Tag: conundrum

  • The Etete conundrum

    The Etete conundrum

    •Curious French government’s pardon for a convicted money launderer

    Chief Dan Etete is a story. He is a blockbuster story of the typical Nigerian big man conundrum; the confounding story of sinner and sainthood meshed together in one roiling plot. Etete, former Minister of Petroleum Resources during the late General Sani Abacha regime was in the news last year over a controversial, rich-deposit oil block (OPL 245) which he apparently awarded to a Shell company (which belonged to him) when he was in office. After about 15 years of legal and political tussle to keep this choice well, it was eventually resolved when Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) paid out a huge compensation to all parties involved in the disputed oil block. Etete got a large chunk of the booty running into tens of millions of dollars. In other words, he has benefited immensely from corrupting his office while he was a Minister of the Federal Republic.

    In 2007, the French court sentenced Etete to three years imprisonment after finding him guilty of money laundering charges. Though tried in absentia, the French court also fined him about $440,000 for money laundering. He was also convicted for shelling out about $22 million, believed to be proceeds of official corruption to purchase choice properties in France in 1999 and 2000. The properties include a Chateau in north-west France, a Paris apartment and a luxury villa in the chic Paris suburb of Neuilly.

    The court had issued a warrant for Etete’s arrest and ordered him to pay $220,000 to Nigeria as compensation for moral prejudice and 20,000 euros in fees.

    There is however a fresh twist to the Etete narrative. The French Ministry of Justice by a letter dated March 7, 2014, supposedly granted a state pardon to Chief Etete. Consequent upon this pardon, his counsel wrote to the French ambassador in Nigeria to accord the former minister recognition and deal with him as a free man without constraints. The letter states further: “As you know, Mr. Dan Etete, eminent personality in Nigeria is a great friend of France and has been so for many years.

    “In spite of the judicial vicissitudes that he has unfortunately known in the beginning of the year 2000, he is now free of any constraint and complies with the fiscal and legal French administrations.”

    The Etete story and its fairy tale denouement leaves numerous gaping questions unanswered. Though it has once again exposed the weakness in the Nigerian legal and anti-corruption systems and their inability to rein in and prosecute corrupt officials, the French system in spite of its initial efforts, may have ended up doing a yeoman’s job as well. We are not told what Etete did to earn a French state pardon; we are not informed whether he had paid those fines levied on him by the courts and we do not know what has happened to the premium properties acquired by the erstwhile felon.

    We urge the French government not to promote corruption and criminality by aiding and abetting a convicted felon escape retribution and punishment. We urge the French government to endeavour, even though she has the prerogative of pardon, to confiscate all the cash and property recovered from Chief Etete and repatriate same to Nigeria, their country of origin. We also urge the French government to ensure utmost good faith and transparency in this sordid Etete affair.

    In respect of the Nigerian government, we dare say that this is another sad testament to a debased and amoral society that is not only incapable of fighting crimes and social vices; it actually condones them, elevating them to a form of national ethos. It is quite apposite that in all the simmering scandals trailing this fellow, not a word has been issued from the Nigerian officials. Quite typical.

  • The Lamido-Jonathan conundrum

    ”The truth is incontrovertible. Malice may attack it, ignorance may deride it, but in the end, there it is.”———-Winston Churchill

    Ordinarily, blue-bloods anywhere in the world are usually conceited. But when it goes with luminosity and articulacy, its inherent gait of courage says something about their hauteur. Not many people can stand a swaggering person, nonetheless, an intelligent Hausa/Fulani from the royal family of Kano traditional feudal hue. Generally, any prince, by privilege of birth, is not expected to take orders from anybody, but from infancy is used to others taking instructions from him. Such royalty is conventionally conversant with being revered and courted by the high and mighty in the society, especially those in his sphere of authority. It was with this air that Sanusi Lamido Sanusi suddenly found himself in the position of Governor of Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). And with his untamed valour, egotistic bluster and sometimes audaciously nauseating policies and actions, he garnered ample admirers and foes by the time he was suspended from office last Friday by his nemesis and perhaps, unsuspecting numero uno foe, President Goodluck Jonathan.

    The president, while fielding questions from a panel of journalists during the Presidential media chat in Abuja earlier in the week, declared: “But Sanusi is still the governor of the CBN and people must know that. That is why there can never be a substantive governor until the issue is sorted out. Sanusi can come back tomorrow to continue his work because the issues raised are the issues that the board of the CBN with the Financial Reporting Council, the authorities that have powers to look into the financial transactions of the CBN, will deal with…’’ The president spoke about one relatively unknown 2012 audit report that demanded that Lamido steps aside if it must be properly looked into. But the same president kept Stella Oduah perpetually in office as Minister of Aviation when she was mentioned as the arrow-head of a grossly over-inflated two armoured BMW cars purchased at a time the aviation sector was (and still is) bleeding from lack of infrastructure.

