The Nation Newspaper

Tag: democracy

  • Democracy in a state of flux

    The recent development within the political space in Nigeria points to the fact that the country’s democratic system is in a state of flux, one capable of plunging the nation into a deep crisis. The spate of cross-carpeting or decamping from one political party to another by politicians is not a new thing, and in fact, one of the ideals of a democratic system that helps strengthen and provide robust politicking provided it is anchored on ideology and the quest to provide selfless service to the populace. What is however disheartening is the crass arrogance and the selfish and mudslinging manner being displayed by lawmakers and members of the executive arm over the issue. The political arena has become negatively charged, so much so that the elective office holders have almost forgotten their social contract with the citizens. What has happened so far is nothing more than personal aggrandisement and contestation among the various political blocs for the control and entrenchment of their hegemonic influence. Of all the politicians that have decamped from one party to another, tell me one that moved as a result of ideology or the failure of his former political party to deliver on its promises, and I will show you a mother of 10 children in Nigeria who remains a virgin. The political parties especially APC and PDP are nothing more than the fingers on a leprous hand, to borrow the late Bola Ige’s famous description of Abacha’s five political parties as ‘five fingers of a leprous hand’.

    The level of polarisation within the sphere of national discourse has risen to a level that is unprecedented in the nation’s history. It is discouraging sometimes reading write-ups larded with sentiments and irrational arguments from people I hold in high esteem on the social media and the mainstream media. Rather than being the conscience of the country, most of these opinion leaders, public commentators and leading academics have become a cesspool of moral decadence, oozing comments to soothe the seat of power while millions of citizens live in hardship. Also, ethnic nationalism and religious fanaticism are growing steadily, yet our political leaders are busy moving from one part of the country to another, realigning positions and dancing to the tune of political ‘palongo’, orchestrated by the protected thieves in government and spiced up by the thieves of yesterday’s political era who seek protection of their loot. The entire polity is heated up with so many distractions that nobody seems to be raising questions bordering on the state of the economy, education, health and the social welfare. The democratic experience in Nigeria so far, rather than producing office holders with respect for the rule of law, has produced arrogant leaders who daily swim in the pool of impunity and administrative infractions. If not, how do you explain the refusal of some parastatals’ chief executives to obey court decisions or the various law enforcement agencies flouting the same law they are supposed to enforce?

    Recently, the Economic and Financial Commission (EFCC) froze the accounts of Benue and Akwa Ibom states. My understanding of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is that the country practises federalism. Does it not sound funny and unconstitutional for an agency of the federal government, which is one of the three levels of government, to freeze the account of another level arbitrarily? The interpretation of EFCC action to me is shutting down the entire government of a state. This EFCC action is senseless because you cannot embezzle money and keep it in a government account. The right thing for them to have done if they suspect any foul play from a government official is to trace how the money flows out of a government’s account to a private account. Also, the unilateral decision of the Director General of Department of State Security, Lawal Daura to shut down the National Assembly without the knowledge of the presidency is another low point for the government. No matter the level of hatred or perception anybody may have about the lawmakers, the fact remains that they are the most critical institution upon which the tenets of democracy lie if we are to go by representative democracy the country subscribes to. Although the acting president salvaged the situation by relieving the DSS boss of his position and disassociated the presidency from the action, the truth is that the presidency has no right to shut down the National Assembly. This statement should not be misconstrued as tacit support for the senators and the honourable house of representative members. In fact, the two houses have been centres of corruption since the days of Obasanjo and also a haven of rest for corrupt ex-governors and retired military officers. However, the rule of law should be allowed to take its paramount place.

    It is saddening that most of the politicians’ understanding of democracy, if one is to infer from their activities, is nothing more than winning elections and sharing of the national cake. This explains why ordinary citizens daily reel in economic hardship and have become victims of the political chess game played by our leaders. The politicians unconsciously celebrate the murder of innocent victims. Innocent citizens are killed daily from the deserts of Borno to the shore of the Atlantic Ocean in Lagos, yet the ruling class are unperturbed except when the killings threaten their political fortunes.

    In spite of the various problems affecting the nation, the country still has lots of potential capable of pulling her out of the woods. To realise this, however, the present narratives have to change. The state must ensure justice for all citizens irrespective of status, religion, education or ethnic orientation. Democracy should also be understood beyond election to a system that allows for freedom of speech, deliberation and inclusivity in governance. Government should not see those that criticise or comment about the flaws of government as enemies of the state.  Also, the current constitutional arrangement of federalism (what we have now is a military contraption cleverly designed to bring conflict, while they profit from it and perpetuate their influence) must be tinkered with to allow the various sections of the country to debate and come up with a new structure.  To achieve this requires a government and lawmakers who are not bothered about winning elections or retaining their seats but projecting positively into what Nigeria should look like in 20-30 years from now. Such categories of leaders are history makers and not history terminators.

     

    • Apejoye writes from University of Salford, Greater Manchester, United Kingdom.

  • Fayemi on democracy and development promotion (Part 2)

    Whither democracy and development promotion in Nigeria?

    Where does this leave DAI that wants to do development differently? Given the mixed record of the democratisation process over the past two decades, development experts and democracy watchers have reached different conclusions about the democratisation process in the country and its wider implications for development. While a set of watchers see the glass as consistently half-empty, others see the glass as filling up, underscoring the importance of not letting the perfect become the enemy of the good. The truth is that significant variations exists between these broad generalisations when we move away from outcomes and focus on the dynamics of change, the quality, texture and content of democratic reform either here in Nigeria or when we extrapolate from the wider African context.

    Based on my own experience as a participant-observer in the Nigerian political space, democracy assistance and development aid must move away from an overtly technocratic and apolitical conceptions of reforms and embrace reforms that are both ‘technically appropriate’ and ‘politically grounded.’ I think we also need a more nuanced understanding and analyses of reform dynamics-beyond macro-level explanatory variables. For example, while the Mo Ibrahim Governance Index paints a grim picture of democratic deficit and governance failure in Nigeria given the concentration of the analyses on the central government, the index totally ignores ‘micro-transitions’ where better governance is emerging in a number of sub-national entities, in which state level leaders are doing business differently with a more active citizens engagement, promoting accountability and real development. In Lagos, Edo, Borno, Enugu, Gombe, Kaduna, and Kebbi states, to mention just a few, elected governments are responding to the demands for accountable governance and better performance from citizens.

