Tag: Constitutional

  • Is Omo-Agege’s suspension constitutional?

    In this piece, Prince Christopher Akpojofor Agaga examines the constitutional implications of Senator Ovie Omo-Agege’s suspension from the Senate and the urgent need for the constitutional checks against impurity by any arm of government.

    One of the constitutional duties of the Minister of Justice is enforcing the laws and ensuring that they are not  broken. This responsibility is not limited to individuals, but it extends to organs and institutions of government. We do not expect the Attorney-General to take any preventive measures on issues that are still recondite.  But,when an issue has been pronounced upon by several courts to the extent that it has become trite, the Minister of Justice is beholden to the nation to take steps from preventing reoccurrence of such breaches in the interest of the integrity of the country.

    The recent suspension of Senator Ovie Omo-Agege on Thursday, the 12th day of April, 2018 which has been looming for several weeks over a statement made by him, on the sequencing of  elections in the Electoral Act amendment bill could  have been stopped   by the minister of justice,  if indeed he took his responsibility of protecting the laws of the country seriously.

    For as long as the Minister of Justice does not rise to the occasion to proactively stop the constitution from being desecrated and shredded, so long shall we have this regime of impunity that has now become the forte of the leadership of the Senate and House of Representatives as a cog in the wheel to the growth of democratic culture, governance and development of the country.

    But now that we are having on our hands a repeat too many to condone, in the latest imperial action of the Senate, in suspending an elected senator, who is the voice and mouthpiece of more than two million people of delta central senatorial district with a backlash that  could debilitate the weak fabric of our federation especially with the perception of constituents hard hit by the suspension order that they are being technically excised from Nigeria, there cannot be a more apposite time than this for the minister to rise up to the challenge by initiating legal measures to arrest the ugly and disgusting situation with a view to reassuring the people of Delta Central Senatorial District who have vowed to protect their rights recognised by the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and Africa Charter on Human and people’s right that they are valued and recognized as an integral part of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

    In the past, that was the trend that helped democratic culture and values as witnessed by instituting of court cases by state governments against the federal government and vice versa on issues they considered as encroachment on constitutional provisions.

    This is the time to go back to the regime of deploying legal measures to curb the excesses of people, organs and institutions of government.  This option is far more rewarding than the Gestapo approach of using anti-corruption agencies to harass and intimidate people, the hallmark of President Obasanjo’s government still flickering in this government with little success to show for it because President Muhammadu Buhari is not gifted with a sadistic temperament for such abusive actions. Nigerians can still remember the number of Senate Presidents,  governors and PDP national chairmen illegally removed from office by Obasanjo’s barbaric practices. We, therefore, call on the Attorney-General to always do the needful to protect our democracy and restrain people from advocating and calling for autocratic measures of Obasanjo that should be trashed forever.

    • Agaga, wrote from Delta State.

     

  • Ekiti monarch: Traditional rulers should play constitutional roles

    Ekiti monarch: Traditional rulers should play constitutional roles

    The Obalufon Alayemore of Efon Kingdom in Ekiti State, Oba Emmanuel Adesanya Aladejare, has said traditional rulers will not rest, until they are given constitutional roles in the polity.

    The first class monarch described constitutional roles for monarchs as part of the restructuring, being demanded in some quarters describing them as the closest to the grassroots, who articulate the needs of their people.

    Oba Aladejare spoke in his palace in Efon Alaaye at a press briefing to herald the launch of a book titled: “Ooni Obalufon Alayemore: The Founder of Efon Alaaye Kingdom.”

    The launch of the 1,420-page book is expected to hold on November 4, at the town’s Civic Centre at 11.00 am prompt.

    The Ooni of Ile-Ife, Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, will serve as the Royal Father of the Day while the Founder of Afe Babalola University, Ado-Ekiti (ABUAD), Aare Afe Babalola, will be the Chairman of the occasion.

    The proceeds of the book launch will be used for the development and reconstruction of the Palace of the Obalufon Alayemore “to meet with the standard befitting its status and in line with modernity.”

    Describing Efon as one of the ancient kingdoms in Yoruba land, Oba Aladejare said work on the book project started nine years ago and it was a legacy to hand down to the future generations.

    On constitutional roles for monarchs, Oba Aladejare a former university don, said: “The politicians have been dragging their feet on it because they believe we want to compete with them.

    “It is part of the restructuring people have been clamouring for; people live under us and we interact with them on daily basis. It is the Obas that have been articulating the needs of the people.

    “It is an abnormality that no constitutional role has been give to traditional rulers. We will continue to advocate for it until we realize it.”

  • Abuja tough guys and constitutional amendment

    I sympathise with Nigerians who had expected the attempt by the National Assembly to amend some key elements of our constitution as answer to our crisis of nationhood. The high expectation was understandable since we have become a nation of miracle seekers where people believe they can reap what they did not sow.  I for one never share the optimism of those who believe our current class of lawmakers can give what they do not have.

    A brief recourse to the past will show that such expectation was a forlorn hope. First, most of the current Abuja actors that constitute our new political class were those born after 1966. Their only form of political socialisation was a passage through   Babangida’s school of democracy.  And It is on record that the first set of ‘new breed” politicians, the  products of  that new orientation such as Tom Ikimi and Babagana Kingibe, chairmen of Babangida decreed two parties sided with the military against Nigeria at a critical period in our nation’s history in1993. We also have it on record that the set that followed in 1999 was no less anti-Nigeria. After first killing their leading light over sharing of spoils of  office (or war as Obasanjo called it), they  settled down  to share among  themselves, in the name of privatization, the nation’s investment of over $100b for a paltry $1.6b. When there was nothing left to sell, they shared   our national patrimony under a dubious government monetization policy. The 2010 group was represented by Goodluck Jonathan, described by one of his colleagues as “an ATM without secret pin number” – was no less vicious. Since for President Jonathan, stealing government money was not corruption, ministers and party stalwarts were given free hand to satisfy their greed. The current recession is the price the nation is paying for the greed of this set.