    Perhaps, an objective onlooker would be forced to ask: Why was Oduah not compelled to step aside by the president as he did in the prevailing circumstance when the panel that recommended ‘administrative caution’ was investigating that serious accusation against a minister of a very important ministry of the Federal Republic of Nigeria? Something akin to this also happened when a civil society group reportedly accused another female oil minister that is still serving the president of being an alleged wastrel anytime she was travelling by air through exorbitant aircraft hire both within and outside the country. The president looked the other way at that crucial period. Diezani Allison-Maduekwe, the Minister of Petroleum was exercising oversight function over the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) that is facing subsidy mismanagement crisis and has not been told by the same president to step aside. Whatever Mr President says about the probability of Lamido returning to office after not being found guilty of any infraction, this column and discernible Nigerians know that as far as the CBN governorship is concerned and going by traditional official aversion for dissents, it is sure that the embattled Kano prince is history.

    But besides the fact that the president is not coming to equity with clean hands in the way and manner Lamido was suspended, this column does not think that any sitting CBN governor should be robed with the garb of being above the law – not even if such person is a Fulani prince from Kano State. The column is not oblivious of Section 11 of the CBN Act, 2007, stating when the Governor or any of his Deputies can cease to remain in office not to include suspension by the President. The only mention of the word ‘suspension’ is in section 11(1)(d) and that relates to the removal of the Governor when he or she is disqualified or suspended from practising his or her profession in Nigeria. Furthermore in section 11(1) (f), the only occasion the President can recommend the removal of the Governor or exercise any disciplinary control over him or her is when the president’s recommendation is supported by two-thirds majority of the Senate. This is the conundrum facing the president in his desperate bid to cut to size his unusually voluble CBN governor that has turned the apex bank into a platform for feudal activism.

    Despite these, this column agrees with the president that in exercise of his oversight functions, he has the power of ensuring that the CBN or other institutions of government do not become an island on its own. As the president said, “the issues of suspension and removal are very different.” And save for such power of oversight, Lamido would have unilaterally and arbitrarily printed N5000 denomination currency notes and changed the face of the naira today. But to the credit of Mr President, he listened to public aversion for the move and quickly nipped it the bud. Unfortunately, the Islamic bigotry in Lamido triumphed over the public when he foisted Islamic banking system on the nation. The beauty of democracy in the brewing suspension saga is that the beleaguered prince has gone to court to challenge his suspension and whatever comes out of the Temple of Justice will go a long way in simmering the widening public tension over the matter. Such judgment when delivered will definitely open a new vista in the management and general affairs of the nation’s apex bank.

    However, one thing that is good is that the CBN Governor really helped in bringing to the fore so many hidden rot in the nation’s financial system. He exposed how NNPC through NPDC took oil blocks belonging to the federation and then transferred the operation of the blocks to inexperienced private agents lacking the required funds for the exercise. The prince revealed that NNPC failed to remit $20billion dollars into the federation’s account. It is absurd that the president said he could not look into the allegations because of inconsistencies in figures. Through his reported memo to the Senate Committee dated February12, 2014, Lamido showed that NNPC sells our petroleum for a fixed price of $10 a barrel which is a paltry percentage of its market price and that the corporation allows documents to be destroyed after one year, leading to the cover-up of monumental fraud.

    Though Lamido raised the alarm over fraud in the fuel subsidy regime at a Public Hearing in the House of Representatives some years back, his supposed open campaign for the removal of the same subsidy portrayed as an unstable character that says one thing in the morning only to change such at night before going to bed. The circumstance of his removal, though painful, is a reminder to Jonathan not to toy with the sanctity of the CBN. He should remember the example of Idi Amin Dada of Uganda in 1971, whose order to Joseph Mubiru, Central Bank Governor, to print more money was turned down. He eventually killed Mubiru but that could not solve the problems that his selfish interference caused that country’s apex bank till today. Though the Kano prince has been removed, the issues he raised about looting in NNPC, subsidy pilfering and the economy generally must be resolved by the president. More importantly, his removal if not properly handled might signal the beginning of a wobbling CBN in the country.

