Tag: Court

  • Court remands surety in  connection with missing $130,000

    Court remands surety in connection with missing $130,000

    A Magistrates’ Court sitting at Karu, Federal Capital Territory, over the weekend remanded a civil servant, who allegedly failed to produce a man arrested in connection with missing 130,000 U.S. dollars.

    Senior Magistrate Omolola Akindele ordered that Amele Okor, 45, should be kept in prison custody for failing to produce Remigius Igbenatu, for whom he stood as a surety in a police station.

    The senior magistrate adjourned the case to Feb. 12 for hearing of a bail application filed on Okor’s behalf by his Counsel, Mr Pius Okoro.

    The surety had denied the allegation.

    The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) reports that Okor, who works with the National Poverty Eradication Programme, Federal Secretariat, Abuja, is standing trial on a count charge of obstructing the course of justice.

    The Prosecutor, Sgt. Atteh Effiong, had told the court that Okor undertook to produce Igbenatu whenever needed or forfeit a N13.8 million bond he signed.

    Effiong said that Igbenatu was arrested by the police following a report lodged by Sen. Osita Izunaso over the missing money.

    “A case of criminal breach of trust and cheating to the tune of 130,000 U.S. dollars was reported at the police station which led to the arrest of Igbenatu,”

    He said that Igbenatu jumped police bail, and that Okor refused to produce him to face prosecution in spite of letters written to him to produce Igbenatu.

    According to Effiong, the offence is punishable under Section 167 of the Penal Code.

     

  • Court sittings in private residence illegal, says lawyer

    Court sittings in private residence illegal, says lawyer

    The relocation of five Magistrate Courts and two Rent Tribunals sitting in Akure, the Ondo State capital to the private building of an Akure businessman is causing ripples in the state.

    The Courts started sittings last month in a building owned by Chief O. Olukayode located at Hospital Road, Oshinle roundabout, Akure.

    The Ondo State Judiciary has been battling with lack of court rooms for Magistrate Courts and Rent Tribunals which led to the letting of the Olukayode’s house.

    But lawyers in the state are not happy with the development and one of them Barrister Charles Titiloye has noted that sitting a courtroom in a private building can compromise the independence and neutrality of the Judiciary specifically where landlord or owners  of such building may have pending cases before the Court.

    He noted that section 36 of constitution on human rights of citizen prescribed that a court should be established in a manner to guarantee its independence and impartiality.

    The activist queried whether those courts can handle any case involving Chief Olukayode and his family?

    Titiloye flayed the state government for precipitating this problem by not building new court rooms for the Judiciary or giving out any of its houses at Alagbaka, Akure as temporal accommodation for courtrooms.

    The activist noted that the Olukayode building was not conducive as same premises house incompatible businesses and tenants like aluminum artisans, gymnasium, church, bank and a drinking joint at the back.

    He said, “In fact we sometimes find it difficult to hear what the Magistrate is saying in the court. The place is unsafe as only one door leads to all the court rooms and there is no parking space for vehicles.

    Titiloye noted that this situation has brought hardship to lawyers within Akure branch of Nigerian Bar Association (NBA).

    He stressed that, ”we have resolved in our general meeting  that the executive of Akure branch of NBA should meet the Chief Judge of the state, Justice Sehinde Kumuyi, to relocate the Magistrate to a more conducive building owned by the government.

    The activist noted that justice is rooted in confidence of litigants in the impartiality of the court, Ondo State government must take immediate step to protect the integrity of the courts now sitting in the private building.

    However, a top official in the State Judicial Commission (SJC), said the development is temporary, stressing that efforts were on by the state government to provide conducive accommodation for the dispensation of justice.

  • ‘Court can restrain police from making arrest if right will be violated’

    ‘Court can restrain police from making arrest if right will be violated’

    A judge of the Federal High Court, Justice Okong Abang has said the police cannot arrest a person on the basis of a petition alleging criminality where there is no evidence.

    Making such arrest, according to him, would amount to the violation of the fundamental rights of the persons being arrested.

    He said where such a situation exists, the court can make an order restraining the police from making such an arrest.

    Such order, the judge said, would be an exception to the principle that the court cannot restrain the police or security agency from discharging their statutory responsibilities.

    The judge made the observations in judgment he delivered on a suit filed by a chieftain of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Ogun State, Prince Buruji Kashamu against the Inspector-General of Police; Director-General, State Security Services; the Comptroller-General, Nigeria Customs Services; the chairman, National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA); the Attorney-General of the Federation and former Ogun State Governor, Gbenga Daniel.

    Kashamu had urged the court to restrain the respondents from intimidating, harassing, arresting, detaining or prosecuting him on the basis of “false allegations” contained in a petition to the agencies by a group.

    In the petition, it was alleged that Kashamu was implicated in a drug case, arrested and convicted in the United States (US) and United Kingdom (UK) for drug-related offences and money laundering, that he escaped from prison to Nigeria after serving five years, and duped a bank in Benin Republic of about N1billion naira.

    “My duty in this judgment is to ascertain whether the respondents can act on the petition by investigating the applicant that may lead to his arrest and detention and possibly, arraignment and prosecution, which may also affect his fundamental rights to personal liberty and freedom of movement,” the judge said.

    According to him, under Section 35 (1c) of the 1999 Constitution, the respondents have the statutory duties to investigate the applicant based on the petition by inviting him, which may lead to his prosecution.

    However, if the applicant feels that the allegations have been investigated before and cleared and that the issues have been litigated before and cleared, and if he believes that his fundamental rights to personal liberty is likely to be contravened, he can approach the court for redress, the judge said.