    The reigning group led by Saraki and Dogara has been the most daring. They have no apologies for placing the interest of their members before that of the nation. They went an extra mile by first executing a civilian coup against their party to earn their current positions.  By their outing last week, they have demonstrated they are not about to commit suicide after all the risk just to be regarded as patriots. That option is definitely not an option to those who are ready to impeach the acting President and pull down the whole edifice on their own heads for being reminded that diverting budgetary allocations from important national projects that touch on the lives of Nigerians to controversial constituency projects was unpatriotic.

    First, it must be remembered that the whimsical declaration of LGAs as third tier of government by Obasanjo following Ibrahim Dasuki Commission’s recommendation was not aimed at enhancing development at the grassroot level but at securing legitimacy for the military administration.  If there was any consideration for development at all, it was about individuals such as retired military officers who benefited most from Babangida’s Directorate of Food, Roads and Rural Infrastructure (DFRRI) campaign which became an avenue for siphoning funds and traditional rulers who also receive 5%of LGAs allocations directly from Abuja for doing absolutely nothing. Local government was patterned after the command structure of the military and funded from the centre became a strategy for undermining the independence of the states and for institutionalization of corruption.

    The National Assembly understands that all politics are local. It was not by accident that Awo and Ahmadu Bello started their political careers as local government chieftains. But our current lawmakers as in character, granted autonomy to LGAs instead of correcting an abnormality as there is no federation in the world, as Soludo, the former CBN Governor observed a little while ago, where the federal government allocates funds to local governments that are not accountable to it.

    Similarly, the national assembly’s abrogation of States Independent Electoral Commissions (SIECs) is a betrayal of the federal arrangement.  The challenge before the National Assembly was empowering SIEC to enhance its credibility just as we have done with INEC at the centre. INEC itself cannot be  said to be made up of angels with so many of their officials facing trials for receiving millions as bribe to rig the 2015 election on behalf of some candidates and political  parties. In any case, one of the reasons the United States from where we copied the federal arrangement advertises to support the credibility of their elections is that they are conducted by states irrespective of parties in power.

    That Saraki and Dogara presided over constitutional amendments to make themselves members of the Council of State should not surprise anyone. After all, they executed a civilian coup to secure their present positions and will be in good company as they join other coup plotters in the National Council of State.

    Passing a constitutional amendment to support state legislatures’ financial autonomy is also in bad taste. It means taking a cue from the upper houses, state assembly members can now pay themselves whatever they want. They don’t have to wait on governors to procure for themselves state-of-the-art SUV cars or add imported bullet proof SUVs, cleared with forged papers to their speakers’ fleet.

    Provision for immunity for speakers of state legislatures is nothing but corruption fighting back. Henceforth, EFCC cannot question the Speakers of Houses of Assemblies for financial infractions, false declaration of assets or be asked to defend their honour if per chance they are mentioned in the Panama scandals.

    If there is one decision that portrays the current Abuja “like-minds senators” as a pack of unserious lot, it is their rejection of devolution of power. They are in other words saying the current situation where we have  about 88 items in the exclusive  list, 33 items on the concurrent list  without a residual list which has rendered the states impotent  while a dysfunctional centre makes a mess of functions such as roads, agriculture ,health, education, and security that are best handled by states – is fine.

    With six months delay and eventual  padding of the current budget by Saraki and Dogara houses while the rest of the country including Abuja  suffer  from collapsed infrastructure, it should be obvious to Nigerians that without devolution of power, whoever  occupies seat of power in Abuja is a hostage to vicious tough guys in the National Assembly.

    There is so much at stake for those benefiting from our current crisis of nation-building. We cannot put our destiny in the hands of self-serving law makers whose salaries we do not know until recent disclosure by Senator Buruji Kashamu who declared during a quarrel with Ladi Adebutu  that “your monthly take home is N7m. When you multiply that by 48 months you would have earned a total of N336 million” in two years.

    We as a people must stop playing the ostrich and accept that we need an umpire probably the United Nations. We should remind ourselves that even with our founding fathers who were adjudged to be men of vision and character, the national question was resolved in London in 1954 with the support of Britain. Today we have a more vicious political class and a more determined Fulani hegemonic power that is resolved to hold on to their current advantages such as greater number of states and LGAs which make revisiting the national question long resolved before the intervention of an ill-equipped and ill-educated military in 1966 an arduous task.

  • Constitutional roles for traditional rulers

    One of the defects of the 1979 and 1999 constitutions is the deliberate denial of any role whatsoever for the traditional rulers. If you go through the 1979 and 1999 constitutions, there is not a single role for our traditional rulers. It was not so before.

    Section 34(ii) of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1963 states that (2) The Senators representing the Federal territory shall be:

    (a)        The Oba of Lagos, who shall be an ex-officio member of the Senate; (b) a Chief selected in such manner as may be prescribed by Parliament by the White-Cap Chiefs and War Chiefs of Lagos from among their own number; and two other persons selected for that purpose in such manner as may be prescribed Parliament.

    Section 4 of the Constitution of Northern Nigerian Law, 1963 states that There shall be a Legislature for the Region, which shall consist of the Governor, a House of Chiefs and a House of Assembly and which shall have power to make laws for the peace, order and good governance of the Region.

    5 (1) The House of Chiefs shall consist of – (a) all first- class Chiefs, who shall be ex-officio members of the House; (b) ninety-five Chiefs having such qualifications and selected in such manner as may be prescribed by the Legislature of the Region (c) an adviser on Moslem law.

    (2) The seat in the House of Chiefs of a Chief other than first- class Chief shall become vacant in such circumstances as may be prescribed by the Legislature of the Region. (3) In this section— “Chief” means any persons who is for the time being recognized by the Governor as a Chief;” First-class Chief” means any Chief whose officer is for the time being graded as that of a first-class Chief under any law in force in the Region.