    While macro-level/country level analyses are important, it is the complex mix of evolving factors at more micro-levels that also determine outcomes. Most times, scholars of democratisation and development practitioners ignore partial reforms, inconclusive processes, transition reversals and democratic subversions, failing to recognise that failure in one instance may result in more enduring reform. Such analyses over-focus on the fate of macro transitions, while ignoring changes in bits, in parts or segments of the sub-national systems. The dialectics of reform in Nigeria has demonstrated in the last two decades that rarely does transformation come from a single, big shift; but rather as a cumulative effect of small, incremental shifts and improvements. Ignoring micro transitions and their cumulative effects often lead to wrong questions being asked and wrong conclusions being reached-leading to the design of programmes that are misaligned with the shifting context of politics. Happily, some donors are beginning to realise this and are focusing more on micro-level transitions in Nigeria. Yet, even when these donors acknowledge the need to operate at sub-national and sometimes informal levels, the lack of coordination and inflexibility of the donor agenda often undermine these positive prospects.

    A key fall-out of this challenge particularly when working at the sub-national and informal levels is a mindset that often draws a false dichotomy between civil society and political society. There have always been attempts to draw a distinction between those who stand at the barricades protesting bad government and seeking change and those who wield political power. Indeed, theories have been propounded about state-society relations deepening the difference between civil society and political society. Civil society activists are often seen as occupying the moral high ground while politicians are seen to be Janus-faced-on the one hand, visionary, fascinating, and sophisticated, and on the other hand, charismatic, cynical, populist, calculating, venal, and opportunistic. Having operated on both sides of the divides for years, I can tell you that this pseudo-divide has impeded our abilities to connect with each other and work together towards a better, brighter future for our citizens. I am convinced that the structuring of actors on the basis of either/or and us/them with one of the other being valued more leads to domination. For me, partisan politics-properly anchored-is a form of social activism and another stage in the struggle to restore dignity of humankind-an integrated continuum rather than discretely compartmentalised oppositional phenomena.

    In my view, our discussion should really focus more on the making of leaders and citizens in a good society. Without direct citizen participation, the legitimacy of our political institutions will continue to decline. For this reason, I strongly believe that leaders-be they politicians or activists, should worry because their ability to lead effectively is being seriously undermined by the desertion of average citizens from the public space, deepening the crisis of legitimacy in our country. Yet, this lack of legitimacy cuts both ways. When the people withdraw trust in leaders and discountenance politicians, we make our democratic institutions less effective as they become more susceptible to demagogues of all hues and risk making ourselves ungovernable.

    Given the challenges identified above, how can we then formulate a theory of change that matches the times in order to help progressive donors, grantees, social movements and others seeking better governance, public goods, and service delivery. Is it possible to assist donors in recognising some key elements and useful signs towards deepening democracy and achieving better governance in our country?

    First, I think we need a typology of democratisation that further interrogates the broad categories away from the unhelpful focus on binaries-of success and failure, pessimism and optimism, sub-optimal performance and unprecedented progress. This is necessary because of its practical implications for policy choices by our citizens, governments, and development partners.

    Second, donors must move away from a focus on judgments pegged on macro-reforms-democratisation, privatisation, anti-corruption, insecurity-that are often measured by large, dramatic shifts. Opportunities to accelerate change and strengthen governance structures are often missed in the context of this exclusive focus, or worse they may deepen the challenges, inherent in the process of change, by withdrawing, for example, in the wake of partial reform. Donor exit from Northern Nigeria in the wake of Boko Haram insurgency caused more harm than good, for example. Rather than focus on short-term gains, which is the deleterious effect of the psyche of ‘bean counting’ in the donor community, it is important to understand change in a longer-term perspective and not through the typical binaries of success and failure. In this way, it would become clear that societal transformation in post-military Nigeria in the past two decades has led to the emergence of new social forces, changed the importance of others and consequently altered the relationships among various social and political actors whilst fostering new coalitions for change.

    Third, the context, extent and form of donor involvement are also important. In many countries on the continent, political reform has tended to be donor driven and lacking local ownership. Donors have been driven by different objectives and have utilised a variety of entry points which has been characterised by lack of coordination, even among entities within the same donor agency. The virtue of collaborative and/or coordinated efforts both within and among donor agencies cannot be over emphasised if we are to move mountains and not molehills. Clearly, resources are limited and there is a lot to be gained by collaborating with one another in order to achieve economies of scale and optimal effectiveness. Equally, while it is important to strike the right balance in order to make tangible impact, donors must ensure that their programmes are not ill-adjusted to domestic, institutional, and resource capabilities.

     

    Reform agenda and donor support must tap into existing constituencies by working with a growing local philanthropy constituency, in particular. It is possible to work with prominent wealthy Nigerians with private foundations-Aliko Dangote, TY Danjuma, Tony Elumelu, Folorunso Alakija, to mention a few-as well as other local grant makers that have a better grasp of the dynamics of change in their areas of focus such as the African Women Development Fund and TrustAfrica.

    Fourth, linked to the immediate challenge of terrorism and insurgency, international response to democratisation and development in Nigeria has become more reluctant, inconsistent, confusing, and contradictory. Nearly all multilateral and bilateral agencies involved seem to be at a loss about the most appropriate ways of intervening in areas deemed to be the “internal affairs” of Nigeria and where they might be set against elected authorities that are reluctant to embrace inclusive human rights agenda. The resonance gained by reports from institutions like Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and International Crisis Group on Nigeria’s military response to the insurgents seem to underscore this point graphically. Of equal importance also has been the necessity for mutual accountability between donors and recipients-an issue that has been the subject of critical concern by the Governor of Borno State, Kashim Shettima, in his critique of the deluge of ‘do-gooders’ in the insurgency ravaged zone.

    Finally, democracy assistance as currently constituted suffers a great deal of deficit, in its façade of apolitical orientation. It is time for policies that not only recognise, but explicitly embrace the politics in aid policy formulation in the development community. After all, we all know that aid is often tied to the politics and policies of the donor. Consequently, the political economy of the recipient is crucial to the understanding of aid effectiveness.

    All Politics is Local…

    In conclusion, let me go back to Ekiti because that’s why you invited me in the first place. Clearly, the past four years has not only seen the steady decline in the socio-economic circumstances of our people, but also a corresponding denigration of our integrity as a people. When I left office in 2014, Ekiti had the highest enrolment of school children in Nigeria, now it has the lowest in the South West; equally, Ekiti had the lowest child and maternal mortality rates in the country but it’s now experiencing serious challenges in the health sector, it has the lowest HIV prevalence in the country and the highest life expectancy partly because it was the only state with a social security benefit scheme for the elderly. Given the fact that effective governance has deteriorated, all these gains have been eroded and poverty rates have hit the roof. More worryingly, our pristine values had been eroded and our collective reputations sullied. My decision to contest in the recently held gubernatorial election in the state was therefore motivated by the need to lead a collective rescue mission of our state, which inspired the theme of our campaigns “Reclaiming our Land; Restoring our Values.”

