Tag: crunch

  • The crunch

    The crunch

    Biting reforms should not lead to cynical politicians milking people’s pains. Yet, FG too should tweak the reforms to minimise mass hardship

    It’s the crunch: policy reforms bite hard, the gloves are off and cynical politicians home in with tales of the Apocalypse — it’s end times for Nigeria because the ruling order deliberately saps the populace with harsh policies. 

    That is not true, though no one can seize the democratic rights of the political opposition to talk down the government, in order to enhance their own cause. 

    Indeed, were the present rulers in opposition, there is no guarantee they would bad-mouth the government any less, especially if there were popular pains and anguish to be milked — as indeed, there are, in the present case. 

    It’s an unfortunate pathology of Nigerian politics; and why there must be a shift to better, reasoned exchanges across the political aisle. That way, clinical dissection of policies would hallmark public discourse, not milking bile and emotions.

    Which brings the matter to two separate events in two states, where the public protested the current harshness. One protest was in Minna, the Niger State capital, where citizens seized a popular highway, and crippled traffic. The other was in Kano, Kano State, prompting Governor Abba Yusuf to promise a pilgrimage to Aso Rock Villa, to seek special palliatives for Kano, to halt the extensive suffering of Kano people.

    The two protests could have passed as normal — or spontaneous — until Niger Governor, Umar Mohammed Bago, started levying allegations of the opposition wilfully baiting the rumbling tummy of citizens, to allegedly settle political scores.

    The governor even went as far as claiming the protest organisers had the sinister plot of looting and diverting foodstuffs — which was in a convoy of trucks heading towards the blocked highway, to further allegedly subvert the government’s efforts to tackle hunger. The foodstuffs were programmed palliatives.

    But for the government’s intelligence that exposed the alleged plot, claimed the governor, the food trucks could well have been looted under the guise of “protest”. Well, the governor should submit his evidence to the security agencies. Whoever is found culpable should be taken through the grill of the law, until legal conviction.

    Still, even the Niger governor would admit that, even if there was a plot, that plot registered with too many grumbling mouths and rumbling bellies. That is the chilly reality all sitting governments — federal, states and local councils — must fix, if they must turn the ugly tide.

    Meanwhile, on the basis of this allegation, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has been clashing with opposition voices, from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to the Labour Party (LP). 

    The ruling party insists the opposition voices are playing crass politics of the belly. The opposition counter the reform policies are too harsh, even if both PDP and LP, at the 2023 elections, pledged themselves to similar reforms, should they win the presidential mandate: removing fuel subsidy and finding a market-determined parity for the Naira, against the dollar and other foreign currencies.

    However the Federal Government feels, even it would admit the pain and misery in the land. To be fair, President Bola Tinubu loses no moment to acknowledge citizens’ pains; and how he and his policy suite are working hard to improve things. 

    But until gains are clear and manifest, the opposition would not be robbed of its democratic right to gloat; and to paint a doomsday scenario to push own message. What the government must do in the circumstance, is to own up to its policies; be more clinical in thinking, less pissed in emotions, and try to periodically tweak the policies to bring citizens progressive relief, without surrendering the ultimate goal of the reforms, so long as it feels that is the hard and straight path to economic rebirth.

    Here, there are two fundamental policy pillars: subsidy removal and finding a market-realistic parity for the Naira. Both have been responsible for soar-away inflation. It rose in December 2023 to 28.92%, from 28.20 % in November 2023. It was 22.41% in May 2023, when the Tinubu Presidency was inaugurated, citing National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) data.

    One of the two pillars, however, has a possible soft-landing nest. With local refining of petrol taking off, the pump price of all grades of petroleum products should moderate in months, other things being equal. 

    That should temper inflation, if it happens — and there is no reason it should not, if we deal with market forces. Besides, forex spent on importing products should seriously reduce — and freed for other productive uses — thus easing the dollar-shortage crisis.

    So, what the government should do is to further pressure the ready local refineries to start business and push out products for the local market — and effectively share its efforts with the public via a vigorous partnership with the media. Fortunately, the Federal Government has stakes in both the Dangote Refinery and the Port Harcourt Refinery, both ready to start pumping fuel.