    Section 4 of the constitution of eastern Nigeria Law,1963 states that there shall be a Legislature for the Region, which shall consist of the Governor, a House of Chiefs and a House Assembly and which shall have power to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the Region. 5 (1) Without prejudice to the provisions of sections 9 and 34 of this constitution, the House of Chiefs shall consist (a)  all traditional Rulers, who shall be ex-officio members of the House  ( ) first class chiefs appointed to represent provinces in the Region (c) fifty-five Chiefs having such qualifications and selected in such manner as may be prescribed by the legislature of the Region; and (d) such special members(not exceeding five) having such qualification as may be selected by the Governor, acting in accordance with the advice of the Premier. (2) The seat in the House of Chiefs of a member other than an ex-officio member shall become vacant in such circumstances as may be prescribed by the Legislature of the other Region.

    Section 4 of the constitution of the Western Nigeria law, 1963 states that there shall be a Legislature for the Region, which shall consist of the Governor, a House of Chiefs and a House of Assembly and which shall have power to make laws for the peace, order and good governance of the Region. 5(1) The House of Chiefs shall consist of— (a) the persons for the time being holding such chieftaincies as may be prescribed by the Governor, who shall be ex officio members of the House; (b) eighty-seven Chiefs having such qualifications and selected in such manner as may be prescribed by the Legislature of the Region; (c) such Special members, being Chiefs (not exceeding four) as may be selected by the Governor, acting in accordance with the advice of the Premier; and (d) if he is not a member of the House of Chiefs apart from this paragraph, the President of the House  (2) (a) The seat in the House of Chiefs of a member other than an ex officio member or a Special Member shall become vacant in such circumstances as may be prescribed by the Legislature of the Region; (b) The seat in the House of Chiefs of a Special Member, including a Special Member appointed by the Governor at any time  before the coming into force of this Constitution, shall become vacant if he is removed from office as a Special Member by the Governor, acting in accordance with the advice of the Premier (3) In section—”Chief” means any person who is for the time being recognized as a Chief under any law in force in the Region.

    The Constitution of Mid-Western Nigeria Act,1964 Section 4 states that there shall be a Legislature for the Region, which shall consist of the Governor, a House of Chiefs and a House of Assembly and which shall have power to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the Region. 5—(1) Without prejudice to the provisions of section 9 of this Constitution, the house shall consist of—— (a) the Oba of Benin, the Olu of Warri and the persons for the time being holding such other chieftaincies as may be prescribed by the Governor, who shall be ex-officio members of the House; (b) fifty-one Chiefs having such qualification and selected in such manner as may be prescribed by the Legislature of the Region; (c) such Special Members, being Chiefs, as may be selected by the Governor, acting in accordance with the advice of the Premier; and (d) four members selected by the Governor, acting in accordance with the advice of the Premier, to represent the interests of groups of persons resident in the special areas within the meaning of subsection (4) of section 14 of this Constitution, being groups whose interests, in the opinion of the Governor acting as aforesaid, are not represented by members of the House of Assembly for constituencies in those areas (2) A person shall not be a member of the House of Chiefs by virtue of paragraph (a) of subsection (1) of this section during any period when he holds office as Governor and the number of persons who are for the time being members of that House by virtue of that paragraph or paragraph (c) of that subsection shall not in the aggregate exceed ten (3) The seat of a member of the House of Chiefs shall become vacant— (a) in the case of  member other than the Oba of Benin, the Olu of Warri or a Special Member, in such circumstances as may be prescribed by the Legislature of the Region; and (b) in the case of a Special member, if he is removed from office as such a member by the Governor, acting in accordance with the advice of the Premier. (4) In this section “Chief” means any person who is for the time beign recognized as a chief under any law in force in the Region.

    If you look at the present 1999 constitution and the 1979 constitution which we operated between 1979 and 1983, you will never find any role for the traditional rulers. We pretend that they don’t exist yet when we have crisis be it religious, ethnic, communal, land or political crisis, we run to them for help.

    I once asked my friend, Oba Adebiyi Adegboye Adesida, Afunbiowo II,(1950-2013), the Deji of Oyemekun(Akure) during his reign, whether the institution of traditional rulers will go into extinction or not in the face of modern-day challenges, he replied:  “Never, never. We survived the colonialists, we survived the politicians in the first republic, we survived the military; we are going to be around for a long to come.”

    No doubt, that institution will be with us for long. It is our link with our past. As Justice Oliver Wendel Holness (1841-1935) said: “Historic continuity with the past is not a duty, it is only a necessity.”A constitutional amendment has become necessary to give the traditional rulers important roles in governance.

     

    • Eric Teniola, a former director at the presidency,

        lives in Lagos.  

  • Dealing with constitutional, migration challenges

    Dealing with constitutional, migration challenges

    When my friend and learned brother silk, S. T. Hon (SAN), requested me to review his landmark publication titled: “S.T. Hon’s Constitutional and Migration Law in Nigeria”, I accepted the offer without hesitation for several reasons: First, the author was my classmate at the prestigious Faculty of Law, University of Jos (UJ). Second, in my capacity as Dean of Law at my Alma Mater, it provides me an inimitable opportunity to celebrate and encourage a distinguished alumnus of my Faculty and University.

    Third, given the author’s reputation for philanthropy, especially in the educational sector, we need to remind ourselves of, and celebrate, Gandhi’s insightful truism to the effect that “the best way to find yourself is to lose yourself in the service of others.”

    Hon’s life of sacrificial service reinforces the saying that the tallest person is s/he who bends down to raise others up.

    Fourth, having regard to the excruciating plight of migrants, as exemplified by the plight of victims of wars, insurgencies, natural disasters, etc, it provides an opportunity to have a sense of the author’s perspective on how best to address these challenges.