    I believe our victory at the polls is a testament to the collapse of Stomach Infrastructure and its resounding rejection by the people. While the jury may still be out in certain quarters, I am convinced that Ekiti citizens on balance have shown their preference for tangible development against democracy of the stomach. They have seized the opportunity to rewrite a new narrative. Our duty is to ensure that they do not regret their choice. This is why it is imperative that we resume our aggressive developmental strategy for the state. Clearly, Ekiti State needs rapid development to regain the lost years. We need to restore inclusive governance that caters to the generality of the citizens-particularly at the grassroots. So, if DAI really wants to do development differently, the destination of choice is Ekiti. Help us in the quest to reclaim our land and restore our values. It is a key factor in moving from short-termism to sustainable development.

     

    Thank you all for listening.

     

  • 2019 Election would test Nigeria’s democracy – Abubakar

    Former Head of state, General Abdulsalami Abubakar has said the 2019 general elections would be a test case that Nigeria democracy has come of age.

    Fielding questions from newsmen at the Minna Central mosque shortly after the Eid-el-Kabir prayers on Tuesday, Abdulsalami stressed on the need for politicians to play by the rules.

    He pointed out that politicians must shun do-or-die politics for the nations’s democracy to advance while urging Nigerians to put aside their differences by ensuring a hitch free polls.

    The former leader lamented that Nigeria’s political space is been needlessly heated up by politicians adding that enduring political culture can only be built when politicians adhere to the rules of the game.

    He then urged Muslims to imbibe the exemplary life style of Prophet Muhammad and the lessons of Eid el Kabir by living in peace with people of other faiths.

    Read Also: 2019: Presidency replies Tambuwal as Buhari treks 800 metres

    Niger state Deputy Governor, Alhaji Ahmed Mohammed Ketso called on those who registered in the just concluded Continuous Voters Registration exercise by the Independent Electoral Commission (INEC) to make effort to obtain their Permanent Voters Card to enable them elect credible leaders of their choice in the 2019 general elections.

    The Chief Imam of Minna Central Mosque Mallam Isa Fari charged enjoined all Muslim faithful to internalize and practice the innate and core lessons of the festival which essentially reinforces the spirit of sacrifice, tolerance, sympathy, empathy, devotion to duty, and the promotion of harmonious coexistence.

    He also enjoined the wealthy Muslims to assist the needy and vulnerable in the spirit of love and brotherhood that Islam stands for.

  • Power struggle, corruption and democracy

    There is no doubt  that  a serious power  struggle is going on in Nigeria between  the legislature and the executive in Nigeria’s volatile  presidential  system  of democracy. It has become  a do  or die affair even though either side claims to be fighting for  or upholding the rule of law  but there  is more than meets the eye in either claim. Undoubtedly  it has  become   such   a dangerous development  that any  meeting of the legislature is  bound    to be  prone to violence from within, as opposed to the violence from without recently when armed masked men prevented law makers from entering the National  Assembly, which in itself  was  a coup  against  not only the legislature   but  Nigeria’s  democracy. Yet  in this dangerous power struggle   one cannot but recall  the statement of  late Anthony Enahoro, Action Group  legislator   who proposed self government for  Nigeria in the colonial days and proclaimed that  ‘this is the beginning of a chain  of events, the end  of which  no  one knows’.  Certainly one can say the same for this   approaching  political  tornado  heading  in the direction of NASS, Abuja    in the  show down  between  the Nigerian government  and the Senate over   the    looming  removal  of the Senate  President    and  his   refusal  to quit,  as  well as    the maintenance  of the rule of law.

    Inevitably  too one can  recall  the AG crisis of 1962   in  the Western Region House of  Assembly   Ibadan  which  led to the treason trial  and jailing of Chief  Obafemi Awolowo  and his release  by the Gowon  regime in time for him to be Minister Of Finance  during  our civil  war. The  rest is now history  but  the rumblings  in NASS in  Abuja  and at  Aso  Villa   nowadays  show striking  similarities to  the crisis in Ibadan  that  consumed the rest  of  Nigeria.  It   was  a   crisis    that   has railroaded our elusive   search  for  real  democratic  dividends  as we saw   instead  mirages of unfulfilled  promises  from Nigerian  politicians in search  of the el  dorado   to provide  food,   shelter   and  security for  Nigerians    but ended   up   mostly   lining only the purses  and   pockets  of their close,  friends, relatives  and cronies.  It   is  a  sad,    ominous   and disturbing   spectacle, this struggle  for  power  from  within the same   ruling  party  that  has now become a national  concern  to all peace loving Nigerians. It  is an ill wind that  bodes  no  good  and   I  pray  fervently  that  sanity  will  prevail  in the coming weeks or days. For  now I urge  all  politicians and our leaders to remember  the Chinese  saying  that says –  count  no  man  lucky,   until  he is  dead. All   the same   it    is with  this in mind  that I discuss  today’s topic    on  our     titanic   separation of powers’     power struggle   this week   with   illustrations      from  Brazil     and  Turkey    to  show  the consequences  of the  use  and abuse  of  power in these democracies and the lessons therefrom.

    Starting with Brazil the news was that  Brazil’s  former  President Lula da Silva  has been  nominated  and registered as the  presidential  candidate    for his party  at  Brazil’s  next election  this year,  even though  he  is in prison  serving time after  being jailed  for  corruption some time   ago. In  Turkey  President Tayyip  Erdogan  has  called  tariffs against  his nation by US President Donad Trump an ‘economic   coup‘ even  though  he  has refused  to release  an    American   pastor  that  the US president  has asked him  to release or face the consequence,   regardless  of  the fact  that  both  nations  are allies in  the  North  Atlantic Treaty Organisation, NATO.  I want  to highlight events  in  both Brazil  and Turkey  to  drive home  the import  of the Chinese proverb  that  says – count no man lucky  until  he is dead –  in the case  of  Brazil’s Lula   and   in  Erdogan’s     case to show that  internal  vindictiveness  and retaliation over  a failed coup  can lead to unexpected  and disruptive  economic chaos  for  a leader  whose selling point  in successive elections  he had won in  Turkey  had  been  on the mantra  or claim  of building  a buoyant economy. Again,  count  no man  lucky  till  he is gone  is  our  rallying cry in  this piece.

