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  • To Hold or Sell BTC? The Evergreen Dilemma

    To Hold or Sell BTC? The Evergreen Dilemma

    Bitcoin’s journey, marked by remarkable highs and sharp corrections, leaves investors perennially pondering: to hold or to sell? This evergreen dilemma is rooted in the asset’s unique attributes and market dynamics. The dilemma of holding or selling Bitcoin persists, and platforms like Graminator offer tools to guide these crucial decisions.

    Reasons to Consider Selling BTC

    The allure of Bitcoin, despite its potential for long-term growth, is not without its challenges and reasons for investors to consider selling. One of the main considerations revolves around the opportunity for short-term profit-taking. The cryptocurrency market, known for its notorious volatility, has seen several instances where savvy investors have made significant gains by timing their sales aptly. While the merits of day trading are hotly debated, with the right strategies and keen market insights, maximizing short-term gains remains a valid reason for some to sell their BTC holdings.

    Diversifying one’s investment portfolio is another compelling reason. While Bitcoin has been the poster child of the cryptocurrency revolution, it’s essential to remember that a diversified investment portfolio can mitigate risks. By branching out into other promising cryptocurrencies or entirely different asset classes, investors can potentially shield themselves from unexpected market downturns specific to Bitcoin. Additionally, as the crypto space matures, other coins with unique value propositions are making their mark, further emphasizing the need for diversification.

    Lastly, the ever-looming shadow of regulatory hurdles cannot be ignored. Bitcoin’s decentralized nature has been both its strength and its Achilles’ heel. Governments and regulatory bodies worldwide have expressed concerns, leading to drastic shifts in BTC’s value based on policy decisions or even mere speculations of regulatory interventions. For instance, when major economies hint at potential crackdowns or stringent regulations, Bitcoin’s price often reflects the market’s apprehension. Hence, for those wary of regulatory uncertainty, selling BTC might be a strategy to consider.

    Tools and Strategies for Decision Making

    Navigating the unpredictable waters of Bitcoin requires a combination of tools and strategies. One fundamental tool is technical analysis, which involves a deep dive into charts, trends, and indicators. By understanding these elements, investors can get a sense of potential price movements, allowing them to make more informed decisions. This method largely relies on historical data and patterns to predict future price trajectories.

    However, while the past can offer insights, the world of cryptocurrency is also heavily influenced by real-world events. This is where fundamental analysis comes into play. It focuses on evaluating Bitcoin’s intrinsic value based on external happenings and factors. Everything from regulatory news, technological advancements, to global economic shifts can dramatically impact BTC’s valuation. An investor with a keen sense of these external influences can discern signs of long-term sustainability or potential pitfalls.

    Beyond the numbers and news, emotional intelligence is an underrated yet critical tool in the crypto investment space. The market’s volatile nature can easily sway decisions based on fear or greed. By recognizing and controlling these emotions, investors can avoid making impulsive decisions, ensuring they act in their best interest and in alignment with their long-term goals.

    Benefits of Holding BTC (HODLing)

    The philosophy of “HODLing” Bitcoin, derived from a misspelled word meaning to hold onto the cryptocurrency and not sell, has gained significant traction over the years, and for good reasons. One of the main drivers behind this strategy is Bitcoin’s demonstrated long-term growth potential. A cursory glance at Bitcoin’s historical trajectory showcases a steady appreciation in value over the years, despite intermittent market downturns. Many proponents argue that the potential for continued growth, driven by finite supply and increasing demand, makes holding onto the digital asset a prudent decision.

    Moreover, Bitcoin’s very essence, underpinned by the principles of decentralization, positions it as an instrument of financial freedom. It allows individuals to operate outside the confines of traditional banking systems, reducing dependency on centralized institutions. By holding onto Bitcoin, many see an opportunity to hedge against inflation, especially in economies where local currencies are depreciating.

    Another noteworthy observation is Bitcoin’s surge towards mainstream acceptance. No longer a fringe asset, today’s Bitcoin narrative is underscored by a growing number of businesses, both large and small, accepting it as a legitimate form of payment. Further buoying its prospects is the influx of institutional investors showing a keen interest in the cryptocurrency space. Their involvement lends an added layer of credibility and stability to Bitcoin’s long-term potential, making the case for holding it even more compelling.

    Conclusion

    Ultimately, whether to hold or sell Bitcoin is a personal decision. By understanding its intricacies and leveraging tools, investors can make informed choices aligned with their financial goals.

  • 2019: PDP in dilemma over presidential campaign in S/West

    The leadership of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) appears to be in a dilemma on how to design the appropriate campaign message to woo voters in the Southwest geopolitical zone for its presidential candidate, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar.

    Starting from tomorrow, the various political parties will commence their presidential campaigns in line with the campaign timeline released by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

    Presently, the PDP cannot boast of any of its key positions occupied by members from the Southwest at the national level within the party hierarchy.

    The highest position held by the Southwest in the party’s hierarchy is that of Deputy National Chairman (Southwest) which is being occupied by Elder Yemi Akinwonmi from Ogun State.