    Finally, these are exciting and challenging times for students and practitioners of constitutional law, as borne out, for instance, by the cacophony of conflicting and conflicted decisions by some courts, a bizarre situation where some courts of coordinate jurisdiction are arrogating to themselves power to police each other; whimsical and capricious subversion of the Constitution and institutions of constitutional democracy; impunity; executive lawlessness, insidious abuse, intoxication and/or corruption of power; corruption, “creative accounting” and high cost of governance; etc.

    Leveraging on the privilege of my having been the Ben Nwabueze Distinguished Professor of Law at the Nigerian Institute of Advanced Legal Studies (NIALS) and an Honorary Fellow of the Ben Nwabueze Centre for Studies in Constitutional Law and Related Subjects, this provides an opportunity to interrogate some matters of fundamental constitutional significance.

     

    Structure of the book

    The book is divided into nine chapters. Chapter one focuses on conceptual discourse as well as historical development and principles of statutory interpretation, while chapter two deals with the general provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, especially in the context of the distribution of federal powers. Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy constitute the fulcrum of chapter three, while chapter four addresses migration into Nigeria, refugee entry and movement, extradition and movement of persons within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)  sub-region. Chapter five engages fundamental rights and the Fundamental Rights Enforcement Procedure Rules, while chapters six, seven and eight, respectively deal with the tripod of the separation of powers in a democracy: the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. The final chapter is devoted to the constitutional issues that relate to the Federal Capital Territory, and general supplementary provisions.

     

    Contentions and

    Contestations: A snapshot

    The author addresses several contentious issues, which he describes, in characteristic fashion, as “complex jurisprudential issue[s]”, or issues of “nagging constitutional cum jurisprudential complexity.” These include the following: Constitutionality of government’s sponsorship of pilgrimages, building of churches and mosques using tax payers’ money, etc, drawing insights from the decision of the United States Supreme Court in the locus classicus case of Everson v Board of Education (1947) 330 U.S. 1, to the effect that “…the clause against the establishment of religion by law was intended to erect a wall of separation between Church and State”; the niqab, hijab quagmire: right to freedom of religion and/or privacy? Any national security exception?; constitutionality of Nigeria’s Same Sex Marriage Prohibition Act, drawing a sharp contrast with, and deviation from, the recent decision of the United States Supreme Court in Obergefell v Hodges (576 US 2015) which gave judicial imprimatur to same sex marriages in the United States; surrogate pregnancy and assisted reproduction; euthanasia, mercy killing and assisted suicide; abortion; a patient’s refusal to take appropriate medication on religious grounds; parental rejection of medical treatment for their children; gender discrimination; and unauthorised photography.

    Regrettably, due to the constraints of time and space, I do not have the luxury to engage the author’s perspectives on each of these issues. However, even in respect of issues about which I would, given the opportunity, register a strong dissent, the author, to his credit, articulates his position in a passionate, compelling manner.

     

    Major strengths of the book

    The major strengths of the book include the following: it is replete with case law – indeed I am yet to come across any text on constitutional law that rivals Hon’s book in this respect!; it contains a useful compilation of words judicially defined; it is rich in comparative insights; it is written in lucid, clear and flowing language devoid of the labyrinth and shenanigans that sometimes characterise and obfuscate legal writing; its profundity and breathtaking engagement with fundamental constitutional issues; and its excellent production quality.

     

    Suggestions

    I recommend that migration should constitute a stand-alone book. Given the author’s fertile mind and industry, this should be an easy task to accomplish. Second, the author should, in a future edition, engage the dilemma that the federation continues to grapple with against the backdrop of Lord Bryce’s insightful remarks on the imperative need to “secure an efficient central government and preserve national unity, while allowing free scope for the diversities, and free play to the … members of the federation… [T]o keep the centrifugal and centripetal forces in equilibrium, so that neither the planet states shall fly off into space, nor the sun of the central government draw them into its consuming fires.” [Lord James Bryce, quoted in P. E. Peterson. The Price of Federalism (Washington DC: The Brookings Institution, 1995), p. 175].

    Finally, one cannot but underscore the imperative need to robustly and constructively engage the challenges of engendering constitutionalism in Nigeria: Constitutionalism enhances and reinforces a constitution’s legitimacy, deepens and strengthens democracy, facilitates and engenders good governance, and inculcates a culture of fidelity to the constitution to the end that sovereignty which belongs to the people finds expression in the constitution and confers power and authority on the government. Conversely, a constitutionalism deficit is a recipe for impunity, whimsical and capricious abuse of power, dearth of transparency and accountability and the concomitant failure of statecraft.

     

    Conclusion

    In my view, Hon’s book is, without a scintilla of doubt, an invaluable resource and reference material. I, therefore, highly recommend it for students, scholars, lawyers, policy makers and law makers, judges and other stakeholders in Nigeria’s constitutional law and praxis.

  • Rivers’ looming constitutional crisis

    Rivers’ looming constitutional crisis

    The last may not have been heard about the political crises in Rivers State. The election in the troubled state was adjudged one of the most controversial by both local and international observer groups. Last week, the Election Petitions Tribunal nullified the election of Governor Nyesom Wike, Speaker Ikuiyin-Owaji Ibani and 19 other honourable members elected on the platform of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Assistant Editor, Dare Odufowokan, reports on a looming constitutional crisis in the troubled state.

    Following the nullification of the elections of incumbent Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State, as well as the annulment of the victories of Speaker of the State House of Assembly, Hon. Ikuiyin-Owaji Ibani and 19 other honourable members elected on the platform of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), by the Rivers State Election Petitions Tribunals, concern is mounting over a possible constitutional crisis in the troubled state should the Supreme Court validate the governor’s removal while the issue of the state’s depleted legislature is not resolved.

    According to Dupe Oduguwa, a legal practitioner and pro-democracy activist, the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria empowers only the Speaker of the State House of Assembly, and no one else, to act as the governor of a state in event the governor and his deputy are no longer available, either following their deaths or removal from office by courts of competent jurisdiction.