  • Tenure conundrum

    Tenure conundrum

    •We reject the proposal for a single term six-year tenure for president and governor

    The recommendation of the Senate Committee on the Review of the Constitution for a single term of six years for the President and Governors fails to convince. Apparently the committee members believed, rather erroneously, that a single term will cure the unparalleled corruption that has been the bane of our national politics for decades. Instructively, the presidency that had boasted a few weeks ago that it would abide by the decisions of the legislature on this matter, quickly turned around after the recommendation to demand that the law should take effect from 2019, as it was not willing to make the sacrifices, it had promised.

    Interestingly, both the promise to sacrifice and the subsequent recant came from the same top presidential aide, Dr. Ahmed Gulak.

    As our experience across the polity shows, the term of office, whether four, six, or even eight years, makes no difference for an ill-equipped and fraudulently elected executive in the discharge of the onerous constitutional responsibility of a President or Governor. Within the past 14 years of our return to civil rule, we have had a President and several Governors who spent eight years in office without any significant achievement. We have also had those who, within two years in office, showed capacity to make a huge difference.

    So, what we need is a transparent political system that allows the most competent candidate to emerge from an election; and one that will punish or reward the elected official after a first term in office, based on performance. In our view, the current practice of a first four years, and another possible four years, is more enduring; and so should be sustained. The legislators should not be led to make laws to deal with a specific circumstance, or to achieve a limited goal, which is what we suspect is the case in this instance.

    When laws are made seemingly because of an individual, it gives the impression of bad faith. While we empathise with the polity over the failure of many of the state executives and particularly the presidency to perform; it should not be a good reason to deny those performing an opportunity to come back if re-elected.

    Although we support the present renewable term of four years, we will not fail to condemn the clear insincerity of the presidency over this matter. We recall that Dr. Gulak had boasted barely one month ago that the President will abide by whatever the decision of the National Assembly is on the matter, apparently hoping that his boss could benefit through a tenure elongation. Now that the committee’s recommendation will make the President stand down in 2015, Dr. Gulak has turned around without equivocation, to sermonise that such law will be unjust to the President. So, as far as the presidential aid is concerned, the driving force for any constitutional amendment should be the interest of President Goodluck Jonathan.

    Such self-centred attitude to national development must be condemned. Indeed, it is even more worrisome that a leading member of the President’s party was already canvassing for the President to be made the party’s sole presidential candidate without a primary election. In pushing this agenda, Chief Tony Anenih the party’s chairman, Board of Trustees, gave scant regard to the party’s constitution.

    Just like Dr. Gulak, Chief Anenih obviously equates the President’s personal political interests with constitutionalism. In our view, it is such misbegotten connection that is at the root of the failed leadership that we are experiencing. We however urge the National Assembly to rather remain focused on the overall wellbeing of the country on this matter.

  • The Arepo conundrum

    The Arepo conundrum

    From the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway end leading directly into Arepo, everything looks quiet. With such a false appearance, you will think that nothing is happening in that little village called Arepo, which you are about driving into. As you branch off the express road and head into Arepo, you will see a filling station by your right and a row of shops. You will see many more shops as you drive down the washed out road. Arepo had no road at all until about five years ago. Is it even up to five years? What it had then was a dusty patch which passed off as a road. Until journalists arrived there about nine years ago, Arepo was a rustic community peopled by those living in mud houses. Now things have changed, with beautiful houses dotting the Arepo landscape. In Arepo today, there may be no fewer than 25 estates, with the Journalists’ Estate Phases 1 & 11 leading the pack. Arepo is fast developing and it has become popular within a short time. It has all what it takes to rival Lekki in Lagos State.

    But and this is a big but, the problem is that of vandals. Arepo can be loosely translated in English as where oil is found. It is not that oil was found in Arepo; no not at all. The only nexus between it and oil is that a pipeline passes through the village. The System 2B Pipeline has been in existence for years, but it has suddenly dawned on some criminals that they have been living close to a goldmine without reaping from it. What benefit they want to reap from their proximity to the pipeline other than regular supply of petroleum products, I don’t know.

    Arepo is bordered by the sea and the pipeline passes through this sea. But the daredevil vandals are not bothered. Times without number, they have vandalised the pipeline to siphon fuel. Those who live in that axis know what they go through virtually on a daily basis because of these vandals’ activities. Most nights, pungent smell of petrol waft in the air as if there is a refinery nearby. At such times, you don’t need to be told that these vandals are at work. The smell is so strong that it can leave those with respiratory disorder breathless. Only God knows the number of people that may have suffered heart seizure from inhaling this pungent fuel smell.