    Also ,    in the case of Brazil’s Lula  he was a very  successful  socialist president   –  2003  – 2011-  who  led  a workers party to  win elections  in  2002   in  Brazil  and served two  terms,  ending  up anointing  his Chief of Staff  Dilmar  Roussef   as his successor . Lula  was so  popular  and loved   by  Brazilians  for  bringing the    FIFA  World Cup   and     Rio  Olympics   to  Brazil  in   2014  and  2016  respectively. But  he launched an anti  Corruption campaign called  Operation Car  Wash  based on corruption in   Petrobas   Brazil’s oil   giant   like   our NNPC. Eventually  he  too was accused of taking an apartment as a bribe  or kickback  for a contract  and was jailed  in  2017.  At  the  height  of his trial  which he alleged  was political his successor   Dilmar    a woman  made him   her Chief  of Staff to shield him from  prosecution but that has not saved him. Today  even though he has been  again nominated for the presidential  election, he  too knows that as  a convicted person  he cannot  stand  and has realistically  nominated someone else to replace  him. Certainly  in Lula’s case in Brazil as elsewhere  in   any  democracy    in  this wide world, no  condition is permanent.

    Again  with  Turkey’s strongman President  Erdogan   it  is as if  he has become a modern Sultan  of  Turkey  in the mold  of past  Sultans of  the old Ottoman Empire  -which   once  ruled Europe,-   of which  modern  Turkey  is indeed but its carcass. Erdogan  has  used  the failure  of a coup last year  to purge Turkey of his political  opponents. He  has  asked the US to extradite  and old ally, a Muslim cleric living in the US to  face trial  in Turkey  for masterminding the  coup  for which  he has sacked and jailed  thousands of   civil  servants,  and  military  personnel.  But   the US has  refused  insisting the cleric has been a  law  abiding  US resident .  He  has  even  threatened nations having Turkish  schools  for Turks  abroad  like Nigeria  to close  such schools  because  of the coup  and was  roundly   ignored. So  between   Lula   and Erdogan  it is a case of  a fall  from grace to grass  for  one and   a case  of  blinding   and    arrogant  use   of    power  for the other. Yet  for both  you can still  say  loud   and clear  –  count no man  lucky till  he is dead. Once   again  long live the Federal Republic  of  Nigeria.

  • In the name of democracy

    The above title is a parody of a new novel by Olukorede Yishau titled: In the Name of our Father. In the work, he relays how those in privileged positions abuse it to the detriment of our country. Whether in military, religion, politics or economics, the rule of the game is exploitation. Olukorede weaved tales of abuses, sexual exploitation, sufferings, deaths and other kinds of trauma, particularly under the regime of General Sani Abacha.

    While reading the 228-page book, I imagined how last week drama in the National Assembly should be titled in relation to Olukorede’s work hence the title: in the name of democracy. With the National Assembly abruptly going on recess, perhaps to starve threats of impeachment, no one is really sure how the dust has settled in terms of number, between the two contending forces, the All Progressive Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    But one thing is clear in the political arena: there is fire on the mountain and the chorus is run, run, run. Even for our laid back president, who has been accused of being slow in reacting to political developments; the new name is, to act with dispatch. One of the pictures in the papers, showed him listing attentively to the APC caucus in the senate, most likely telling him, how much they loved him to stay back.

    No doubt, their type of love is not much different from the variants Prophet T. C. Jeremiah, expressed in Olukorede’s novel, for his mistresses. A love founded on convenience instead of deep rooted affection. I can imagine the several conclaves of sinners, like the conclave that invested Prophet Jeremiah with power, leading up to the self-serving manoeuvres in the political arena. Like that conclave, the variants of the misbegotten in the two parties would also be meeting at ungodly hours.

    Olukorede craftily weaved his story around the despondency of the military era, particularly the reliance on false prophets and marabouts, by the desperate head of state in his desperate effort to cling to power at all cost. I bet, not much has changed under politics. Amongst the divide, I can bet that many pastors and imams are smiling to the banks as the race to 2019 heats up. Just like in that era, many praise singers and false prophets are wheeling and dealing to gain the attention of those desperate to return in 2019.

    The novel also had a dig especially at one of the prophets with a sprawling lucrative prophecy centre in a suburb of Lagos. The book mimicked the atrocities done in the name of the name of our father, who is in heaven and in the name of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, under the acronym: order from above. While the ill-trained Prophet T. C. Jeremiah, traded on people’s ignorance, the army chaps carrying out the dubious orders of the commander in chief, visited the poor journalist framed up, with unimaginable misery.

    Again, the book reminds us how several atrocities could be committed in the name of the president, governors, senators, representatives and other power brokers in our country. One recent example of such abuse of power in the name of order from above was the invasion of the houses of the senate president and his deputy. For reasons which are untoward, the two principal officers were quarantined last week Tuesday, in a manner suggestive of military coup.

    To show how jaded our so-called democracy is, nobody has owned responsibility for those unconstitutional actions. But we must remember that similar silly conducts took place in 2014, when many of these crop of politicians were trying to move over to newly formed APC from the then sagging PDP. I recall the effort by the supporters of the present Sokoto State governor, Aminu Tambuwal, then Speaker of the House of Representatives, to scale the National Assembly gate, to gain access.

    Olukorede’s work also mimicked the gory season of anomie, bedevilling the well-educated poor in our society. In the tale of the journalist who could not fend for himself, despite his education and writing skills, the writer tells the story of many compatriots who languish in poverty, while the semi-literate power scoundrels like the prophet, live large in the society. There is still not much difference, with the present semi-democratic arrangement.

    Again, while the false prophet, with dubious powers, had access to the height of state power, the well-educated is hunted like a game. One of the characters who came home to contribute to national development, after acquiring some of the best education from Harvard University, ended up miserably. The patriotic instincts of his father that he must come home, turned into an albatross and a thing of regret. Of course, many returning Nigerians like that character, end up in the morgue, during a short visit home, necessitating the apprehension amongst Nigerians in Diaspora.

    Another irony playing out in the name of our democracy, just like under the military era, is the trumping up of rule of law. For the umpteenth time, the bail granted the former National Security Adviser, Col. Sambo Dasuki, turned halo, with the federal government ignoring the court order. Like the journalist in Olukorede’s novel, the faith of the colonel is not dependent on preponderance of facts about constitutional democracy, but on fictitious tales about false powers and privileges, as may be presented to the Commander-in-Chief, by those around him.