    The second leg of the policy pillar would appear not so predictable — not with executive and street rogues, from the banking halls to the hustling lane, barricaded to game the system, fatten selves but bankrupt the majority. Such a roguish mindset makes the market even more imperfect, leading to a Naira free fall, not on the basis of sound economic activity but out of system rigging, by those who should play the game by the rules.

    To deal with such a greedy and irresponsible elite, the government must get very aggressive: clamp down on these thieves, treat them as the economic saboteurs that they are, hand them their harsh comeuppance according to the law and publicise these corrective activities to act as deterrence to others. 

    Still, at the earliest, all of these will yield result in the medium run — given Nigeria’s leisurely pace of prosecution and trial. To complement that, however, the government could embark on a media blitz, combined with deliberate activities that forcefully discourage these criminal conducts, stressing the stiff penalties such would earn, while the Central Bank should not hesitate to roast the executives of the errant banks.

    Aside, the government should carry out a vigorous tracking of the exchange policy, tweaking it from time to time, to ease the pains on the citizens. The idea here is to be flexible, not adopt a rigid orthodoxy that could put the Naira sinking in a bottomless hole.

    Meanwhile, the Federal Government should speedily dispense with whatever dissonance and drama with the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation, so that monetary transfers to the poorest and most helpless among Nigerians can resume — if indeed, it ever stopped.

    Read Also: Police kill notorious kidnappers destroy camps in Abuja

    To fob off opportunistic partisans preying on public rage, such monetary succours are absolutely imperative. It should also complement this step with palliatives from the national strategic grains reserves, as President Tinubu reportedly just ordered, to tamp down food inflation and assuage mass hunger.

    Still, a palliative economy is no long-term solution. It’s only a reminder that the basic problem is still there. Palliatives are only short-term tinkering, which should give way, when the economic fundamentals are much better.

    Besides, removing subsidy and floating the Naira, thus risking this current massive devaluation, are supposed twin-tactics to avoid further debts but instead attract venture capital by global investors. 

    Inasmuch as it is fine to critique the policies, it helps a great deal to at least try to understand the policy framework. That way, it would be critical but constructive critiquing, not blind blusters. Such wild blusters not only traduce or criminalise policy makers for whatever motives, they add zero value to policy review and improvement.

    Such, unfortunately, would appear the din that today drives policy discourse in the public space. Even if politicians are way too wayward to achieve such rigorous heights, the media should aim at it, being the esteemed Fourth Estate. 

    Why? A more rigorous media tracking will help to curtail hell raisers and rabble rousers, with suspect public interest value. Besides, every nation goes through rough patches and lean times in its history — and most navigate through it. So, it’s not every difficult time that Nigeria faces “Armageddon”. 

    The media has a pivotal role to put things in proper perspectives. It cannot afford failure in that bounden duty. We, after all, have no other country beyond Nigeria.

  • A birthday, an anniversary and the crunch

    A birthday, an anniversary and the crunch

    Birthday boy”, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, was right, at the 8th Bola Tinubu Colloquium in Abuja: the stunning All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential win of 2015 was a fitting birthday gift.

    But that connect, between personal bliss and group glory, underscores the thin divide between triumph and failure in politics.

    One year ago, the land was upbeat with renewed optimism.  Right now, it is downcast with yet unrealised hope.

    It’s the ancient children of Israel out there again in the jungle, out of Egypt but yet to reach the Promised Land; bawling, yelling and screaming at Jehovah to clear off his celestial high horse and return them to Egypt fast, since his Canaan promise was nothing but holy smoke!

    The triumph of March 2015 has turned the crunch of March 2016!

    To be sure, most of the shrieking and screeching and squealing has come from the defeated class, praying and fasting that the Buhari administration fails.

    Even then, Nigeria has more than its fair share of the fickle, the simplistic, the gullible, and the outright vacuous, ready victims of the nay orchestra.  Besides, when the pocket hurts, cold reason melts in hot passion.