    We are now at the mercy of these vandals whose illegal activities the government seems not to have an answer to. With the Arepo vandals virtually declaring a war against society, the people living there are in for a hell of a time. The vandals have stepped up their illegal activities, hitting the System B2 Pipeline at will. In August, last year, they did not only vandalise the pipeline, they also killed three officials of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). Last Saturday, they hit the pipeline again.

    These attacks cannot be brushed aside with a wave of the hand because of their security implication. If the vandals can be so bold as to attack the Arepo pipeline twice in five months, it means that they may strike again in the nearest future if nothing is done to curtail them now. Besides, they have constituted themselves to a menace to Arepo residents. Sooner than later, we may be in a situation where vandals and security agents will be shooting themselves on the streets of Arepo just as smugglers and Customs do on some major roads in the country.

    If government has not been paying serious attention to the security of the Arepo pipeline and those living around the place, it is high time it reconsidered its stand because of the seriousness of the case at hand. A few years ago, the government deployed troops in Arepo to deter the vandals. The soldiers rather than move to the pipeline site, stationed themselves at the gate leading into the Journalists’ Estate Phase 1, which is far from the pipeline. They were there for months, yet it made no difference because they saw it as an opportunity to make money.

    The government should be concerned with what is happening at Arepo or else, it will be confronted with a problem that may not be easy to solve in future if nothing concrete is done now to stop these vandals. I have a strong feeling that this vandalism have been going on for long and ever before the opening up of Arepo. Then because everywhere was a bush it was easy for the vandals and their sponsors to operate. The opening up of the place, as it were, seems to have spoilt business for them, but they are not ready to give up without a fight.

    What will it cost government to cut these vandals to size? It will cost it nothing to carry the fight to them in their lair and make them realise that no person or group can hold a nation to ransom. There is no individual or organisation, no matter how powerful or rich that can take on the government. If there is any government might, this is the time to show it in order to stop the Arepo vandals in their tracks before it is too late. They have declared war on the people with their criminal activities and the government cannot fold its arms and watch them perpetrate this heinous crime with relish. Except if we are saying we don’t have a government.

     

    The Sultan’s homily

     

    The Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar does not pull punches. If he wants to say something, he goes straight to the point, without beating about the bush. He does not believe in rubbing people on the head when there is a serious issue which deserves urgent attention to thrash out. Not once, not twice, he has spoken on the problems of the North.

    And on each occasion, he has been forthright and candid in his assessment, telling his people that the problem is more with them than outsiders. The North, he believes, should look inwards in solving its problems instead of blaming others for where the region is today. There is no better time to tell the North the truth than now and there is no better person to do that than the Sultan.

    To be sure, the North like its southern counterpart has a lot of problems. But while the South seems to appreciate the enormity of its problems, the North appears to be comfortable with what the Sultan rightly described as its self-inflicted problems. The region is not prepared to do anything about its problems, but is busy looking for scape-goats. To the average Northerner, the region’s problems are located in what they have come to see as the South’s bid to ‘lord’ it over the nation.

    If that assertion is true,then the North has itself to blame because for years the region ‘lorded’ it over the South. Since the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern protectorates in 1914, the North has been the elder brother in what some perceive as a forced union by the British imperialists led by Lord Lugard. The North had everything going for it before and immediately after the amalgamation. Even up till as recent as 1999, the North was in full control of the power structure.

    It may not have done well in commerce, but with power, it had everything. That the North is where it is today is not the fault of anybody, but that of itself. ‘’The fault is not in our stars but in ourselves that we are underlings”, says Shakespeare. The North’s problems became compounded about four years ago with the Boko Haram menace. Rather than come together to fight the Islamic sect, which appears bent on destabilising the country at all costs, Northern leaders are speaking from both sides of the mouth.

    They say one thing today and tomorrow, they take a different position on the same matter. The question is are Northern leaders serious about solving the Boko Haram riddle? If they are, they are on the way to resolve the region’s security challenge as well as revive the age-long brotherly love between the North and South, because let’s face it many Southerners have fled that region, which they once considered home, for security reasons.

  • Again, the subsidy conundrum

    FIGURES as scarecrow – that is the new passion for petroleum subsidy power players, bent on pushing their luck too far on a moribund energy policy. For erecting petroleum downstream liberalisation on fuel importation, that policy was designed to fail because it made little economic sense for an oil producer.