    “Since in this case the applicant has been able to show in his application that the first to fifth respondents have the power and are entitled to act on the petition, it is my view that his suit has disclosed a reasonable cause of action against the first, second and fifth respondents,” the judge said.

    In restraining security agencies from arresting Kashamu, the judge reasoned that if indeed, it is true that the applicant has been cleared of all allegations contained in the petition, then what was the basis of writing it since it may lead to the violation of the applicant’s rights?

    “The police or any security agency cannot be restrained from discharging their statutory functions…Nobody, I mean nobody, no matter how highly placed in the society can use the court of law as a shield, otherwise the society will descend into a state of anarchy where criminals will becomes lords unto themselves.

    “However, the turning point in this judgment based on the peculiar facts of the case, my Lords, which is the distinguishing feature from the principle of law stated above is that the powers of the first to fourth respondents to investigate, arrest, detain or prosecute a person in discharge of their functions must be exercised subject to the provisions of Section 35 (1c) of the 1999 Constitution.

    “That is to say a person must have committed a criminal offence or suspected to have committed a criminal offence before police can exercise their powers in investigating him, failing which a court of law has jurisdiction to restrain the first to fifth respondents from interfering with the fundamental rights of a citizen.

    “Having regard to the facts presented before me, and the fact the court cannot be seen to look for evidence elsewhere other than what is adduced by the parties, it is my view that there is no evidence before me that the applicant has committed any of the offences mentioned in the ill-motivated petition.

    “There is no allegation that he is reasonably suspected to have committed any of the criminal offences mentioned in the petition. I think the court can restrain the first to fifth respondents from acting on the allegations contained in the petition only which may lead to the violation of the applicant’s fundamental rights to personal liberty and freedom of movement.

    “This is an exception to the principle that the court cannot restrain the police or security agency from discharging their statutory responsibilities. This is a case based on its peculiar facts and circumstances,” the judge held.

     

  • Otudeko vs Dangote: Court to hear land suit January 21

    Otudeko vs Dangote: Court to hear land suit January 21

    Justice Okon Abang of the Federal High Court in Lagos will on January 21 hear a suit involving two of Nigeria’s richest men, Oba Otudeko and Aliko Dangote.

    They are in court over a land measuring 10.841 square metres at the Lagos Ports Complex, known as the 5th Apapa Wharf Extension.

    Otudeko, through his company, Honeywell Group Limited, is urging the court to declare that he is the rightful owner of the land by virtue of a lease agreement between his company and the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA).

    But Dangote is insisting that the agreement was neither turned into a deed nor was it registered in any lands registry.

    The matter was before Justice Ramat Mohammed before it was assigned to Justice Okechukwu Okeke following Mohammed’s transfer to another division.

    Following Justice Okeke’s retirement last year, the case was reassigned to Justice Abang to begin de novo (a fresh).

    In the suit with number FHC/L/CS/329/06, listed NPA, Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE), Dangote Industries Limited,Dangote and Greenview Development Nigeria Limited as defendants.

    The claimant said NPA leased the said land to it for five years for setting up a bulk food handling facility at N2.168 million per year.

    Honeywell added that in keeping with the agreement, it paid the sum as well as N290, 000 for the land survey.

    The plaintiff noted that it took possession of the land to the knowledge of the defendants and began the required technical investigations.

    It said its expenditure on setting up facility costing about $100 million.

    The plaintiff added that despite being aware of its massive development plans on the land, the BPE allegedly suddenly suspended the pre-existing rights by concessioning NPA’s Apapa Ports Complex, including the 5th Apapa Wharf Extension to Greenview Development Limited, a company which Dangote allegedly has interest in.

    Honeywell Group added that NPA and BPE latter asked it to vacate the facility to ensure smooth transfer to the new operator.

    According to the claimant, Dangote and his company actually procured and induced the NPA to break the initial agreements and legal relations.The plaintiff alleged that Dangote, through his agents, harassed, threatened and ordered its officials to vacate the land.

    Besides, the plaintiff argued that BPE lacked the power under its port reforms to take over and alienate NPA’s assets when the NPA Act has neither been amended.

    By the alleged forceful eviction from the land, Honeywell said it lost the profit it would have made and was greatly injured in its business.

    The plaintiff said due to the delay, the cost of putting up the contemplated structure rose from $100 million to $148 million.

    The plaintiff is, therefore, urging the court to declare it as the land’s exclusive legal occupier.

    It prayed the court to restrain the defendants from treating it as stranger or trespasser on the land.

    It also wants $48 million damages, being the additional expenses required to build the bulk food handling facility.

    But Dangote, in his statement of defence, said the action was frivolous, vexatious and constituted an abuse of court process.

    Urging the court to dismiss the suit, the industrialist added that the action was aimed at truncating the Federal Government’s policy on the seaports.

    He said it was also filed to stall the progress of work being carried out by Greenview Development on the land.

    He argued that no Presidential consent was sought or obtained before the lease agreement was granted to Honeywell Group in respect of the land.

    According to him, notices were given to the public in 2003 for the concessioning of all seaports/complexes by the BPE as part of the Federal Government’s privatisation and commercialisation policy.

    Under the policy, Dangote said all existing leases/licenses of land at the seaports were affected, and that fresh bids were required for the concessioning of the various seaports.

    The defendant added that Greenview was eventually granted the concessionaire approval by the Federal Government of Terminal E of Apapa Ports covering an area of 19.091 hectares.

    Dangote said it was untrue that the plaintiff had ever been in occupation of the land known as the 5th Apapa Wharf Extension.