    Investigation conducted by our correspondent at the weekend revealed that it was one of the key issues that dominated discussions in a meeting held by the party’s presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, with key party stakeholders in Abuja Wednesday night.

    Those that attended the Wednesday meeting included the PDP National Chairman, Prince Uche Secondus; President of the Senate, Dr. Bukola Saraki; governors elected on the platform of the party, among others.

    Our correspondent gathered that some stakeholders have pointed out that the All Progressives Congress (APC) having Vice President Yemi Osinbajo as running mate to President Muhammadu Buhari may constitute an uphill task for the PDP campaign in the Southwest.

    On the other hand, the PDP has picked Atiku’s running mate, Mr. Peter Obi, from Anambra State in the Southeast geopolitical zone while the party’s National Chairman, Prince Uche Secondus is from Rivers State in the South-South geopolitical zone.

    This, according to some of strategists, has stripped the Southwest of any representation in key positions within the PDP.

    In their submission, this makes the situation more difficult for the opposition party, considering the fact that the entire six states in the Southwest are being controlled by the APC.

    Moreover, the fact that the Buhari administration also parades a number of South Westerners in key positions in his cabinet and other key federal agencies may also give the ruling party an edge in the zone.

    They cited the Ministry of Power, Works and Housing manned by one of the prominent sons of the Southwest, Mr. Babatunde Fashola.

    There is also the case of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) which is being headed by another South Westerner, Mr. Babatunde Fowler from Lagos State.

    Similarly, some analysts have argued that restructuring the country, which the PDP has projected as one of its key campaign points, is an elitist concept that does not strike any chord with the voting masses in the zone.

    “For instance, what is the Yoruba word for restructuring and how do you pass the message across to the market women, artisans and the masses that form the bulk of the voting population?” a PDP chieftain who spoke on condition of anonymity asked.

    The source also described the positions of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SFG) and that of the Speaker of House of Representatives which the PDP promised the Southwest as uncertain, stressing that it is only if the PDP wins the Presidency that that can be fulfilled.

    In a swift reaction, however, the spokesman for the PDP, Kola Ologbondiyan, disagreed with the postulations, saying that prevailing circumstances have changed voting dynamics in the country

    Speaking with our correspondent on the telephone yesterday, Ologbondiyan said: “Nigerians are not talking about who occupies certain positions. They are interested in who can give them power and make ease of doing business available.

    “Nigerians are interested in who can save them from hunger, starvation, killings, bloodletting and all the pain that the Buhari government has imposed on them.

    “The issue is not about who occupies what positions; it is about that candidate that understands the nuances of our nation. That candidate that can turn our economy around and make life better for Nigerians.

    “Having said that, it’s important to state that the PDP is interested in the value of life. The PDP is interested in the equitable distribution of wealth in the nation. The PDP is interested in making life better for the average Nigerian.

    “As such, every group and every geopolitical zone will be well captured and well represented when we form government.

    “This is the type of division that the Buhari administration has continued to set Nigerians against one another with all manner of ethnic crises. But Nigerians have come to resent this approach.

    “It is unfortunate that even the President is so insensitive to the plight of Nigerians that he does not realise that this is not the time Nigerians will be thinking about who comes from where.

    For now, Nigerian are only keen on good governance.”

  • 2019 poll: Obasanjo’s camp in dilemma over choice of party

    2019 poll: Obasanjo’s camp in dilemma over choice of party

    •CNM to adopt SDP for Ekiti governorship poll in July – Osuntokun

    With 341 days to the commencement of the 2019 general elections the Obasanjo-inspired Coalition for Nigeria Movement (CNM) remains undecided on which party to pitch its tent with.

    While some loyalists of the former President are in favour of working with the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), some prefer the Social Democratic Party (SDP), while some are agitating for a party which will be an hybrid of politicians from PDP, SDP, the All Progressives Congress (APC) and others.

    Investigation revealed that despite Obasanjo’s personal membership drive for CNM, the group is in a dilemma over the platform to use.

    Its planned growth into a “a third force which must put the youth of the country at the forefront in the struggle to rescue the country from the muck it is enmeshed in,” also appears stunted.

    Obasanjo, in outlining the vision of the Third Force on January 24 had spoken of “one choice left to take us out of Egypt to the promised land. And that is the coalition of the concerned and the willing – ready for positive and drastic change, progress and involvement. Change that will give hope and future to all our youths and dignity and full participation to all our women.”

    Many Nigerians, especially politicians being recruited into CNM, are now  worried that the group is yet to  be decisive three months to the governorship poll in Ekiti State and six months to that of  Osun State.

    Some of those who have opted for CNM are of the view that  the group should have “a bearing” by now as was  the case with APC which spent two years to plot the ouster of the administration of ex-President Goodluck Jonathan and PDP.

    A highly placed source who is familiar with development in the CBM said: “Obasanjo and some members of CNM are not interested in collaborating with PDP against APC.

    “Having torn his PDP membership card, it would amount to a volte face for Obasanjo to work with the same structure.

    “Some CNM leaders and loyalists of Obasanjo have a strong opinion that PDP is a solid and subsisting opposition structure which could be better for CNM.