    It is therefore time to push for a new policy: erecting downstream liberalisation on local refining. That way, all these slapping of scary figures would evaporate – scary figures by opportunistic fuel importers to sucker the government into paying suspect subsidy; and a roguish government’s own war cry to weary, weaken and finally force on the people the ‘total removal’ of the so-called subsidy.

    To change this present policy, however, the government must make strategic investments in building local refineries to jump-start a liberalised petroleum downstream firmly rooted in the local economy, with all its petro-chemical spin-offs. But from experience, the government need not – indeed, should not – run these refineries.

    In the spirit of public-private sector-participation (PPP), it should build and transfer to private players who can efficiently run them; and sit back to recoup its investment over an agreed number of years. With time, other players would join because, though downstream margin can be thin, Nigeria’s huge market has the volume to make the business profitable.

    With the journey to nowhere that the Obasanjo-era flawed downstream liberalisation policy has proved, the imperative for change should have been obvious. But not so, apparently, to a government insincere with itself; and an economically greedy and murderous lobby determined to take its chances, no matter the toll on the common wealth and common weal. That would explain this sterile fixation on scary figures.

    The latest bout has been kicked off by President Goodluck Jonathan’s request to the National Assembly for an additional N161.6 billion to the N888.1 billion already appropriated as petroleum subsidy for 2012, taking the new figure to N1.23 trillion. Of the original N888.1 billion, N451 billion (slightly more than half) had been paid as subsidy arrears for 2011 – that election year soaked so irredeemably in subsidy payment infamy. To bridge the short-fall, the government needed the additional N161.6 billion – a shortfall that might dry up the fuel importation nozzle and lay the economy completely prostrate.

    Meanwhile, with N1.5 trillion already reportedly paid out for 2011, the N451 billion arrears make the 2011 figure near a staggering N2 trillion mark, perilously close to the N2.58 trillion a Reuters report claimed the government paid out in 2011, quoting the House of Representatives as source. When you factor the fact that a good number of those docked for alleged phony subsidy receipts for that inglorious year are either people close to the government or politicians or their children, it is difficult not to legitimately conclude that the 2011 payout had more to do with winning or losing election than settling fuel importers for legitimate business.

    Yet, this is the so-called subsidy the Jonathan government whines is “unsustainable” – which of course it is, for no sane economy can sustain that level of drain without collapsing. But the generality cannot pay for what a few brazenly stole. That explains the explosive resistance to the January attempt to “completely remove subsidy”.

    This conundrum on oil subsidy that is not has gone too far. It is time to change tack. It is time to change this asinine policy of liberalising fuel importation, which is nothing but liberalising corruption; and allowing a few greedy cabal and their government colluders to fleece innocent Nigerians and further retard the economy.

    As for Breton Woods ideologues in government who, for mental slavery still push this willful shutting out of local refining, and with the petro-chemical spin-offs that could deepen the economy, their action is nothing but economic perfidy, treachery and sabotage

  • The Hajj conundrum

    The Hajj conundrum

    Going on pilgrimage is a religious obligation that every Muslim is expected to perform, at least, once in his or her lifetime if he/she has the means. For the Christians, it is Jerusalem, in Israel, that they head to every year to perform their pilgrimage. The Muslims go to Mecca and Medina to observe theirs.

    But by far, it is the Muslim pilgrimage to Saudi Arabia that attracts the highest number of faithful all over the world every year. With this also comes the high publicity that is attached to the yearly ritual. Apart from the yearly pilgrimage, many Muslim faithful also visit the Holy land for Umrah or “Lesser Hajj”. However, this is done at anytime of the year without really engaging the attention or the probing eyes of journalists and other media commentators.

    The popular yearly hajj, which culminates in ram-slaughtering, the Id-El- Kabir festival, is undertaken two months and a few days after the Muslim’s 30-day fasting period known as Ramadan. This yearly hajj is a very big event as so many activities are involved in it. Good enough, the Saudi Arabian government has put several measures in place to accommodate the large influx of Muslims to the country on the annual religious ritual. But in spite of all the measures put in place to ensure hitch-free hajj operations, some of the pilgrims have run into one problem or another while in the Holy Land. In most cases, the Saudi Arabian government has always risen up to the occasion by attending to any issues that may arise during the annual pilgrimage.

    Surprisingly, this year’s pilgrimage by Nigerian pilgrims has attracted a huge controversy because of the forced deportation of some female pilgrims. The dust raised by the action taken by the Saudis is just about to settle with the flurry of diplomatic meetings and shuttles embarked upon by the Nigerian government, particularly the Foreign Affairs Ministry. Aminu Tambuwal, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and his team also dashed to the Kingdom on a one-day fence-mending visit. Finally, the Saudi government softened its stand on some of the pilgrims who had earlier been repatriated to Nigeria. That incident itself is the crux of this discourse.