    Still, Tinubu’s personal triumph, in the context of the opposition’s victory, is a salute to an individual’s total devotion to a cause, no matter how lonely or chilly.

    Indeed, were history to record Nigerian political evolution from 1993 till now, it could well tag this epoch Tinubu Era (TE); the era before, Before Tinubu (BT) and the epoch after, After Tinubu (AT).  Such has been his grand impact on Nigerian politics (and governance) between the still-birth Third Republic (1992-1993) and now.

    Here is why.

    1993: After joining the conservative progressives in Shehu Musa Yar’Adua’s People’s Front (PF) faction of the victorious Social Democratic Party (SDP) to sack the classical Awoists of the Lateef Jakande school in Lagos, Tinubu balked at PF trading off Moshood Abiola’s June 12 presidential mandate, after Gen. Ibrahim Babangida had annulled that election.  Dapo Sarumi, the Lagos PF leader then, kept faith with PF.

    Between Tinubu and Sarumi, that made the difference between political life and death.  Though Sarumi would briefly buoy up as one of President Olusegun Obasanjo’s first set of ministers, his political career would fizzle out.

    But Tinubu’s would bloom — thanks to standing on the sanctity of the vote, with NADECO fighting the annulment, and helping to birth the current democratic order; rather than pally with intra-party reactionaries for short term selfish pleasure.

    2003: After Obasanjo’s grand electoral invasion of the South West, following the controversial 2003 general elections, Tinubu’s Lagos remained the sole state to escape the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) capture.  Talks then were rife: the then Lagos governor should dump the progressive shipwreck and join federal power.

    Not Tinubu.  He instead rallied the dejected progressive troops, even with savage plots and hideous intrigues from the Obasanjo presidency; and its crass executive bullying.

    Two election seasons after in 2011, most of the South West was back under the progressive fold, if not as one party then as ideological soul mates, notwithstanding the Olusegun Mimiko political prostitution and ideological subversion that careened him from Alliance for Democracy (AD, 1999), to PDP (2003), Labour Party (2007) and back to PDP (2015).

    Again like Sarumi, comparing Mimiko to Tinubu is a harsh study in unprincipled wheeling-and-dealing, which leads to eventual ruin (Mimiko); and staying steady on a tough and difficult turf, which leads to ultimate triumph (Tinubu).

    2015: That was the blessed year the Afenifere grandees finally got their deserved comeuppance; but again, Tinubu was their battling ram.

    Even when clear Goodluck Jonathan was running everyone into a ditch, the Afenifere divine, Kabiyesi (the Unquestionable) of the Awo progressive franchise, that reserve the right to bestow or withdraw it from mere mortals, located their own good fortune in Goodluck.

    Since their personal good equalled the Yoruba comfort (so went their tragic conceit which really was hubris), they all zoomed off to their personal ruins, expecting the fond Yoruba collective to follow.

    But again, as in 2003 when the five other AD governors fell for the Obasanjo deceit, backed by this same Afenifere grandees, apart from the late Chief Abraham Adesanya, Tinubu charted a radically different path.

    For one, the opposition alliance APC was gathering traction.  For another, the PDP was unravelling fast, with a president doing all the wrong things in electoral desperation; and Patience, his spouse, mouthing all the wrong things on the stumps, to further bury hubby without trace.

    But to the Afenifere, old or young, nothing drove them but concentrated Tinubu spite.  To this well-funded conspiracy of demonization and blackmail, the Odua People’s Congress (OPC) duo of Fredrick Fasehun and Gani Adams — one, an old man bordering on political senility; the other, a callow youth punching above his weight — were merry recruits.

    Add the AIT hate documentary, and feel anew the full venom of Operation Total Demonization!  Still, AIT has since gobbled its vomit; and some news media, merry echoes of those hate messages, now fall upon themselves to make Tinubu their man of that same year!

    At the end, the impossible, on which the spiteful Afenifere and confederates hedged their bet, despite the clear balance of demography and political power, happened.  For the first time in Nigerian history, a federal ruling party got electorally toppled and cobbled by the opposition!