     

     

  • Court orders service of papers on monarch, others

    Court orders service of papers on monarch, others

    A Lagos High Court has ordered that the Writ of Summons and Statement of Claim in a suit against the Ojora of Ojora, Oba Fatai Aromire be served on the defendants/respondents through courier services and by pasting on the walls of the property in dispute.

    Also to be served through substituted means are list of witnesses to be called during the trial, witnesses written statement on oath and list of documents to be relied on at trial.

    The court granted leave to the claimants to post “all the court processes and subsequent court orders and directives on the existing walls and buildings on the land in dispute at Orile-Iganmu, Lagos State.”

    Justice Agnes Nicol-Clay ordered the Commissioner of Police to provide enough security to protect the court’s sheriff and members of the claimants’ family “who will serve as pointers of the land in dispute to the sheriff”.

    The claimants’ lawyer, Chief Olusegun Raji, told The Nation at the weekend that the order had been executed.

    The family of Adeshiba Ayeloja Adedewe is urging the court to stop Oba Aromire from demolishing their “property.” The houses, they said, are on a vast area of land measuring approximately 1, 324 hectres situated in Awori, in Badagry District of Lagos State.

    Also joined in the suit as defendants are the Odofin of Ojora land, Chief Fatai Sulaiman, the Attorney-General, Lagos, the Surveyor-General, Lagos State, Lagos State Physical Planning, Surveyor-General of the Federation, the Inspector-General of Police and the Commissioner of Police, Lagos State.

    The claimants Shehu Adedewe, Nureni Adedewe and Morufu Adedewe are suing for themselves and for their family.

    They are asking for an order of perpetual injunction restraining the defendants from selling, allotting, destroying or building any structure on the land in dispute.

    The claimant, through their lawyer, Chief Segun Raji are seeking for a declaration that their family is entitled to customary/statutory right of occupancy of their family land delineated and reaffirmed by the colonial government’s survey plan of December 20, 1917.

    They also prayed the court to declare that the first and second defendants (Ojora of Ojora and Odofin of Ojora land) are not entitled to the land in dispute.

    They said defendants’ transaction and dealings on the disputed land are unconstitutional, null and void.

    Specifically, the claimants want the court to set aside the judgment which favoured the first and second defendants in suit No- LD/562/72, as, according to them, the judgment was allegedly obtained by fraud.

    The claimants said the land in dispute had exclusively belonged to their great grandfather, Adeshiba Ayeloja Adedewe for over 500 years ago.

    Their great grandfather, they said, had been in possession of the land before the Logos Colony was divided into three.

    They said it was Oba Ado who invited his friend (the claimants’ great grandfather) from the Opake Eganyima town now known today as Orile Iganmu to his place.

    But, the first and second defendants, in their statement of defence and counter claim filed by their lawyer Ola Okunniyi, urged the court to dismiss the suit.

    They said it was an abuse of the judicial process.

    This, they said, is with regard to the final judgment of the Supreme Court in suit No- SC/54/2005 which determined the rights and interest of parties in respect of the land in dispute.

    They prayed the court for an order of perpetual injunction restraining the claimants whether by themselves, servants, agent or privies from further trespassing or attempting to exercise proprietary rights over the land.

    They are urging the court to hold that the claimants have no known interest whatsoever in the land in dispute.

    The defendants also want the court to hold that based on several judgments in suits numbered LD/562/72; CA/L86/2001 and SC/54/2005, they are the rightful owners of the land.

     

     

  • ‘Why Nigerians can’t access African Court’

    ‘Why Nigerians can’t access African Court’

    The African Court on Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR) was established by the African Union (AU) following member-states’ adoption of the Protocol establishing the court in 1998 in Burkina Faso. The Protocol came into force on January 25, 2004. The court began operations in 2006 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The court’s President and a Justice of the Supreme Court of Ghana,  Sophia Akuffo, in this interview with ERIC IKHILAE, speaks on its activities and why citizens of most member-states, especially Nigeria, cannot access the court.

    You will be rounding off your tenure in September, next year. How has the journey been?

    When we were set up in 2006 literally, it was a court because there were judges who had been sworn in. But, there wasn’t even a typist, there was no office. We had to decide by ourselves that, until they give us where to operate, we will operate from Addis (Ababa). That is the head office of the African Union (AU). We had no budget and we had no Rules of Procedure. So, it was a start-up from scratch. We relocated here, Arusha in 2007 and by 2008, we were able to do our first draft of Rules of Proceedings. Without the Rules of Proceedings, the court cannot accept any case. So, we did that and let everybody know that we are ready for business.

    What were the efforts made to popularise the court among member-states of the AU?

    One thing you have to realise is that at the moment, it is not everybody who can come to this court. This is because the Protocol setting up the court gives access to state party to the Protocol, the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights (the Banjul commission), the AU, certain intergovernmental bodies in the continent and then, individuals and non- governmental bodies (if the case brought is against a state that has ratified the Protocol and has also declared that individuals/non-governmental organisations (NGOs) can bring cases before the court). It was only Burkina Faso that had made that declaration as at when we started.

    How have you created awareness?

    After we did our first case, on which we had to decline jurisdiction, because it was a matter brought by an individual against a state that had not made the declaration, we realised that we had reach-out by ourselves. But as judges, it was a difficult decision for us to make because courts don’t normally go advertising themselves. It is assumed that everybody knows where the court is. But we had to start doing that to get people, and even governments, to know why the court exists. So, we have been doing that since 2008. We have been going from country to country. We have been to Nigeria. We had a seminar and we also spoke to highly placed government officials and the parliament. We also had a meeting with the Human Rights Commission, among others. That is what we have been doing – reaching out. And it has yielded some results.

    What is the acceptance like so far?