    The first thing is that, side-by-side our generally accepted Western attitudes and values that lay emphasis on the freedom of the individual adult to act according to his or her own needs and general personal desires, Islam is a different ball game, especially with regards to women. Simply put, women are generally seen as minors who require permission from their husbands or father or the adult male equivalent in the family. Generally speaking, choices for women in Islam on a lot of things simply follow a well-guarded path with little or no room for any ‘creativity’ on the part of the woman. Of course, this tradition is most jealously upheld and guarded in Islamic environments were Wahabism – a stricter, more extreme version of Islam – is practised such as you find in Saudi Arabia, Iran, Taliban-controlled-Afghanistan and a few other places, including among many Muslims in northern Nigeria.

    This is where, in hajj, the issue of mahram (chaperon/guardian) comes into the picture. One thing though, it is not true that the issue of a chaperon has only just come to be recognised in hajj. It’s just that the practice has, over the decades, been bent to accommodate modern political and social nuances. In short, the practice of mahram for women on hajj has merely learned to recognise the fact that because of the peculiarity regarding the number of pilgrims of various backgrounds from even one country, it cannot be practical for every single woman going on hajj to necessarily have access to a family member who is an adult male to act as chaperon. Hence the waiver that had been in existence for Nigeria’s female pilgrims since the 1980s. Under this arrangement, the leader of the delegation (the Amir-ul Hajj) from each country is sufficient to act as the chaperon/guardian of all female pilgrims from that country.

    So, what went wrong this time? Well, an exhaustive answer may only be provided by both the Saudi authorities and their Nigerian counterparts. But it is first worthy to note that even by the regulations on hajj and the chaperon/guardian issue, it is permissible for any woman who is 45 years old or older to go on hajj without a mahram. This also brings us to the issue of the category of women who have so far been denied entry into Saudi Arabia in the current controversy. It is, perhaps, not ordinary happenstance that while some older women have been granted entry with the minimum of fuss, most of the ones who have been denied entry are young women all under 34 years of age and even much younger. In the case of one contingent from Kano, it was allegedly discovered that a whole plane only had three male passengers, with all the other passengers being female.

    And it certainly begets curiosity as to why a passenger plane could have such a lopsided composition of passengers. It becomes more interesting when we throw into the fray Nigeria’s history with regards to the behaviour of some members of our contingents at such gatherings of mass proportions abroad. It is a well-documented development that it is usually a hard battle preventing some members of our contingents from absconding during sports meets anywhere in the world. And unless we are bent on calling a spade by some other name, we cannot feign ignorance of such incidents often taking place with our contingents on pilgrimage whether to Jerusalem or Mecca. Even where some of these people – in this case, the women – do not abscond outright, there have been alleged cases of various unwholesome activities on their parts such as prostitution, begging and the like. And unless we insist on wallowing in self-denial, many such stories abound about our pilgrims’ conduct in Saudi Arabia.

    Therefore, it might be safe to assume that in the case of the current controversy, our legacy has simply preceded us. In essence, the Saudis may have finally caught on to the antics of our people and decided to try and put a stop to it, starting, of course, with the crackdown on that (in)famous three-male-out-of-hundreds aeroplane incident from Kano.

    If this is the case, then perhaps the Saudi authorities are absolved of all blame, right? Well, not quite. Firstly, it is highly implausible that the Saudis have only recently caught on to this attitude and have, even more belatedly, found a noose to throw around the problem. In addition, as a retort to a question on why more and more men are becoming adulterous around the world, a psychologist once asked: “Who do you think these men are sleeping with?” Perhaps, it is similarly legitimate for us to ask: After all other pilgrims have returned to their countries, which men then patronise the Nigerian women who often decide to stay behind and hawk their bodies for money in Saudi Arabia? What usually happens to the hordes of women who are reportedly ‘arrested’ by Saudi security forces for breaches of the social and moral rule only to be off the streets for the night or a couple of days and be back ‘doing their thing’ afterwards? Could the possible answers to these questions be the main reason the Saudis have allegedly not given any reason for their new-found brazenness in injuring their country’s diplomatic ties with Nigeria while not offering any explanation for the sudden aggressive treatment of Nigeria’s female pilgrims this year? Well, maybe, as they say in Yoruba, oro p’esije (too serious beyond response).