    And according to her, should the Supreme Court uphold the rulings of the tribunal, not only Governor Nyesom Wike would be expected to leave office, his deputy, Mrs. Ipalibo Banigo, will also have to leave office too. Although Wike and his Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) have vowed to pursue his removal from office to the Supreme Court with confidence that the tribunal’s rulings would be upturned, some pundits are of the opinion that the case can still go either way, given the weight of evidences for and against the ruling.

    Also, with the continued stay of the current Speaker, Hon. Ikuiyin-Owaji Ibani, threatened, following the nullification of his victory by the same tribunal that asked Wike to go and face fresh elections, observers of the politics of the restive state say the state may be heading for another constitutional crisis similar to the one its faced when the absence of a Chief Judge threatened the swearing-in of the incumbent governor.

    “There is indeed good reasons to be worried. Given that the tribunal’s rulings are not final and the defendants still have the grace of approaching appellate courts up to the Supreme Court, we must also not lose sight of the possibility of the tribunal’s rulings being upheld all the way. The question we should be asking ourselves is ‘what happens if the nullifications of the governor’s election, and that of the Speaker, are upheld at the same time?

    Or what happens if the governor has to vacate his seat at a time the House of Assembly is unable to appoint a new Speaker to replace Banigo? I say this because there is another angle to this threat. Don’t forget that 19 other honourable members had their elections nullified by the tribunal too. Currently, they are in the appellate court.

    And without two third of the membership of the House, a new Speaker cannot be elected. Considering that in Nigeria, cases do drag, what happens if the Speaker is finally sent packing alongside most of his 19 co-travelers and the House is left with just 13 members? Not even the required quorum for plenary would be formed by the remaining members, not to talk of electing a new Speaker.

    Should the Supreme Court sack Wike at such a time, what will happen to the seat of the governor of the state? That is the issue here and that is the question that is begging for an answer. As a lawyer, I can tell you that the constitution as currently drafted made no statement on a situation like this. Perhaps a situation like this wasn’t envisaged. But now that we are faced with its possibility, it is not out of place to begin to seek how best to approach it should it happen,” the legal practitioner explained.

    The queer twist

    While nullifying Wike’s election on grounds that his election did not comply with electoral guidelines, chairman of the tribunal, Justice Suleiman Ambrosa, has ordered INEC to conduct fresh elections in the state within 90 days of the ruling. The petition challenging Wike’s victory was filed by the candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Mr. Dakuku Peterside.

    Barely 48 hours after the election of Wike as governor was nullified, the Rivers State House of Assembly Election Petition Tribunal, sitting in Abuja, introduced a twist into the already murky political landscape of the state when it delivered the judgements that sent the Speaker and 19 of his colleagues in the Rivers State House of Assembly, packing. The 20 lawmakers were all standard bearers of the PDP during the April 11, 2015 state assembly election.

    Consequently, the 32 member House is now left with only 13 honourables seating pretty without their elections being challenged. Sacked by the tribunal are Jack Major, representing Akuku Toru 1; Tonye Alalibo, representing Akuku Toru11; Ikuinyi Ibani, representing Andoni, Granville Wellington from Asari-Toru 1; Enemi George from Asari-Toru 11 and Abinye Pepple from Bonny.

    Others are Ngbulelo Israel from Gokana; Oguguo Anslem from Ikwere; Deeyah Bariene, Khana 1; Dinebari Loolo from Khana 11 and Amaewhule Chike from Obio/Akpor 1, Michael Chinda from Obio/Akpor 11; Ihunwo Nyeche, Port Harcourt 11 and Ngbar Amulele from Tai. Lawmakers elected for Eleme,  Etche II, Opobo/Nkoro,  Onelga I, Degema, and Ikwerre were also sacked by the tribunal.

    However, the tribunal upheld the elections of the candidates in 13 constituencies. Those who survived the election nullification include: Deputy Speaker Marshall Stanley-Uwom (Abua/Odual); Chief of the House Evans Bipi (Ogu/Bolo); the only APC member in the Assembly, Olu Josiah John (Eleme) and 10 other lawmakers.

    With the Assembly badly depleted by the tribunal’s ruling and the executive arm of government seriously threatened by the nullification of the governorship election, the stage was set for what some analysts say may require another doctrine of necessity to resolve.

    A nutty issue

    Already, the Rivers State chapter of the APC, optimistic of victory at the appellate courts, has described the sacking of 21 lawmakers of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), including the Speaker, Rt. Hon. IKunyi Ibani, by the Rivers State Election Petitions Tribunal sitting in Abuja, as the end of the road for Governor Nyesom Wike.

    The state Chairman of the APC, Dr. Davies Ibiamu Ikanya, who made the declaration in a statement following the sacking of the PDP lawmakers, said the tribunal’s verdicts on the lawmakers have shown clearly that the nullification of the governor’s election is in order. The party boss said there is no gainsaying in the fact that the tribunal did justice to all the cases before it.

    But Simeon Nwakaudu, the Special Assistant (Media) to the Rivers State Governor, insists that the judgment of the Justice Ambrosa-led Tribunal in the petition filed by Rivers State All Progressives Congress (APC) Governorship Candidate, Mr. Dakuku Peterside, will not stand the test of Appeal. So, he sees no constitutional crisis emanating from the judgement of the appellate courts.

    “The Rivers State Governorship Election Petition Tribunal erred in its judgment and this will be corrected at the appellate level. There cannot be a different set of rules for Rivers State, aside that which has been approved by the National Assembly and upheld by other tribunals and the Appeal Court,” he said.

    Nwakaudu said that the press statement issued by INEC could never override the law made by the representatives of the Nigerian people.

    Besides, he said that the Rivers State Governorship Election Petition Tribunal had earlier thrown out the petitions of the Labour Party and that of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) on the valid premise that they contravened the Electoral Act Section 85 (1), which stipulates that a political party must give INEC 21 Days Notice before conducting her primary.