    The question is, if there are other entities that can come to the court, why don’t they come? Well, it is the individuals, whose rights get trampled upon or violated. Those will be the people with primary interest and then, the NGOs that are espousing particular human right causes. But as for states, we will wait for a long time before states start coming to uphold human rights for their citizens. This is because I can barely envisage a situation where a state will bring an action against another state over the violation of its citizen’s rights by the country sued.

    What is Nigeria’s status with the court at the moment?

    As at today, Nigeria has signed the Protocol, it has ratified. That is why one of our judges is a Nigerian. But cases cannot be brought against Nigeria directly by individuals or NGO. It can only be brought by other African states or they will have to go to the Banjul Commission, who will look at the matter and decide whether it could be brought here. Right now, direct access to the court is only limited to the people bringing matters against seven members of the AU. These are Burkina Faso, Mali, Malawi, Tanzania, Ghana, Cote d’ivoire and Rwanda, because they have made the declaration (recognising the court’s jurisdiction to hear cases brought directly by individuals or NGOs). During our visit to Nigeria, we had promises, particularly in relation to making the declaration. In fact, we had firm promises that ‘by certain, certain time, we would have done it.’ It was supposed to be May 2011 and still, it has not been done. We do not know why. I think it requires that we keep reminding the Nigerian authorities and other countries about the activities and benefits of patronising the court.

    To what extent would you say the court’s activities have affected the culture of impunity and rights abuses on the continent?

    I think, in the global term, you are being too ambitious and you are pushing the court too much. What matters is what decisions have been made, which we expect to have impact. And the point is that, because the majority of the member-states of the AU have not made their declaration, we have not had a significant number of qualifying applications (cases filed before the court). The other thing is that we are not a court of appeal, and sometime, we have received cases that are more like appeals than bring human rights cases. Last July for example, we made a decision that concerned the compliance of a constitutional provision with the Charter (the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights). We found that the provision was not in compliance with the Charter. It violated rights. Because we are a court of competent jurisdiction set up by the AU, when we make a decision, like the one that was against a particular state and its Constitution, it means that every member-state of the AU, which is a party to the Charter, will learn from it. And that is how our impact is felt.

    How does the court ensure that its decisions/judgments are complied with?

    Usually, real enforcement of court’s judgments is not always by the court itself. So, enforcement can always be an issue. But under the Protocol setting up the court, the body that is responsible for monitoring compliance is the Executive Council of the AU (made up of Ministers of Foreign Affairs). It reports to the Assembly of the Heads of State. What the court does is that, we report to the AU on our activities. And we are specifically required to report on non-compliance. We actually report on all the cases we have finished and non-compliance. Another way we report is that, as soon as we deliver a judgment, we do not only serve the parties, we also serve the AU and such judgments are expected to be disseminated among AU member-states.

    Don’t you think the court is disadvantaged by not having a criminal jurisdiction?

    Criminal jurisdiction is at the end of a spectrum; where things went wrong, that is where you reach the point of criminality. The fact that this court does not have criminal jurisdiction does not weaken it. In fact, the first international criminal court is the International Criminal Court (ICC). How old is it? It was established for certain purposes; where it is evident that states themselves do not want to deal with what is going on. But what is more important is that eventually the ground for nurturing and protecting human rights gets solidified and firmed. Then, impunity does not even arise because you know that even if you are not hauled off to any court, you will not be found guilty, but the state will be. What we must remember is that it is the responsibility of every state to assure and protect the human rights of its people. And when there is a violation of human right, it means that the state has failed to ensure this.

    When does the court take up cases?

    This court takes cases only when the person is able to show that there were no adequate local remedies provided by their states or they have exhausted the local remedies. I am optimistic because it is the beginning of something important. In the world at the moment, there are only two other courts like ours – the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the European Court of Human Rights. And we do a lot of interactions with them. We have gone farther than they did when they were first set up. It takes a while to become established and become known by other people. The ICC is known because it seems to deal with people, who have done horrible things that you only see in the movies. Human rights courts are there to ensure that, at the end of the day, people do not reach that horrible level.

    What are the hinderances to the court’s effective performance?

    The main challenge is to get Africans to know and understand that they have this court. I realised that most people do not even know that we have the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights or even what it stands for, and that there is the Banjul Commission and this court. So, it is important for people to know that they have these structures (to ensure the protection of their rights) and to be interested in what the court is doing. People should always be engaged in matters concerning human rights because it concerns everybody. If your state (country) has not made the declaration or ratified the Protocol, I think, with the growth of democracy and constitutionalism in Africa, it is important for people to ask their leaders why they have not ratified and made the declaration. But it starts off with the knowledge, to know you have the right, before you can even ask your country’s leaders why you cannot have full access to the court. Another challenge is to get the leadership of member states to realise that they have either not ratified or declared. And after making them become aware of their status, there is the challenge to also get them to make a move.

    What efforts are being made to tackle these challenges?

    To me, issues about human rights are very fundamental in human life, but somehow, to those in government, it is always placed on the back burner, and with the fire off (let me put it that way). One needs to be pressing about it. We are a court. So, we will prefer that as time goes on, we have others doing that advocacy, because we should not be doing too much advocacy. There is a point one needs to stop so as not to put the court into a conflict of interest. We now live in the information age. No matter how much one tries to control the flow of information, it will be everywhere in no time. People now have easy access to information. Every decision of the court is published on the internet. We also conduct public hearing in some cases. We are doing our best to let the people know what we do. The rest of it is left to the people. You hear the message, and you run with it or you use it.

    In what areas do you think the court’s capacity could be further improved to allow for enhanced performance?