    Again, Tinubu is flush with victory; and his traducers are whining in defeat!  For the Afenifere, the age of innocence, the halcyon paradise of integrity, is over.  They not only lost an election, they lost their brand integrity.

    Chief Olu Falae, who spearheaded the anti-Tinubu army, spurring the Trojan horse called SDP, is now freely cited for alleged obtainment with established political crooks in the land!  How many of the other grandees savoured Jonathan’s sweet electoral dollars, now turned poison to all?

    It doesn’t get more tragic!

    But as it often happens in politics, tragedy and victory comingle, with a rapidity faster than even the flux of Heraclitus, the Greek philosopher that posits change is the sole permanent thing in life.

    So, for Tinubu himself, this is as much victory time as it is crunch time.  The victory whoops of 2015 only echo at a distance, with its hangover.  One year later, it is crunch time; and the groans, the pains and the angst in the land aren’t pretty.

    From that terrible din, come taunts of the electorally vanquished; the shriek of the fickle; and the occasional jeer of the alienated, even from the victorious camp.

    From the media come the obtuse, the acute, the reasonable, the outright malevolent and hostile and the grand conceit of the brilliant but unwise, all staking their republican claim to tutor their government the ABC of winning policy.

    But the Buhari administration need not be frazzled.  It is only a grand reminder its work is well cut out; and that failure is no option.  So, it must work its butts out.

    Indeed, if Tinubu’s personal triumph is to last, and not buried in the present crunch, APC must fulfil its historic mission of changing Nigeria for good.

  • Alleged cash crunch: Reps seek govt’s financial status

    Alleged cash crunch: Reps seek govt’s financial status

    •Wants report by Tuesday

    •How Tambuwal saved budget impasse

    The House of Representatives is uncomfortable with reports of alleged cash crunch facing the federal government.

    Although the Minister of Finance and Co-ordinating Minister of the Economy, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, has denied the reports, the House has mandated its Committee on Finance to prepare an independent brief on the true position.

    The committee will also ascertain the veracity or otherwise of the government’s claim that the nation has recorded a budget shortfall of N321.73billion.

    National Assembly sources said the move is to enable Nigerians to know the actual financial status of the executive arm.

    It was also gathered that were it not for the intervention of the Speaker, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, the House would not have allowed the amendment to the 2013 budget to pass through second reading on Thursday.

    Investigation by our correspondent revealed that the Finance Committee will submit its report to the House on Tuesday.

    Sources said that members of the House Joint Committee on Finance and Appropriation are insisting on having a second opinion on the financial status of the nation even after the Finance Minister had briefed the committee on Tuesday.

    It was gathered that the findings of the Committee on Finance would guide the House to advise the Executive on whether or not to come up with a Supplementary Budget.

    A principal officer of the National Assembly, who spoke in confidence, said: “Although we have conceded to the Executive to consider amendment to the 2013 budget, we are still unclear on why the Federal Government is facing cash crunch.

    “We have directed the Committee on Finance to give us an independent assessment of the financial status of the government especially how it came about a budget shortfall of N321.73billion.

    “We need to know how and where things went wrong in order to present an accurate picture to Nigerians. If the nation is really broke, Nigerians should know instead of using varying terms like shortfall, cash crunch, inability to pay salaries and loss of revenue.

    “In one breath, the Minister of Petroleum Resources, Mrs. Diezani Alison-Madueke, confirmed that the amnesty programme has made the production quota to peak at over 2m bpd. The loss of 400,000 barrels per day in the Niger Delta that is witnessing relative stability is difficult to understand.”

    Meanwhile, indications emerged yesterday that Speaker Aminu Tambuwal, personally intervened to resolve the impasse over amendment to 2013 budget.

    A member of the House said: “The Speaker begged us at the Executive session to allow the Executive to have its way on the amendment to budget. We raised some issues on the conflicting indices on the budget and poor implementation, but he said the House should not be seen as combative more so when the Executive admitted that it won’t be able to pay salaries as from September.

    “If workers do not get salaries, democracy will be under threat as there would be a series of strikes. Tambuwal wanted us to place national interest above personal issues. The Speaker was so passionate in his plea that we had to bow to his wise counsel.”