    Also, embattled Speaker Ikuinyi Owaji-Ibani, says he has appealed the tribunal’s judgment and he’s certain that the judiciary will vindicate him. “All I want to say is that ‘I, Ikuinyi Owaji-Ibani, have appealed against the judgment of the lower court and that if it comes to Andoni where I come, I know my people and my people know me.

    “Going by the several judgments given by the different panels at the Rivers State Election Petitions Tribunal, I would say that the Rt. Hon. Ikuinyi Owaji-Ibani, the Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, was not sacked by any election petition tribunal. What happened was that a tribunal gave a ruling in its opinion against my election that of 19 other members of the legislature and none of the members were also sacked by the tribunal.”

    To former State Chairman of the Joint Action Committee (JACON) and a respected pro-democracy activist, Comrade Austin Agumagu, the state may be in for another constitutional crisis soon. According to him, it is unfortunate that the lack of sportsmanship amongst politicians has ensured that Rivers State is constantly in the news for the wrong reasons.

    He said, “How on earth did we find ourselves in a situation where only 13 members, that is just about one third of the members of our House of Assembly, are duly elected? It simply means that our politicians believe more in rigging elections and forcing themselves on the people even when it is obvious that the people would prefer some other persons.

    It is this lack of sportsmanship and democratic values that has brought us to this nutty situation. I see a constitutional crisis. I see a situation where we will again be calling on the world to help us find solution to a difficult problem soon. Should Governor Wike’s election be nullified by the Supreme Court at a time when the House of Assembly membership is seriously depleted and the current Speaker affected, there will be no way to elect a Speaker that will constitutionally act as governor pending the election of a substantive governor by the electoral commission.

    This is the scenarios we fear. Although I am not a legal practitioner, I have discussed this at length with senior lawyers and they expressed the same fear as mine. We have a situation where the constitution didn’t make any provision for the situation we are envisaging. Simply put, we may have to wait upon another doctrine of necessity to resolve the logjam should it happen,” he said.

  • Deceased’s constitutional right to life can be enforced

    LEAD JUDGMENT DELIVERED BY AMIGA ADA-MU AUGIE, J.C.A.

     

    THIS Appeal involves a matter brought pursuan to the Fundamental Rights  (Enforcement Procedure) Rules 2009, in respect of two members of staff of Multiple Covenant Investment Ltd., Endurance Omonyahuy [Chief Driver] and Sikiru Amusa [Assistant Driver] who were killed by the 4th Respondent. The 1st and 2nd Appellants, i.e. wife and father of the deceased Chief Driver respectively, the 3rd Appellant, who is the father of the deceased Assistant Driver, and the 4th Appellant filed the Application for Order enforcing fundamental right (Order 2 Rule 1) at the Lagos State High Court wherein they sought for an Order from the Court granting some reliefs.

    The 1st to 3rd Applicants are the respective family members cum dependants of late Mr. Endurance Omoyahuy and later Mr. Sikiru Amusa who were brutally, callously and unjustifiably (extra judicial) murdered in the early hours of 15/2/2012 by the 4th to 6th Respondents. The said Endurance Omonyahuy was at all material times under the employ of Multiple Covenant Limited as the Chief Driver while Sikiru Amusa was under same employ as Assistant Driver. Both men reported to the 4th Applicant, who Superintendents over them as Supervisor. On 15/02/2012, at about 6.00am, Endurance and his assistant driver, Sikuru Amusa set out for their place of work on Omonyahuy’s motorcycle bike. In the course of their journey to the office, along LASU/Igando Expressway, some Policemen, including the 4th to 6th Respondents (of the Anti-Robbery Team attached to the Igando Police Station mounted an illegal roadblock/checkpoint. The 4th to 6th Respondents demanded for money from Omonyahuy at the road block but he bluntly refused to part with his money and then continued on his journey. Two of the Policemen who were part of this illegal roadblock took exception to Omonyahuy’s audacious refusal to give them money and consequently went after him on a motorcycle. Omonyahuy had a brief stop at Ologuro bus-stop and unfortunately though, as Omonyahuy zoomed off from this spot (with Amusa seated behind him), the 4th Respondent alighted from the bike (driven by another Policemen), cocked his A-K 47 rifle gun, targeted and shot at them.

    Consequently, the Respondents’ next action in pursuit of his devious plan was to intercept 4th Applicant’s private telephone call to Omonyahuy’s telephone line pretending to be (impersonating) Omonyahuy. The Respondents conversed with the 4th Applicant under this pretense till they were able to trace him to automobile mechanic garage where awaited both drivers. They quizzed the 4th Applicant at the mechanic garage about his relationship with Omonyahuy and Amusa. The 4th Applicant did not hesitate to identify himself as the Supervisor to both men.

    However, because their preconceived devious machination, the Respondents chose to discard his explanation and went ahead to manhandle the 4th Applicant with rounds of slaps and thorough beating before putting him in handcuffs and whisking him away from the mechanic garage like an armed robber and straight into incarceration at their Police Station.

    In line with their plan, the Respondent came up with a lot of stories to cover up their hideous act. Sensing that the game was finally up, having been confronted with hard facts adduced from eye witnesses to the crime including vivid description of the shooter (4th Respondent) and coupled with the Solicitor’s direct telephone call to the then incumbent Commissioner of Police, Lagos State (COP) Mr. Alkali, the 4th Respondent finally confessed to the murder and his weapon (AK 47 Rifle Gun) was promptly retrieved. The 1st and 2nd Appellants, i.e. wife and father of the deceased Chief Driver respectively, the 3rd Appellant, who is the father of the deceased Assistant Driver, and the 4th Appellant filed an Application for Enforcement of Fundamental Right supported by supported by a 54-paragraph Affidavit. The 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 5th and 6th Respondents (hereinafter referred to as the 1st set of Respondents), filed a 32-paragraph Counter-Affidavit wherein they denied the allegations. The Appellants filed a 48-paragraph Further Affidavit accompanied by an “eye withess statement on Oath” that is now an issue in this appeal. The learned trial Judge upon careful consideration of the Application ruled that the Applicant’s action was incompetent as it was wrongly commenced under the Fundamental Rights (Enforcement Procedure) Rules 2009. In the result, the Application was refused, and it was accordingly dismissed. Dissatisfied with the Court’s Ruling the Appellants appealed to the Court of Appeal.