    First, we don’t have enough people, we don’t have enough staff. It was only last year that the barest structure that the court recommended was accepted. Even the provisions that have been approved had to be staggered for financial reasons. As I said earlier, we were set up as a court of judges. We have come a long way and we know we will go even farther. We have got a very good staff who are prepared to do the odd, in relation to their job descriptions. We intend to use technology to optimise the speed and accuracy with which we do our work. Of course, machines will never replace human being in a judicial system, but in terms of processes, we will optimise the use of technology, particularly in the courtroom. This is because one of the time wasting problems in the courtroom is the record, in terms of getting it and getting it right. And fortunately, there is technology for ensuring that accuracy to a very, very large extent.

  • ‘How Supreme Court wrongly freed Bode George’

    ‘How Supreme Court wrongly freed Bode George’

    Lagos lawyer and activist Femi Falana (SAN) criticises the Supreme Court judgment which quashed the conviction of Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Chief Bode George.

    In criticising the lack of commitment of the Goodluck Jonathan Administration to the anti-corruption crusade

    commentators have often failed to pay sufficient attention to the penchant of Nigerian courts to dismiss corruption cases on the altar of technicalities. It is on record that many corruption cases filed against members of the ruling class by the anti-graft agencies have been dismissed in the last few weeks on flimsy grounds. On the contrary, the courts have had no difficulty in convicting petty criminals and sentencing them to long terms of imprisonment for stealing telephone handsets, bush meat, tubers of yam etc on account of poverty. In reviewing the anti-corruption war, therefore, the class character of the nation’s neo-colonial legal system should always be taken into consideration.

    Last month, the case involving the missing hundreds of millions of naira from the Universal Basic Education Fund was struck out by the Federal High Court. A fortnight ago, the Lagos Division of the Court of Appeal struck out the criminal case filed against some bank chiefs by the EFCC on the ground that the Lagos State High Court lacks the jurisdiction to try them for allegedly stealing billions of Naira through the manipulation of the capital market. On December 13, 2013, the Federal Capital Territory High Court struck out the charge of stealing government land and allocating same to his wife and other family members filed against Mr. Nasir El-Rufai when it upheld his no case submission while the Supreme Court discharged and acquitted Chief Olabode George and other former members of the Nigeria Ports Authority on the ground that the offence of contract splitting was unknown to law at the material time.

    This review is limited to the case of Chief Olabode George & co. for two reasons. Firstly, the EFCC has decided to appeal against the judgments, which freed the other accused persons. Secondly, the verdict of the Supreme Court has serious implications for the nation’s criminal law jurisprudence. More so, that the finding of the apex court that the appellants were tried and convicted for contract splitting is not borne out of the records of both the trial court and the Court of Appeal. In other words, the Lagos High Court had convicted them of the offences of abuse of powers and disobedience to lawful order contrary to sections 104 and 203 of the Lagos State Criminal Code. However, while congratulating the appellants on removing the stigma of infamy from their names it cannot be denied that the outcome of the case is a major setback for the anti corruption crusade.

     

    The right to criticise court judgments

    Before one is accused of committing contempt of court for commenting on the controversial judgment, it is pertinent to point out that the right to criticise the judgments of courts is part of the fundamental right of every citizen to freedom of expression guaranteed by section 39 of the Constitution. Accordingly, the Supreme Court has always welcomed a constructive criticism of its decisions having regards to their finality and overall impact on the nation’s legal system. In Adegoke Motors v Adesanya (1989) 3 N.W.L.R. (Pt 109) 250 at 274-275, the reverred Chukwudifu Oputa J.S.C alluded to the finality of the decisions of the Supreme Court when he said that “we are final not because we are infallible, rather we are infallible because we are final. Justices of this Court are human beings capable of erring. It will be shortsighted arrogance not to accept this obvious truth”.

    In the same vein, the late Justice Kayode Eso said in the case of Adigun v Governor of Oyo State (No 2) 2 N.W.R (Pt 56) 197 at 214-215 that “the decision of the Supreme Court is final. Final in the sense of real finality in so far as the particular case before it is concerned. It is final forever, except there is legislation to the contrary, and it has to be a legislation ad hominem”. In recognition of the enormous powers of the apex court Justice Eso was of the view that “It is such dread powers that must necessitate great care in the calibre of the Court and such dread that must necessitate pungent and constructive analytical criticism of every judgment of the Court in the law journals and similar fora”. In reaction to the view of some judges and lawyers that it is contemptuous to subject decisions of courts to criticism Justice Eso stated that “the judgment of a court should not be treated with sacred sanctity, once it gets to the right critical forum”.

     

    Where the supreme court erred in law

    In the case of Chief Bode George & co. the appellants were tried, convicted and sentenced to various prison terms by the Lagos High Court on October 26, 2009 for abuse of powers and disobedience of lawful orders. Completely displeased with the verdict, the appellants challenged it on appeal. In its considered judgment delivered on January 21, 2011, the Court of Appeal affirmed the judgment of the learned trial judge, Olubunmi Oyewole J. Still dissatisfied the appellants further appealed to the Supreme Court. In its judgment handed down a fortnight ago the Supreme Court set aside the concurrent findings of both the Lagos High Court and the Court of Appeal with respect to the conviction of the appellants.

    In discharging and acquitting them the apex court held that the offence of contract splitting was unknown to law at the time the appellants were tried and convicted by the Lagos High Court. In his leading judgment the Honourable Justice John Afolabi Fabiyi held inter alia: “It occurred to me that Section 203 of the Criminal Code is not in tune with the dictate of Section 36 (12) of the 1999 Constitution. That being the position, the charges filed under section 203 of the said Code ostensibly for splitting contract in disobedience of lawful order by constituted authority cannot stand … I say it with utmost confidence that the same position applies to the provision of Section 104 of the said Criminal Code. Acts said to have constituted arbitrary acts resulting in abuse of office are splitting of contracts which were not offences known to law at the material time.”