    The National Assembly on December 20, 2012, passed N4.987 trillion as the national budget for the 2013 fiscal year.

    Although the Appropriation bill was signed into law last February, President Goodluck Jonathan forwarded the amendment bill to the National Assembly on March 14.

    The bill, which passed the first reading, was stalled on June 5 following a constitutional point of order raised by a House member.

    Citing section 81(1), (2) and (4) of the 1999 Constitution, the member said the budget amendment bill was alien to the constitution and therefore unconstitutional.

    The constitutional issue was later referred to the House Committees on Rules and Business, Justice and Judiciary which upheld the illegality of amendment to the budget.

  • 1.4b BUDGET: Nigeria face cash crunch

    1.4b BUDGET: Nigeria face cash crunch

    Nigeria face a cash squeeze at the AFCON after only about half of a proposed 1.4 billion Naira (less than $9 million) budget was approved.

    MTNFootball.com specifically gathered from officials here at the Nations Cup in South Africa that the government only approved 790 million Naira (about $5 million) from their proposed expenditure.

    And of this approved budget, the Nigeria sports ministry has released only 490 million Naira to the NFF with a promise to release the balance this week. The ministry also received another 220 million Naira ($1.3 million) for the Nations Cup.

    “The NFF are groaning under serious financial problems in South Africa as they only received about half of the budget approved for the tournament. There is a promise for them to get the balance of this budget but even then that may not be adequate as what was finally approved was just about half of their request,” a top source informed MTNFootball.com.

    The situation is so serious that Nigeria have had to step down on a bonus scheme that would have fetched each player about $100,000 were they to win the on-going AFCON in South Africa.

    Officials said the money problems will continue for the remaining part of a year in which the NFF have to prosecute six 2014 World Cup qualifiers beginning with a home game against Kenya in March.

    Nigeria will also feature at the African Youth Championship, the African Junior Championship as well as the African Beach Soccer Championship all in 2013.

     

  • Ondo: now the crunch

    Ondo: now the crunch

    Lionisation and demonization come with electioneering. You lionise your own and demonise your opponent; and vice-versa. It is all a show of emotions, as contestants cosh their opponents with a quick one, and hope to sucker in the electorate with a quick vote.

    As in shooting wars – despite the Geneva Convention – all appears fair in electoral wars. And so it has been with the Ondo gubernatorial electioneering, with the election billed for October 20.

    The Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) has “rushed” incumbent Olusegun Mimiko with a charge of Judas to South West integration; and a likely scapegrace to pan-Yoruba economic integrity and prosperity, in a troubled Nigeria not all sure of its future. They have also taunted Iroko with the paucity of his Labour Party (LP) platform: it is a small pond in which the Iroko loves to play as a big fish. In due time, the ACN insists, both dried pond and dead whale would be history.

    But the Iroko has charged back waving the primordial card, claiming some indigenes of Ondo State are more indigene than others. He fingered Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, the ACN national leader, as head of “aliens” come to invade his native Ondo in political conquest; and dismissed Rotimi Akeredolu, SAN, the ACN candidate, as no more than a colonial day District Officer (DO), come to underscore that conquest. All foul is fair in electoral war!

    Why, even Lawyer/Cleric, Pastor Tunde Bakare who, were he making his argument in court would have been dismissed as a meddlesome interloper, has waded into the fray; consolidating his emerging notoriety of abusing his pulpit and insulting his congregation with brazen political yammering passing as activism, instead of preaching the gospel as his calling demands. The learned man of God is all scholarly, all articulate and appears to have mastered the devastating polemics of the political gospel. Yet, he appears to have totally lost the Christ message to the lowly and the humble: it is not what you eat that defiles you. It is rather what you say!

    Even in the media, gladiators have weighed in on both sides. That is quite legitimate, for media endorsement or non-endorsement is part of a rich and robust legacy in a democracy; so long as such interventions help the voter to make reasonable choices.