    It was the Appellants’contention that the Lower Court’s conclusion is flawed and at variance with the letters, spirit and the intention of Chapter IV of the Constitution dealing with fundamental rights and the said Rules. They submitted that the crux of their Application was to seek civil  redress for the extra judicial killings of the deceased men on one hand and  redress for breach of the right to privacy, detention, torture and indignity meted on the 4th Appellant on the other hand; by instituting/commencing the matter pursuant to the said Rules, they demonstrated beyond contention their intention to seek only civil  redress in damages and public apology for the infractions of their rights and not  criminal prosecution or procedure, which admits of no such remedies as compensations or apology but rather punishments whilst vesting exclusive prosecutorial powers in the State, citing Mohammed Abacha V. FRN (2006) 4 NWLR (Pt.970) 292-293.

    The 1st set of Respondents cited Odogu V. A.G. Fed. (1996) 6 NWLR (Pt.456) 508; (1996) LPELR-2228(SC) on fundamental rights and Section 33(1) of the Constitution, and submitted that procedure for the enforcement of fundamental rights is a strict and special one, which must be adhered to strictly, citing EFCC V. Ekeocha (2008) 14 NWLR (Pt.1106) 161, Raymond Dongtoe V. Civil Service Commission, Plateau State & Ors (2001) 9 NWLR (Pt.717) 132; (2001) LPELR-959(SC), Ogwuche V. Mba (1994) 4 NWLR (Pt.336) 75; that only actions founded on a breach of any of the fundamental rights guaranteed in Section 33 of the Constitution can be enforced under the said Rules and Article 4 of the African Chapter on Human and People’s Rights; that the principal claim must be a relief for enforcement of the fundamental right or securing the enforcement of the fundamental right of a person, citing Order 11 Rule 1 of the aforesaid Rules; and that the question that needs to be answered here is whether the action commenced by the Appellants and as formulated by them is competent under the Fundamental Rights (Enforcement Procedure) Rules, 2009.

    In resolving this Issue, the Court noted that it boils down to a question of whether the constitutional right to life of a dead man can be enforced by his dependents, wherein the Court was faced with an uphill task and will be swimming in uncharted waters, since there are no authorities either from the Supreme Court or the Court of Appeal on the subject, and so, to guide the Court on the journey through virgin territory. The Court started by careful analysing the Fundamental Rights Enforcement Procedure Rules (FREP) Rules and establishing where it was, where it is, and where it needs to go.

    The Court after considering all relevant authorities charted a way to the answer to the question – the constitutional right to life of a dead man can be enforced by his dependents. In arriving at this answer the Court in line with modern-day pronouncements, stated that it swayed by the mischief rule of statutory interpretation, which is the oldest of the rules; it was established in Heydon’s Case (1584). Under the mischief rule, the Court’s role is to suppress the mischief the Act is aimed at and advanced the remedy. In this case, the Court noted that the 2009 FREP Rules was enacted to cure shortcomings in the 1979 FREP Rules, and decisions under FREP Rules that were enacted thirty years apart, and it cannot be the same, as the law is not static; it moves and pulsates with every generation as different cultures unfold, and as criminal elements find new ways to terrorise and torment citizens. The Court was strengthened in this view by the Preamble to the 2009 FREP Rules, which sets out the overriding objections of the Rules that are far-reaching, and geared towards moving with modern trends in human rights actions. The Court held that the Lower Court was wrong to have dismissed the Application with a wave of the hand without even considering what the said Rules are about. The Court held further that its decision regarding the 4th Appellant is even more perplexing since he was directly affected by the alleged acts. The Court stated the position of the law that for a claim to qualify as falling under fundamental rights, the principal relief must be for enforcement or for securing enforcement of a fundamental right and not by its nature to redress a grievance ancillary to the principal relief, which is not ipso facto a claim for the enforcement of fundamental right. Thus, where the alleged breach of a fundamental right is ancillary or incidental to the substantive claim of the ordinary civil or common law nature, it will be incompetent to constitute the claim as one for the enforcement of a fundamental right – See Abdulhamid v. Akar & Anor (2006) 13 NWLR (Pt.996) 127 SC.

    In this case, the Court noted that the Lower Court’s mind was fixated on the misconceived notion that the action before it was “founded under a criminal offence of murder” that it failed to see that the 4th Appellant’s claim is one for the enforcement of his fundamental rights, thereby qualifying him to commence the action under the 2009 FREP Rules. The Court held that the Lower Court did not address the merits of the Application, and there is not much that the Court can do except to send it back to the Lower Court.

    In the final analysis, the Court held that the appeal succeeds and is was allowed. The Ruling of the Lower Court delivered on 20/2/2013 was set aside, and the Application was remitted to the Lower Court for hearing before another judge.

     

    Edited by LawPavilion

     

    Citation: (2015) LPELR-25581(CA)

     

  • Agbaje: it’s constitutional

    Agbaje: it’s constitutional

    Lagos State governorship candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Mr. Jimi Agbaje has argued that the postponement of elections by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) fell in line with the Nigerian Constitution.

    But, he noted that the shift meant more expenses and more stress for candidates.

    According to him, the postponement would facilitate the holding of more credible and better inclusive elections by INEC, saying a slight delay in the polls should raise no eyebrows so long as the May 29 handover date remained sacrosanct.

    “It is apparent to everyone now that the postponement is within the confines of the constitution and the electoral guidelines. As long as May 29 remains sacrosanct, everything is in order. And it is obvious that May 29 remains sacrosanct,” he said.