    It is submitted, without any fear of contradiction, that the appellants were not charged for contract splitting by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission but for “abuse of powers” and “disobedience of lawful order” contrary to sections 104 and 203 of the Criminal Code of Lagos State respectively. In summarising the unassailable judgment of the learned trial judge, Clara Ogunbiyi JCA (as she then was) had, in her lead judgment, said the appellants were arraigned “on 68 counts of offences bordering on inflation of contracts, conspiracy to disobey lawful orders and abuse of office …”

    Since both sections 104 and 203 have been part of the Criminal Code as far back as 1914 it is unbelievable that the Supreme Court held that the appellants were charged under an unknown law. The crime of disobedience to lawful order by splitting contracts was not unknown before the enactment of the Public Procurement Act, 2007. In the instant case, contract splitting was a particular of the offence and not the offence alleged against the appellants. But for some inexplicable reasons, the apex court substituted the particular for the offence and arrived at a wrong conclusion. Curiously, the Supreme Court conveniently ignored the finding of the Court of Appeal that the appellants violated sections 104 and 203 of the Criminal Code when they awarded contracts beyond their approval limits which was “borne out by evidence from all the witnesses on both sides”.

    Although it has been established in a plethora of cases decided by the Supreme Court that an appellate court has no power to disturb the finding of a lower court which is not challenged on appeal. But for reasons best known to the apex court it decided to depart from the settled principle of law in discharging and acquitting the appellants. From the record of appeal it is indisputable that the Court of Appeal had unanimously agreed with the prosecution that the intention to defraud the nation was proved beyond reasonable doubt by the conduct of the appellants who consistently approved contracts of several billions of naira beyond their approval limit. There was not a single ground of appeal that attacked that particular crucial finding of the lower court. Yet the Supreme Court decided, albeit illegally, to tamper with the finding of the court below and proceeded to hold that the prosecution failed to prove the guilt of the appellants.

    The most embarrassing aspect of the judgment was that the Supreme Court annulled two provisions of the Criminal Code of Lagos without hearing from the Attorney-General of Lagos State in line with established practice. With profound respect to their Lordships there is no legal justification whatsoever for declaring sections 104 and 203 of the Criminal Code illegal and unconstitutional. No doubt, the attention of the apex court was not drawn to the undeniable fact that Section 104 of the Criminal Code is in pari materia with Section 9 of the Code of Conduct for Public Officers set out in Part 1 of the Fifth Schedule to the Constitution which has created the offence of abuse of power. Therefore, Section 104 of the Criminal Code cannot be said to be unconstitutional since the same Constitution has created the offence of “abuse of powers”.

     

    Conclusion

    As the verdict of the apex court was based on wrong legal foundation its validity remains questionable. Although the appellants have been exculpated, it is hoped that the Supreme Court will soon have another opportunity to reverse the highly erroneous judgment so as to restore sections 104 and 203 of the Lagos State Criminal Code which were struck down for no justifiable legal reasons. However, the case of Chief Bode George & co. should not be treated in isolation as it is now the trend to strike out or dismiss charges filed against members of the bourgeoisie. To that extent, decision of the Supreme Court should be seen as an audacious expression of class solidarity.

    Perhaps, majority of Nigerians are not aware of the fact that out of the over 400 convictions which the EFCC has secured in the 10 years of its existence, only four members of the political class have been successfully prosecuted through dubious plea bargain deals. In the circumstance, instead of wasting the meagre resources allocated to the anti-graft agencies on securing convictions which are going to be set aside in favour of members of the ruling class it is high time the Federal Government stopped charging politically exposed persons and other influential criminal suspects to court. In the atmosphere of impunity in the land judges should equally stop the immoral practice of railroading petty criminals to jail.

     

  • Court stays verdict on land tussle

    Justice Olubunmi Femi-Adeniyi of an Ikeja High Court has stopped the Mustapha family from executing a judgment on a property at Onipetesi in Ikeja.

    Justice Lateefat Folami of another Ikeja High Court also ordered the family to maintain the status quo on the land, which it is claiming following a Supreme Court judgment.

    Justice Femi-Adeniyi gave the order while ruling in a motion ex-parte filed by Mr. Abayomi Omoyinmi and Dr. Akinkunmi Omoyinmi, for the Akinlolu Omoyinmi family.

    Justice Folami gave the order in a motion ex-parte filed by the Elewu of Ewu land, Ikeja, Oba Sakirudeen Kuti and the Baale of Mangoro, Ikeja, Chief Olusegun Akinola, pending the determination of the substantive suit.

    Joined as defendants/respondents in the two suits are Alhaji Abdulfatai Dawodu, Alhaji Suud Ademola Mustapha, Mr. Lasibat Alebiosu, and Deputy Sheriff of the Ikeja High Court.

    The claimants in the initial suit, asked the court to set aside the warrant of possession in the judgment in suit number ID/171/80 between Alhaji Mustapha and L. I. Fajebi as it affected their property, pending the determination of the substantive suit.

    They also prayed the court to stop the defendants from taking any  further steps in executing the judgment until the determination of the substantive suit.

    The motion ex-parte was supported by  a nine-paragraph affidavit and another 27-paragraph affidavit.

    In the affidavit deposed to by Abayomi Omoyinmi, the claimants averred that they were not defendants in the suit number ID/171/80 and that their premises, in which their families reside, was not in the land being claimed by the respondents.