    The book also mirrored other social ills that bedevil our society, like overwhelming corruption in the police and the resort to prostitution by young women desperate to survive in our harsh economic environment. The young character, who took to prostitution, with the hope of going back to school later, may not in real life do so, if there is opportunity for scholarship. The prophet’s girl friend who dies from quackery in the medical field, is a reflection of the desperation many Nigerians go through in the absence of social nets, like a working health insurance.

    No doubt, Olukorede was on duty as a journalist and social crusader: In the Name of our Father. I believe that the sense of urgency to bring the story as close as possible to real life, made him resort to faction, as a mode, to relay his frustrations with the way our country is governed, particularly during the military era. While he relayed the tragedy of the military era, there is no doubt that the ills of abuse of power is still with us, even under democracy.

    Like one of the major protagonist in the book wrote, there is no doubt that the ordinary people of the country could rise, against the elites, if the unfolding tragedy, in the name of preparing for 2019 election is not stopped. Political actors must know that there is a limit to the abuses they can thrust on the people in the name of democracy.

  • IYC warns against subversion of democracy

    The Ijaw Youths Council (IYC) Worldwide has called for vigilance against anti-democratic forces in the country.

    The umbrella body of Ijaw youths in a statement in Yenagoa, Bayelsa State, on Wednesday said it would mobilise youths from all the ethnic nationalities across the country to stop any attempt to subvert democratic governance.

    The IYC in a statement signed by its Secretary-General, Mr. Alfred Kemepado, asked political leaders and key players to mind their public conducts and utterances.

    Kemepado appealed to leaders to show their patriotism by giving required attention to the sustenance of democracy and avoiding acts that could truncate it in the country.

    He said the IYC believed that democracy under President Muhammdu Buhari ebbing and doubted the President’s commitment to the ideals of democratic principles.

     Kemepado said the siege on the Abuja homes of the leadership of the Senate further confirmed the fears that democracy was under threat.

    He said: “The exploitation of state security apparatus to harass and intimidate perceived political opponents is not a healthy development. It is a display of political desperation which should not have a place in our democracy.

    “The recent developments at the National Assembly and the harassment of perceived political opponents are without doubt threats to democratic governance in the country. The National Assembly is an autonomous organ and shouldn’t be subjected to such a degrading harassment.

    “The blockade of the convoy of the Senate President and the failed attempt to arrest him with a view to prevent the Senate from sitting is unhealthy”.

    He added that for democracy to thrive, the principle of separation of powers enshrined in the constitution must be respected. 

    Kemepado insisted there must be strict adherence to democratic ethos and values by all political actors.

    He argued that the emerging political situation in the country was further justification of the growing call for the restructuring of the country.

    He lamented what he described as the brazen violation of court orders by the current administration saying such lingering issues would be effectively addressed in a restructured Nigeria.

    Kemepado said that it was important for politicians to play by the rule and place the interest of the country and its stability above their individual and selfish political interests.

    He urged the people to resist any attempt by any group of persons or political interest to endanger the ideals of democracy.

    He said the insecurity occasioned by the herders/farmers killings across the state’s was disturbing and called on political leadership and security agencies to stop the bloodshed.

  • Democracy and the Makurdi affair

    I have always told anyone who cares to listen that we are not yet practising the basic tenets of a true democratic system of government in Nigeria, in spite of the perception by many that it takes time for democratic culture to evolve and take root in many societies. Maybe I am alone in this apparently uncharitable conclusion, but from the vantage point of my keen observation of the practice of democracy in Nigeria from the third republic to date, I have been compelled to strongly conclude that what we received from the army on May 29,1999 and have been experimenting with as democratic governance since then is nothing but a modified martial law gift from the barracks. To paraphrase the late Fela Anikulapo Kuti – it is nothing more than an ‘army arrangement’!

    But if you doubt the honesty and logic of this seemingly harsh label of our democracy, you may check out the who is who of the arrangers and the fixers, the winners and the losers, key benefactors and beneficiaries of the so-called democratic political succession from 1999 to date – from the president down to the Governors, and other key actors and appointees – who have been setting both the agenda, direction and the thermometer of our civil political succession temperature. It has always been the voice of Jacob but the hand of Esau!

    Beyond the context of the above fundamental evidence, fellow believers in my thesis can readily confirm the veracity of this deduction from the series of frequent assaults on the constitutional rights of Nigerian citizens all the way from the leadership selection process to the very negative manifestation of the practice of democracy in Nigeria since the inception of the Third Republic in 1999, quite similar to that obtainable in a totalitarian state. Indeed, in many social settings, very often style determines substance and form dictates function. This is the most fundamental context in which successful democratic institutions respond to the revelation of the true manifestation of the primary tenets of the practice and idea of democratic freedoms, in character and in practice.

    Granted that you are still in doubt about the credibility of the above thesis, then what interpretation and meaning will you draw from the July 16, 2018 arbitrary withdrawal of landing rights at the Makurdi Airport by the Makurdi Airport authorities for the plane conveying the progressive southern leaders en route Makurdi to attend the Restructuring Rally planned for the Benue State capital on 17 July 2018 with other Middle Belt leaders? Democracy and arbitrariness are historically strange bedfellows. And so, this singular act of the Airport authorities, apparently based on ‘instructions from above’, constitutes one of the biggest blows to the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, just as it exposes the lie we have been conferring on our democratic credentials.

    The essential character of that landing rights withdrawal is found in the clear assault on and the deliberate subversion of the rule of law which underlies constitutionalism. In more specific constitutional terms, two of the eleven  fundamental human rights guaranteed every Nigerian citizen under the 1999 Nigerian Constitution (as amended) that were violated with impunity by the Airport authorities are those enshrined under Sections 40 and 41. The former section entitles all Nigerians to the right of free and peaceful assembly as well as free association for the protection of their interests, while the later section guarantees every Nigerian citizen freedom of movement and residency throughout Nigeria. Viewed against the backdrop of the fact that these two sections of the constitution personify the very essence and life blood of institutional democratic practice, citizenship and federalism as opposed to autocracy and totalitarianism, it can be seen that the action of the Makurdi Airport authorities significantly undermined not only the Nigerian constitution but Nigeria’s democracy, the rule of law and the quest for a peaceful resolution of the Nigerian national question. It is only safe to conclude that what happened could only have been possible under a military dictatorship, a monarchy or a totalitarian autocratic dispensation.

