to one hour he strove to defend the regime of his principal, Dr.Goodluck Jonathan. It wasn’t the first time Dr.Abati would be taking advantage of a popular media platform to do his job, however as it has always been the case, it was another episode of a government person helplessly trying to inspire the people to nowhere.

    Dr.Abati cut the image of a man finding answers to an empty jigsaw of a government he is now a part of. Throughout the length and breadth of the interview, it was one very confounding scenario, as he was either answering the questions asked him with questions or at best pretending to answer them. Matters got to its head when he was confronted with that very stubborn issue of corruption in the oil industry via the NNPC and the attendant oil subsidy scam, and all Abati could do, perhaps trying to be quick-witted, was an attempt to reduce such a burning national issue to a trivial jibe by responding that anyone with “hard evidence” against the NNPC and the petroleum ministry top-shots should come

    forward, claiming they are all baseless allegations.

    Maybe Dr.Abati forgot he wasn’t talking as lawyer to the Federal Government, but as a spokesperson who is expected to bear truthful information at all times.

    One must say that finding an answer to this riddle is however not far-fetched. That the payment of over N4trillion oil subsidy money to fraudulent marketers aided and abetted by top officials of government today appears differently to Abati can only be found in the jurisprudentially evoking words of the literary giant, Prof.Chinua Achebe who once said, “Of course, it is very impossible for a man to talk well, while eating”.

    It was very nauseating watching Abati turn very serious issues touching the heart of millions of Nigerians on its head, attempting to window-dress the profile of his master all in a fruitless frolic.

    Abati claims his government is fighting corruption at the institutional level, yet as a government spokesman he amazingly failed to remember how this government in close to two years has not found enough “hard evidence” to fight the institutional corruption called bureaucracy in the Civil Service that has since occasioned a catalogue of very many avoidable made-in-Nigeria disasters. He forgot to tell Nigerians how his government chose to ignore the “Hard evidence” that saturates the House of Representatives Report on the Oil Subsidy scam choosing to quickly come up with their own “soft report” to help soft-land the indicted friends of government. He forgot to inform Nigerians of the massive scam in the Pensions Fund and how one indicted Abdulrasheed Maina appointed by his government as Chairman of Pension Taskforce has since been acting out all manner of insulting scripts to prevent his appearance before the Senate. He chose to forget so many thing preferring the microscopic few which really goes to no issue.

    I say with all sense of modesty that service to the people is far bigger, inspiration laden, and more eternally rewarding than service to any government. So where would Abati signpost his concept of service as he opined on TV, is it service to the people or service to the government? Abati’s newfound line of thought simply suggest that were the sitting government to quietly descend into malevolence, he will still claim service and continue to speak as he does at the moment.

    Like it is said, today we are all on the side of history; tomorrow whether history will be on our side is only a matter of time.

    • Olusola Adegbite, Esq.

    Kubwa, Abuja