  • Blocking the constitutional loopholes

    Nigeria, which prides itself as Africa’s giant, is faced with myriads of challenges. These numerous challenges raise doubts about this unproven appellation. Our politics has become a platform for impunity, graft and fragrant disobedience to the laws of the land. These factors have, ultimately, reduced our respect among the comity of nations.

    And one question we all need to ask ourselves is whether our acts show similitude of a giant. Actually, a greater percentage of the Nigerian people see things from a politically sentimental perspective. So, answers to this question might just follow a similar subjective approach.

    Constitutionally, Nigeria is presently governed by the 1999 Constitution but recent political happenings in the country show we are not governed by any law.

    Consider this. In pre-independence period, there were many constitutions used to rule over us by colonial masters. The Richard’s Constitution came into force in 1946 and was suspended in 1950 while the McPherson Constitution and Lyttleton Constitution were operated between 1950 and 1954 respectively. And then, enter the post-independence constitutions.

    From the above, it is clear that the role of the constitution in governance and democracy cannot be overemphasised. It is a legal book that states how a given nation should be governed. Therefore, the court, which is seen as the last hope of the common man, should adjudicate on infringement on these letters in our statutory book.

    Last October, the Speaker of the House of Representatives defected from the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC). This development once again indicates a loophole in our constitution. Section 68 (g) of the 1999 Constitution is clear on the fate of a member of the Senate or House of Reps who decamps from one party to another. Such member loses his seat by implication.

    Though the constitution guarantees freedom of association but the flimsy excuse politicians give for their defection is a source of concern and it is inimical to the development of democracy. In our society, cross carpeting has become a norm in the eyes of political actors; every excuse seems tenable and every step taken is a means of outwitting opposition parties.

    Tambuwal may have taken the decision for his political survival, the aftermath of that action led to the withdrawal of his security aides by the Inspector General of Police, Sulaiman Abba. Without being sentimental to the issue at hand, the IGP ought to know that Section 40 of same Constitution states that “every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associate with other persons and in particular he may form or belong to any political party, trade union or any association for the protection of his interests”.

    Therefore, does it means the speaker is not entitled to his rights anymore? With the provision of the constitution he has the right to move to any political party if his former party is in crisis.

    These bizarre political events will have a long-term effect on the coming generation. It is imperative to state that most Nigerian youths are brainwashed into believing a lie.  And currently, the actors in this political show are contributing to these delinquencies among the youth as they increase the pace at which it grows.

    The way we play our politics will have a significant effect on legislation and budget. A house divided against itself cannot stand, so goes a saying.  So, if the unity of a legislative house that should make laws to uplift the lives of the citizen is compromised, then what is the hope of the common man on the street?

    Without prejudice to Tambuwal’s matter in court, it is imperative to state that the loopholes created in our constitution have given room to politicians to commit impunity that distorts peace and sustainable economic and political development.

    Therefore, the 1999 Constitution must be thoroughly reviewed to checkmate individuals from committing official impunity. The review must be done in a way that will prevent politicians citing on section 40 of the constitution thereby escaping the hammer of section 68 (g). The lacuna in our law that gives room to impunity should be identified and blocked.

    •Gbemileke, 400-Level Project Management Technology, FUTA

  • No to anti-workers’ constitutional amendment

    SIR: The Social Justice Institute (SJI) strongly condemns the attacks on democratic rights proposed through the amendments to the 1999 Constitution carried out by the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The most maddening is the legalization of child marriage which represents a mighty attack on child’s rights in Nigeria through the retention of Section 29(4) (b) in the Constitution.We express our total solidarity with the opposition against this move and the mass actions being held to reject it.

    We reject the life pensions that the members of the National Assembly through the same amendment process. It validates the fact that the entire ruling elite in Nigeria are bankrupt, backward and anti-development. While the ruling elite has failed to achieve the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy as contained in Chapter 2 of the Constitution, it is showing its neo-liberal character by awarding life pensions to themselves. Yet, many working class pensioners are suffering from unpaid pensions.

    We are equally opposed to the planned total exclusion of Labour matters including the minimum wage from the Exclusive List and its transfer to the Concurrent List. We express our solidarity with the Nigerian Labour Congress and Trade Union Congress which has also rejected this action. We hold that this represent a monumental attack on the mass of Nigerian workers and call on the two labour centres not to limit their opposition to press statements but also mobilize mass actions including but not limited to two-day general strike to show their total and vehement resistance to such move.

    We are equally opposed to the proposed amendment by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to the Electoral Act 2010 (2011 as amended), and the 1999 Constitution (as amended). Among other things, INEC is currently seeking, as evidenced by a letter dated June 13, the power to “disqualify candidates who evidently do not satisfy the requirements for the position, he or she is vying for as provided in Sections 65,66,106,107,131,137,177 and 182 of the Constitution”. The condition for this unilateral disqualification is that if “there is a prima facie case shown from the presentation that the candidate is unqualified”. How this is to be determined, INEC did not state! We hold that if the National Assembly allows these proposed amendments, they would trigger anarchy and disaster.

    On the contrary, we call for the immediate removal of the provisions of the Electoral Act 2010 (2011 as amended) and the 1999 Constitution (as amended) that restricts genuine multi-party democracy in Nigeria. We call for the deletion of the arbitrary provision of Section 78(7) (a) which empowers INEC to deregister political parties. We hold that this provision is a graveyard for democracy in Nigeria and amounts to sheer tyranny. We oppose the statutory disbursement of grants to political parties, which is the major ground upon which INEC came up with this provision and submit that the internal funding of political parties be driven through subscription by their members.

    We hold that Nigeria’s warped polity is a reflection of the lopsided socio-economic arrangement, wherein one-percent of the population control 99 percent of the oil wealth, which is the mainstay of the economy in Nigeria.

     

    • Ayo Ademiluyi,

    Director, Social Justice Institute,

    Lagos