    They claimed that the defendants came to their residence on Friday, October 11, this year to execute the judgment.

    They said they stopped the execution and put the defendants/respondents on notice of their claims, including injunction.

    They alleged that despite this, the defendants threatened to eject them.

    The claimants averred that the defendants were planning to dispose of the land.

    They contended in the affidavit that thugs, hanging around the estate, were threatening to demolish all houses in the area, including that of their claimants.

    They further contended that unless the court ordered came in, they would carry out their threat.

    Oba Sakirudeen Kuti and Chief Olusegun Akinolahad said in their affidavit that unless the court wades in, the defendants would eject the residents of Onipetesi.

    They added that it would be in the interest of justice to maintain the staus quo ante bellum pending the determination of interlocutory injunction.

     

  • Court fixes Feb. 7 for report of settlement in bankruptcy suit

    Justice James Tsoho of the Federal High Court in Lagos has fixed February 7 for report of settlement in a bankruptcy suit which Sterling Bank Plc filed against an engineer, Mr. Femi Omotayo.

    He was joined in the suit along with A.O.S International (Oil and Gas) Ltd and A.O. S. Orwell Ltd as debtors.

    His lawyer Wemimo Ogunde (SAN) told the judge of their intention to settle out of court with the bank.

    Sterling Bank had urged the court to declare Omotayo bankrupt for allegedly owing it about N584million.

    The court said it will hear pending applications in the suit on February 7 should the settlement talks fail.

    Omotayo was said to be the Managing Director and a majority shareholder in A.O.S Orwell Ltd, which merged with A.O. S. International (Oil and Gas) Ltd.

    The bank claimed that the engineer made a personal guarantee for the loan which was applied for and granted to QED International (Oil and Gas) Nigeria Ltd in 2006.

    A supporting affidavit attached to the petition, which was deposed to by Mr Omotayo, stated: “The debtor is justly and truly indebted to the creditor in the sum of N584,548,973.09 as at June 26, 2012 by virtue of the loan facility personally guaranteed by the debtor.”

    The bank, through its counsel Mr. O. A. Alao, alleged that despite the extension and restructuring of the facilities, Omotayo “failed, refused and/or neglected to liquidate his indebtedness to the creditor/applicant”.

    The bank sought an interlocutory order of court to appoint a nominee, or in the alternative, choose the court’s Chief Registrar to take charge of the respondents’ assets.

    The applicant also sought an “order of preservative injunction” restraining the defendants and their agents from transferring, tampering or dissipating their assets.

    The assets, which are mainly landed property, are located at 1, Fola Jinadu Crescent, Gbagada, Phase 1, Lagos; 58, Raymond Njoku Street, Southwest Ikoyi, Lagos; 17/19 Bolaji Banwo Street, Aguda, Surulere, Lagos and 34A, Warehouse Road Apapa, Lagos.

    Meanwhile, Omotayo has filed a preliminary objection to the suit, claiming that he did not commit any act of bankruptcy.

    Mr. Oluwaseun Olaleke, in a supporting affidavit, stated: “The prayers being sought by the creditor in its motion dated July 25, are the same as those in its earlier motion dated May 10, which this court had refused on July 12.”

     

     

     

  • African court urged to uphold citizens’ right to life

    African court urged to uphold citizens’ right to life

    In a historic move intended to ensure that African states do not encourage impunity by abdicating their responsibilities to protect their citizens’ lives, and provide effective remedies where such rights are violated, the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Right (ACHPR) held a two-day public hearing in the case of a Burkinabe journalist killed by suspected state’s agents. Eric Ikhilae, who witnessed the proceedings held in Arusha, Tanzania reports

    When can an African state be said to have effectively discharged its responsibilities, under the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR) and similar legislations for the protection of its citizens’ right to life?

    When can a state be adjudged to have failed in providing effective remedies where the right to life is violated? And, what remedies exist for victims or their beneficiaries where a state fails to discharge these responsibilities?

    These, among others are issues to be determined by the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) in a case that queries the manner in which the government of Burkina Faso handled the assassination of an investigative journalist and newspaper publisher, Nobert Zongo and three others.

    The case marked “Application No: 013/2011” was initiated against the Burkinabe government by the beneficiaries of the deceased and Burkinabe Movement for Human and Peoples’ Right (BMHPR) after the country discontinued the trial of a man held in connection with the killings and, the Burkinabe’s Court of Appeal dismissed the case.

    The applicants alleged that Zongo, who was the publisher and editor of l’Indépendant newspaper in Burkina Faso, was assassinated after the paper started investigating the murder of David Ouedraogo, a driver who worked for President Blaise Campaore’s junior brother.

    They stated that an Independent Commission of Enquiry set up later, concluded that Zongo and others were killed for purely political reasons, because of the journalist’s investigative work into the death of Ouedraogo.

    They accused the government of not only failing in its obligation to protect the lives of its citizens, it also abdicated it duties of providing adequate amenities for redress, by allegedly failing to conduct thorough investigation and frustrating the judicial process by manipulating it to shield state’s agents suspected of being behind the killings.

    According to the applicants, Zongo, his brother, Ernest and two others – Abdoulaye Nikiema (alias Ablassé) and Blaise Ilboudo were found dead in Sapouy, outside the country’s capital on December 13, 1998 few days after he wrote in his paper that his life was being threatened and told those close to him that he was being pressured to back down on the Ouedraogo story. Three of them were burnt inside the vehicle they rode in, while the body of the fourth was recovered by the road side.