    In boarding the plane to come to Makurdi, these senior Nigerian citizens who were stopped from exercising their fundamental human rights of free movement and association had assumed that these constitutional rights were freely theirs in a nation under democratic rule, and in which they are entitled to all citizenship rights guaranteed by the Nigerian constitution. They also took it as given that the Airport authorities will respect this constitutional imperative. It was indeed puzzling to them and to the rest of us while the authorities chose to flagrantly violate this constitutional guarantee with such disdain in a democracy. That a similar event was later held successfully in Abuja on July 18, 2018 under the auspices of and sanctioned by the ruling party without a similar withdrawal of the landing rights of delegates shows not only the paradox and duplicity of the ruling political elites, but also the irony of the needless drama in Makurdi. Was it really necessary? Isn’t such brazen partisan display of double standards involving the selective application of the law for different privileged groups while at the same time deploying maximum strong-arm tactics to ride roughshod the rights and freedoms of other less powerful groups unheard of in a true democracy? It is clear that in this matter, the law is no longer blind but it is a respecter of persons!

    Unless the authorities that gave the order to abort the landing of the plane in Makurdi are privy to any other privileged security information not available to the rest of us, it is quite safe to conclude that this order was executed at the expense of and in utter breach of two legal as well as constitutional implications of the mission of the airborne delegates. The first is recognized in the fact that those denied their rights were bona fide Nigerian citizens and prominent leaders, and indeed statesmen who have served the nation faithfully and meritoriously over the years in very senior leadership capacities. They were not merely small-time crooks, criminals or hoodlums whose planned assembly was perceived to have posed any threat to security of lives and properties of any Nigerian either in Makurdi or elsewhere. Neither were they known to have planned any breach of the Nigerian constitution either in Makurdi or any other constituent part of Nigeria. Under these circumstances therefore, they were totally undeserving of such dismissive treatment at the hands of the Airport authorities. Such treatment can only be reserved for confirmed criminals and subversive aliens who are enemies of Nigeria’s democracy, peace and security.

    The second and of course most critical implication of their planned mission under the law and the constitution is the fact that rather than take up arms against their country in order to violently overthrow the status quo, or undemocratically impose their vision of true federalism within the Nigerian federation, these respected citizens chose the constitutional and legally acceptable path of peaceful assembly and discussion of their grievances against the prevailing constitutional order and subsisting structure of Nigeria, as well as the practice of its constitutional federalism under the current democratic dispensation with a view to peacefully negotiating their grievances within the framework of the rule of law.

    In every rational sense, therefore, the conveners of the planned parley can be said to be law-abiding citizens merely out to exercise their constitutional rights to free association within a legal framework, with a view to strengthening Nigeria’s democracy and the Nigerian federal structure without an established motive of pre-empting a potential supra-constitutional or crisis-induced balkanization of the Nigerian nation state. Their conduct therefore represented the acceptable path of true democracy, just as it evidenced the hallmark of true democrats. By their exemplary conduct and comportment, these leaders neither deserved to be vilified or hunted, but deserving high commendation rather than condemnation.

    Lest I be branded in some cheap and undeserving partisan colours, let me clarify at this point that while I am not a partisan advocate of a particular group in this drama, I am at once not ashamed to admit that I am an unrepentant partisan for constitutionalism, the rule of law, the inviolability of all human, citizenship and democratic rights, as well as the sustenance, growth and transformation of the current Nigerian democratic experiment into a viable, matured democratic system in which the rights of every Nigerian citizen are not only guaranteed but also respected within the letter and spirit of the Nigerian constitution, and in which all Nigerians are equal before the law. This is the only genuine path to optimizing our national potential and achieving national greatness under a sustainable democracy. Anything to the contrary will merely amount to postponing the evil day.

    In the search for a lasting solution to our National Question therefore, Nigeria will by far be better off allowing her constituent nationalities jaw-jaw rather than war-war in an atmosphere guided by the rule of law. Such a solution cannot be attainable either through a totalitarian repression or suppression of the rights of the citizens, or in a season of anomie, and certainly not under a state of anarchy triggered by negative institutional partisanship. Neither will the application of gestapo tactics as was deployed by the Airport authorities on July 16, 2018 to repress and muscle free association along with free expression resolve these potentially explosive national contradictions. Lest we forget also, the very manifestation of every element of our political conduct will go a long way towards nurturing the growth of democratic values or the gradual enthronement of dictatorship in the guise of imposing law and order that may be alien to the sustenance of democratic culture and values.

    It is indeed needless to remind the perpetrators of this constitutional rape about the late Karl Marx’s once chilling admonition to all anti-democratic forces that those who make peaceful change impossible make violent change inevitable!  No peace-loving Nigerian patriot would under normal circumstances, ever pray for any form of violent change of the Nigerian status quo or the existing federal structure at this point in time given the bitter lessons of the Nigerian civil war and the lean years of the locust harvested under 35 years of military rule that still hang so fresh in living memory. Therefore, collectively, we shall resist the temptation to allow the repetition of history to turn the Nigerian existential condition first into a tragedy and finally into a farce as warned by Marx.

     

    • Hon. Justin S. Amase, a former Benue Commissioner for Information and Orientation, can be reached on: justinamase@yahoo.com

  • Democracy groups urge FG to amend Electoral Act for 2019

    The National Democratic Institute (NDI) and the International Republican Institute (IRI) yesterday urged the Federal government of Nigeria to sign the Electoral Act Amendment bill into law for the upcoming 2019 elections.

    The bill, according to ECOWAS protocol, must be signed into law before August 16.

    The groups said this at the joint IRI-NDI Delegation in Nigeria Issues Pre-Election Statement on Preparations for 2019 General Elections which held at Abuja yesterday.

    Vice Chairperson of the Electoral Commission of South Africa, Terry Tselane, said that the Electoral Act is being amended in preparations for 2019.

    “INEC believes that the bill to amend the electoral act recently passed by the National Assembly will ensure greater transparency and accountability in the political party.

    “Federal government should intensify efforts to address insecurity in parts of the country and ensure sufficient time for INEC to implement electoral changes by signing into law the electoral act amendment bill before August 16 in accordance with ECOWAS protocol,” ” he said.

     

  • June 12 mandate, democracy and Nigeria’s unity

    Being an address delivered by Femi Falana (SAN) at the 25th anniversary of the June 12 1993 presidential election won by the late Bashorun M.K.O. Abiola, organised by the Osun State government.

    • Continued from July 10

    With the elimination of both General Abacha and Chief Abiola the Abubakar junta rolled out a political transition programme which was manipulated to produce the current rickety democratic process dollar-sation of the economy, capital flight and illegal diversion of public funds by public officers. As part of the whistle blowing policy of the federal government the EFCC should recover from the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation the over $21 billion which it has failed to remit to the Federation Account.