    Yet, many writers on the Ondo election are beginning to manifest the partisan conspiracy and media charlatanism that made many in 2011 glumly rationalise that grand folly: claiming to vote for Jonathan, not his Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Now, one year after, there is mass lamentation and gnashing of teeth over the ill luck of Goodluck! Talk of the burden of bad choice!

    That brings the discourse to the electoral crunch of October 20. But before then, a preface of the dramatis personae.

    Two governors would qualify as among the most pivotal to the fortune of Lagos State: Alhaji Lateef Jakande (1979-1983) and Asiwaju Tinubu (1999-2007).

    In plucking the proverbial low hanging fruits and boasting rapid fire responses and achievements, Alhaji Jakande is second to none. His progressive mass education policy and rapid, almost breath-taking delivery of housing stock, as landmarked by his numerous people-named “Jakande Estates” that dot the metropolis, not to talk of his futuristic Metroline fast rail mass transit that the military killed in 1984, are the stuff of which legends are made. But the Action Governor only built on traditional governance as he knew it.

    Not so, Tinubu, who opted for governmental modernisation. That explains the exponential growth in internally generated revenue from N600 million monthly to some N23 billion now. True, Lagos had always been blessed with good administrators according to Gov. Fashola at an ICAN annual lecture. Perhaps too, Lagos had always been “rich”, compared to other states.

    But the Tinubu era fiscal modernisation policy vaulted Lagos from its “rich” potentials to an active driver of its economy, independent of a bloated and arrogant central government, despite Nigeria’s flawed federal system. The immaculate Babatunde Fashola government is ample proof of this transformation.

    Now, what have all these got to do with Ondo? Plenty! October 20 is an electoral clash between following a present routine; or upping the stakes with a new paradigm.

    Those going berserk over Mimiko’s “achievements” are resigned to the present Ondo cosmetics of churning around fat Federation Account receipts (and Ondo earns highest in the South West, as an oil producing state) with mediocre vision and pedestrian projects as Mimiko has done for the past four years; or opting for a new paradigm to vault the state, ala Lagos, to start running its show, and deliver prosperity to its longsuffering people, in the context of an integrated South West, however Nigeria navigates it shark-infested pseudo-federal waters.

    So, those who dismiss Akeredolu as just another DO from the Tinubu colonial army, would do well to vet the track record of previous DOs: Babatunde Fashola is first, and his record in Lagos is universally acclaimed. Many, in the passion of winning an argument at all cost, tend to separate his tenure from its Tinubu era nativity. But that is tantamount to separating an aircraft in full flight from its belaboured take-off. It is a most asinine and illogical distinction.

    The second DO is Kayode Fayemi in Ekiti. Despite its universally acclaimed brain power, it has taken the coming of Dr. Fayemi to start a deliberate and consistent pattern of development, contrasted to the ruinous ad hoc methods of past years.

    The third DO is Rauf Aregbesola. In less than two years in office, he has stamped his infrastructural genius on the State of Osun (as he before did in Lagos urban renewal, as Tinubu’s Works and Infrastructure commissioner); and proved that Osun need not be at the mercy of the visionless and the dim-witted.

    Ibikunle Amosun (Ogun) and Abiola Ajimobi (Oyo) have barely scaled their first anniversary for any vigorous assessment. But whatever path they choose to tread, it won’t be for lack of directions, from party mates, heading older governments in the South West.

    True, there are some quality governors, even in the PDP, which boasts no coherent post-election compass. Rivers’ Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi is one. Niger’s Mu’azu Babangida Aliyu is another. But all these are scattered across the country.

    No part of Nigeria, as at now, boasts a bevy of contiguous states under one party, which not only has a coherent and integrated plan but also a demonstrable prototype of implementing that plan. ACN, to be sure, commits avoidable hubris by preening it has the Yoruba integration franchise.

    But it can claim legitimate bragging right that having demonstrated competence in other neighbouring states, the Ondo electorate has something novel to look forward to, en route to economic integration of the South West, if it wins on October 20.

    That is the exciting prospect before Ondo voters. They should not allow anti-Tinubu bogey and allied fears to blight that prospect. It is time to think right and vote right; and in so doing, avoid sure future lamentation.