    They said after the incident, the government, rather than allow a normal investigative process by security agencies, set up what it called an Independent Commission of Enquiry (ICE) to investigate the killings. The body was made up of 11 people including representatives of the state’s Ministries of Justice, Defence and Interior.

    In its final report on May 7, 1999 the ICE was said to have identified six “serious suspects” as members of the Regiment of the Presidential Security.

    The applicants stated that rather than apprehend those identified in the ICE reports and prosecute them, President Campaore set up another body he called the “College of the Wise” headed by Archbishop Anselme Titiama Sanon of Bobo-Dioulasso, to review the report of the ICE and propose recommendations likely to obtain “consensus of all actors on national political scene.”

    According to them, the College of the Wise submitted its report on July 30, 1999 following which the government reluctantly charged one – W. O. Kafando – out of the identified state’s agents to court.

    On July 13, 2006, the state’s prosecutor applied to withdraw charges against kafando, following which the court dismissed the charges. The complainants challenged the decision at the Court of Appeal, but had their appeal dismissed on August 16, 2006, a development that prompted their case at the ACHPPR.

    For two days, on November 28 and 29, the court at its 31st Ordinary Session held in Arusha, Tanzania conducted a public hearing in the case, where parties were afforded the opportunities to present their cases.

    The applicants’ case was presented by a three-man legal team led by the Chairman, National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) of Nigeria, Dr Chidi Odinkalu. Also in the team were Ibrahima Kané from Senegal and Benewende Sankara from Burkina Faso.

    The applicants’ main contention is to the effect that the killings and Burkinabe government’s alleged failure to fully investigate and try those involved, violated the provisions of Articles 1, 2, 3, 4, 7 and 9 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, Articles 2 (3), 14 and 19 (2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Article 8 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

    They also argued that, as a practicing journalist, Zongo’s right to freely practice his trade without threats and molestation has been breached by his murder. The applicants also argued that the Burkinabe government should be held liable because, in failing to secure the lives of its citizens, it allowed the killing and by also failing to punish the culprits, it has failed on its obligation under Article 66(2)(c) of the ECOWAS Treaty.

    They prayed the court to hold that the Burkinabe government failed in its obligations to preserve its citizens’ right to life and provide adequate remedies for redress where such right had been violated. The applicants urged the court to ensure justice and order compensation for the deceased’s beneficiaries.

    In his presentation, Sankara argued that the applicants decided to approach the court because of the failure of his country’s legal system to address the unjust elimination of the four deceased by suspected agents.

    He said the gruesome murder of the journalist and others was a reflection of the state of impunity in his country. He said Zongo had, while alive, insisted on ethical conduct, a belief that led to his murder by suspected state’s agents.

    Kane said the judiciary in Burkina Faso failed to bring those behind the killing to book because it is independent and was amenable to the manipulation of the government.

    “We request that the state of Burkina Faso be condemned for the violation of the African Charter,” he said, while insisting that a point must be made with this case for African states to learn to act with less impunity.

    Odinkalu noted that the case addresses the most important question in the continent today, which is: “What is of life in Africa and what responsibilities do states parties to the African human rights system have to protect life?”

    He argued that state’s obligation for the protection of right to life includes the duty to effectively and dutifully investigate and ensure accountability for violation of the right to life. He contended that with the failure of the Burkinabe government to punish those behind the killings, it was providing impunity for their killers.

    On argument by the Burkinabe government that the applicants failed to prove that it failed to discharge its responsibilities to provide effective remedies, Odinkalu argued that burden of demonstrating the effectiveness of the remedies available to victims is on the state. He further argued that the respondent has failed to discharge this responsibility.

    He contended that, by praying the court to dismiss the case, the respondent seek the court’s sanctioning of impunity and “clothe audacious, cynical and deliberate abdication of state responsibility with judicial legitimacy.”

    In their counter argument, respondent’s lawyers, Maitre Ouedraogo and Pascal Some, denied the allegations by the applicants. They argued that the country’s government had done all it could to ascertain the actual killers of the deceased.

    They objected to the suit on three grounds: First is that the court lacked the jurisdiction to hear the case on the ground that the incident occurred before the court came into existence.

    Secondly, they argued that the applicants had not exhausted domestic remedies before seeking help from outside and, thirdly, that the applicants delayed in filing the case before the court.

    Ouedraogo argued that the Burkinabe government took all the necessary steps in discharging its responsibilities on the African Charter and other similar laws on the provision of adequate remedies where right to life was abused.

    She objected to the applicants’ argument that this case was similar to the manner the government handled the killing of the country’s former leader, Thomas Sankara and the eventual dismissal of the case by the country’s apex court for want of evidence.

    The respondent lawyer argued that both cases were distinguishable. She issues raised by the applicants bordered on mere allegations, without hard facts and evidence to support them.

    Some argued that it was wrong for the applicants to accuse the state of being behind the killings. He said the state learnt that Zongo, before his death, allegedly had disagreement with some poachers on his range and that he had earlier survived attempt to poison him at an event.

    In response to a question form one of the judges on why the state did not take steps o protect Zongo on realizing that his life was in danger, Some blamed the deceased journalist for not making a formal complaint to the government.

    He argued that although the journalist had written, in his paper before he was killed, about threats to his life, there was limit to the extent the state could go in protecting a citizen. This, he said, was because the government could not have singled Zongo out for special protection when other citizens equally deserve the same level of protection.

    Some argued that there was the limit to what the state could provide for its citizens. He urged the court to dismiss the case.

    On the last day, after parties adopted their briefs and addressed questions raised by some members of the nine-man panel of judges, the presiding judge and court’s President, Justice Sophia Akuffo announced that by the provision of Rule 59 of the court’s Rules, judgment will be delivered within 90 days.