    At the same time, the AMCON should intensify efforts to recover the toxic loans of N5.4 trillion from about 50 companies and stop the loss of revenue through indiscriminate granting of duty waivers to importers of goods which can be produced in Nigeria. The national assembly should stop the federal and state governments from mortgaging the destiny of the country by engaging in external borrowing spree to bail out the comatose economy.

    Since section 16 of the Constitution has imposed a duty on the federal government to prevent the concentration of the commonwealth on a few people the leasing of oil blocks to individuals should stop. Oil blocks should henceforth be allocated oil blocks as some individuals who got them have confessed that they do not what to do with the billions of dollars realised from subleasing the oil blocks to foreign investors.

    As no economy can recover with interest rate of over 25 per cent the federal government should stop the Central Bank from the reckless manipulation of the nation’s monetary policy. If the Bank of Industry is allowed to peg interest rate to less than 10 per cent why should the Central Bank permit commercial banks to charge close to 30 per cent interest rate? Why should the Central Bank be allowed to sabotage the economy by manipulating the foreign exchange market? About two years ago, the British, American and Swiss governments imposed a fine of $3.5 billion on 5 banks which engaged in forex manipulation. In Nigeria, banks which are involved in money laundering and round tripping are only suspended from the forex market for a week or two.

    In the wake of the growing agitation for the restructuring to restore the federal status of the country Nigerians have been rudely told that restructuring is not in the agenda of the Buhari administration. The arrogant statement should be rejected by Nigerians because the APC had undertaken in its manifesto to “initiate action to amend our Constitution with a view to devolving powers, duties and responsibilities to states and local governments in order to entrench true Federalism and the Federal Spirit.”  With respect, it ought to be pointed out that the struggle for restructuring has been partly won by state governments through litigation and defiance. Specifically, state governments have won the legal battles over the control of physical planning and control of local government funds. The states have also won the battle over the collection of taxes from hotels etc. Even though the Land Use Act is a federal enactment entrenched in Constitution state governments have won the battle over the control of land. Hence, the Federal Government is currently appealing to state governments to donate land for grazing of cattle.

    However, as I have repeatedly maintained, the demand for restructuring or devolution of powers without democratisation is dangerous for the polity. Any restructuring that does not address the crisis of poverty, unemployment and infrastructural decay is an invitation to anarchy. Strengthening the States and making the centre less dictatorial is not a panacea to political stability. Let it be made abundantly clear that the national question is not about empowering champions of ethnic groups to continue to run the affairs of the federating units. It is about the equitable distribution of resources and democratization of powers. The call for restructuring should not be reduced to the mere transfer of powers from the centre to the States to make the federal government “less centralized, less suffocating and less dictatorial.”

    Contrary to the misleading impression of some of the agitators, state governments are not less dictatorial than the federal government under the current distorted federal structure. Hence, even though state governments have won the battle for some devolution of powers it has not impacted positively on the people because such powers have not been democratized.

    The 2014 National Conference was compelled to address the issue of restructuring in a rather comprehensive manner. Realizing that the devolution of powers was not sufficient to guarantee political stability in the country the delegates unanimously  recommended the actualization of the socio-economic rights enshrined in Chapter II of the Constitution, payment of living minimum wage for workers, establishment of a special anti-corruption court, 35 per cent representation for women, removal of immunity clause in respect of criminal offences etc. To stop the manipulation of religion by the ruling class it was recommended that the government should withdraw completely from religious affairs. Specifically, the government is to withdraw from the sponsorship of pilgrimages to holy sites.

    As the federal government is not going to allow devolution of powers without a protracted struggle, state governments that are genuinely committed to political restructuring should mobilize the people to take their destiny in their own hands. As far as I am concerned, regional economic integration by state governments does not require the fiat of the federal government. State governments which are demanding true federalism should stop rushing to Abuja for monthly allocation and distribution of the revenue realized from oil sales and VAT.  We cannot restructure the country without the redistribution of the commonwealth. For instance, through privatization and liquidation of national assets the federal government has devolved economic power hitherto concentrated in the centre. But such economic power was not transferred to the state and local governments but to a few foreign and local business groups. With dwindling revenue the federal government is being compelled to allow state governments to take up matters that are in the Exclusive Legislative List. For instance, state governments have been allowed to build airports, power plants as well as rail lines and federal roads.

    No doubt, Nigerian youths constitute over 60 percent of the voting population. Instead of taking advantage of the large number of young voters to produce leaders who are imbued with vision and mission, young people are queuing behind agents of disunity and destruction. While voters in other climes are using their electoral power to demand public accountability Nigerian youths are being recruited as agents of violence by corrupt politicians and war mongers. The threat to balkanize the country has completely diverted national attention from the criminal diversion of national treasury and reckless killing of innocent people by armed herdsmen, terrorists and bandits. We are currently witnessing the politicization of criminality by the ruling class whereby criminal suspects rush to the media to allege political victimization whenever they are invited to account for their involvement in serious criminal activities.

    Conclusion

    In celebrating the June 12 mandate we should realize that the Nigerian people voted for a joint Muslim ticket and that Christians voted for the ticket. It is also on record that Chief Abiola defeated Alhaji Bashir Tofa in his home state of Kano. Hence, the election is said to have marked a watershed in our history because it provided a golden opportunity to unite our people, terminate unending military rule and restore democracy in Nigeria. Although we are indebted to Chief Abiola and all the other heroes who emboldened us to chase away highly corrupt military dictators we have a collective duty to ensure that the vote of every voter counts and that the government is committed to the welfare and security of the people.. As a matter of urgency, the reckless killing of unarmed people should stop forthwith.  In addition to the highest national honour conferred on Chief Abiola the Federal Government should proceed to implement the provisions of the fundamental objectives of the Constitution which informed his Welfare to Poverty programme. Furthermore, Mrs Kudirat Abiola who was brutally assassinated while defending the June 12 mandate and others who equally paid the supreme sacrifice in defence of democracy and rule of law deserve to be honoured posthumously at a later date.

    It is indisputable that Chief Gani Fawehinmi SAN championed and defended the human rights of the Nigerian people in his life time. The best tribute that can be paid to him is a commitment on the part of all the governments in Nigeria to respect the human rights of the Nigerian people. In particular, the Federal Government should release all citizens who are being detained illegally all over the country. Chief Fawehinmi would not support the arrest of any citizen without any justifiable reason. Therefore, the Federal Government should comply with section 35 (1) (c) of the Constitution by ensuring that no person is arrested or prosecuted unless there is reasonable suspicion that he/she has committed a criminal offence.

     

    • Concluded

  • Democracy, security and politics: how far have things changed?

    First they came for the Communists, and I did not speak out-
    Because I was not a Communist.
    Then they came for the Trade Unionists, and I did not speak out-
    Because I was not a Trade Unionist.
    Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out-
    Because I was not a Jew.
    Then they came for me-and there was no one left to speak for me.-Martin Niemoller

    Whatever took place in Ado-Ekiti last Wednesday, a day after the display of positive power by  movers and shakers of All Progressives Congress and current governance of the country, it will be important for the growth of democracy for citizens to know what exactly took place: why and to what effect. So far, the conflicting claims include that Fayose did not get police permission to lead a rally on that day and Fayose’s supporters claimed that permission was secured to use the pavilion.  The police said that its men tried to prevent a clash between Fayose’s party and Fayemi’s party. But Fayose’s supporters claimed that the police dispersed his men and women with teargas, making Fayose to sustain an injury that took him to the hospital. It is never an easy task to get to the root of most things about partisan politics in our society, but this is what a commission of inquiry can do.

    Citizens who were excited in 2015 when transition from one civilian government to another went without violations of human rights must be alarmed by the regression now in vogue in Ado-Ekiti.  In 2015, this column joined many others in celebrating the advent of electoral democracy that the country had not experienced for a very long time since June 12, 1993 presidential elections. For the event of last Wednesday in Ekiti not to bring back sad memories about the practice of partisan politics in the country, there is need for the federal government to investigate police officers who used teargas when the deputy inspector did not “tell them to do so.” Such intervention from security can give the impression of partiality on the part of the police.

    Not many citizens between the age of 15 and 45 may know that repression of opposition parties has been part of the culture of electioneering in the country from the beginning of its electoral history. In 1959, it was hard and impossible in many parts of Northern Region for members of the Action Group to campaign freely.  In 1964 and 65 in Western Region, forces of Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) harassed members of the Action group before, during, and after regional and federal elections. Candidates were incriminated by government agents. Some candidates were charged for stealing goats and put in prison to prevent them from taking part in campaigns. Similarly, in 1979 and 1983, many journalists from Western Region were intimidated and harassed out of many parts of the North before election days by security forces in support of National Party of Nigeria. It was overcoming such moments of darkness that inspired democrats to resist annulment of Abiola’s election. It was also the free atmosphere for citizens to choose their rulers that made many Nigerians to celebrat in 2015 when the election that brought President Buhari into power was without intimidation and repression of members of opposition parties. Overzealous security agents must be prevented from taking the country back to the dark age of our electoral politics.

    What could have been the reason to turn Ekiti which enjoyed the peace and excitement of a festival on Tuesday during the campaign of APC into a space of weeping by PDP members barely 24 hours later?  It is only the security forces deployed to Ekiti that can tell the nation why the sudden descent into such primitive and barbaric acts at a time that citizens believe that politicians have accepted to work in compliance with the rule of law. Fayose may not be the most civil politician, but he is not in the wrong to want to campaign for his candidate on Wednesday for an election that is to hold on Saturday. If he had tried to campaign on Friday, he would have been at fault, but certainly not on Wednesday. Why would he be denied the right to hold a rally in support of his own candidate 24 hours after the opposing party had its own dance toward power in the same state?  So civil was APC’s campaign on Tuesday that some of the leaders of the party even tried to campaign for Fayose. Why would the police get so enthusiastic about preventing a breakdown of law and order that it would destroy the gains of several years in the country’s political culture? Why would people deployed to keep peace be the source of crisis?

    The space given to our police for errors seems to be too large. Fayose could have been killed by a stampede and that could throw Ekiti into chaos or anarchy. Does our country need such a problem at a time that the country is virtually at war with itself – Boko Haram, herdsmen’s killings, killing by cattle rustlers, etc?  Security agents ought to be reminded of the proverb, ‘Discretion is a greater part of valour.’ It is noteworthy that a relatively senior police officer has finally acknowledged that something was wrong in the handling of PDP’s proposed rally by the police. But it is premature for the Deputy Inspector to promise to avoid a repeat of a violation that has not been fully acknowledged. Thus, the latest response from Deputy Inspector Habilal Joshak: “What I said was that those massing for the rally should be asked to leave because it is not good going by the mood of the state now to hold rally or street procession. I didn’t say they should use force. This is an election and electioneering is a civil matter anywhere across the globe, so police as security agents can’t use force on the people. But I want to assure the good people of Ekiti State that such mistake will never repeat itself,” is certainly more civil than what is usual with the Nigeria Police Force. However, this statement is not enough to put this unprovoked attack on democracy behind us. The attack on Fayose and his supporters, and by extension, on tolerance of opposition that democracy requires deserves a more robust acknowledgement that the police had been out of order in its overreaction in Ekiti last Wednesday.

    There are many matters arising from the sudden use of police power in Ekiti.  One such matter is the claim that it is only a central police force that can be depended on not to abuse police power. With a state police in Ekiti State, the chances are high that many of the police in such a homogenous state may be relations or neighbours. Would such people have acted with such venom as was displayed last Wednesday? Given the readiness of Fayemi’s opponents before the primary to solidarise with him immediately after the primary, there is no doubt that Ekiti people are politically mature people. Why would the police ignite an unnecessary crisis a few days to the election? Couldn’t the police have imagined that such intolerance of Fayose and his party supporters could have tarnished the candidacy of Fayemi? They ought to have given this scenario a thought if they were prepared to use discretion. Police attack on Fayose and PDP members when they acted within their rights can lead to post-election hostility among such a closely-knit state as Ekiti. Many of us from other states were thrilled when Fayose came out to support the nomination of Fayemi for ministerial appointment in 2016, calling him a worthy son of Ekiti.

    What kind of federalism leaves state governors without a security system loyal to him or her as the symbol of the state, as the federal police is expected to be loyal to the president? The deficit in the country’s federal democracy has been underlined by the poor political literacy of the police in Ekiti.  Could any state governor in the United States, Canada, or Belgium have been disrespected the way Fayose was, regardless of Fayose’s love of histrionics or theatrics?

    The civilised international community which praised Nigeria in 2015 for peaceful conduct before and during the elections is being made by the excesses of the police on Wednesday to see the experience of 2015 as a fluke. A way out of this embarrassing situation is for the police to apologise for what Deputy Inspector Joshak has acknowledged as a mistake or be probed to determine why such mistake was made.