    The source said some leaders of CNM find it difficult to work with Prof. Jerry Gana, Prof. Tunde Adeniran, Chief Olu Falae, Shehu Gabam and some SDP leaders who they suspect to be loyalists of former Military President Ibrahim Babangida and a former Minister of Defence, Gen. Theophilus Danjuma.

    “Since Obasanjo defeated Falae in 1999 presidential election, they have not been sharing any political affinity. Even Falae had to support the candidate of the Labour Party, ex-Governor Olusegun Mimiko against a PDP candidate in Ondo State,” the source said.

    “The third alternative is to look for a neutral party which will accommodate elements from APC, PDP SDP and other parties. It is a kind of an hybrid party.

    “There is no consensus on where we are headed. Yet, the CNM wants to use the July poll in Ekiti and the September elections in Osun as a litmus test for 2019 general elections.”

    But a reliable source in CNM said: “There is a lot more to the coalition. Other than ex-President Obasanjo, no one can say which platform we will use. There is no point rushing to a party or forming one just to fulfil all righteousness.

    “The political situation in the country is still very fluid. Look at what is happening to APC

    “Forming a party is not an end in itself; it is a means to an end. Our ultimate objective is the Presidential Election, we believe time is still on our side.

    “Those who want to join the CNM are still in APC and PDP. We are waiting for prime movers who are still in APC and PDP.”

    In a chat with our correspondent last night, a leader of CNM, Chief Akin Osuntokun (a former Managing Director of the News Agency of Nigeria) said the group will collaborate with SDP in Ekiti State during the governorship poll in July.

    He said: “We are doing that (collaboration) with SDP because it is inevitable election is coming and we have to be mindful of the timeline.

    “It does not mean we (CNM leaders) have finally resolved to work with SDP. We have only asked our people to contest on SDP platform.”

    There have been speculations that  the Coalition for Nigeria Movement (CNM) may recommend any of the three ex-governors it is wooing as presidential candidate  in 2019.

    The ex-governors are Rabiu Kwankwaso, Sule Lamido, and Ibrahim Shekarau who are all from the North-West as Buhari.

    The  CNM claims to be a movement that “seeks to promote and ensure socio-economic development, improvement, growth, social justice, egalitarianism, cohesion, cooperation, equity, equality of opportunity, transparency, societal order, rule of law, human security and human rights leading to national unity, good governance and general well-being and the welfare of all citizens and inhabitants of Nigeria.”

     

  • The dilemma of a rapist (4)

    The dilemma of a rapist (4)

    IN 1992, in the month of April to be precise, my landlord’s daughter was wedding and the lots fell on us the tenants to show support; not necessarily in the area of money, but to support morally. We were involved in the buying of the cows, sending reminders to the invited guests, making sure that those who bought aso ebi paid promptly for them. Baba Landlord , as we fondly called our landlord, openly acknowledged my contribution. It was worth it because I turned myself to the errand boy. The landlord and his wife had been so good to all the tenants, and we felt it was the right time to show my own appreciation.

    On the day of the wedding, we were all gaily dressed. High Chief Apelua, my landlord’s closest friend, jokingly told who cared to listen,how I had looked like a king in the waiting in my buba and sooro with fila elenusonu to match. Some well-to-do men in the neighbourhood put down their vehicles to support the ones on the ground. So, the issue of not partaking because of mobility or cash crunch was not there.

    We got to the church and the service was going on. Suddenly, I got up to ease myself at the back of the church where there were up to twenty toilet rooms. My mind said no. I moved a bit to the right side of the church. There was a girl of about eight years who was plucking flower alongside her brother. I opened my wallet and told the boy to go and buy me cold drink; he wanted to go with the sister. I persuaded him to go alone.

    Before he came back, I was already having my way over the little child, even the shouts ” leave me alone” didn’t dissuade me from going further. May be her brother came back and saw us ; went to call adults. The touch of a hard stick on my head jolted me into the reality.  Somebody out of fury must have done that. Blood welled through my body. The much-talked-about dress that made me look like a king was in tatter.  My expensive suede shoes were thrown into the bush.

    Many came again to look at the mad man that could do such to a minor in the house of the Lord. All eyes were on me! I could see the landlord coming towards where I was held down like a prisoner. He wanted to move forward to plead on my behalf, but I heard the wife saying on top of her voice “Daddy Viola, don’t go near this rapist. Do you ever know him? Answer me, we don’t know him”.

    They went back as the wife held his hand. So also were many faces that we came together in same bus in the morning,  singing joyful songs. Now, I was on my own. Na so life be.

    As I was being taken away by the leader of the Boys Brigade, the clergyman intervened.

    “Kindly bring him closer here,” he said as he looked at me scornfully.

    “No sir, if it is to shield him…..”One of the boys said.

    “Not to shield him from youths. But just release him to me while you all go back to the church,” the clergyman said again ,using one hand to clean his  face.

    “No ! No! No!” The crowd erupted in shouts.

    “ Daddy, we can’t release him to you. We are going to do the Law of Moses here today. If he could be so stupid to come to the Lord’s house for an abominable act, it is of high hope that we should go and dump him inside Olokunrun River, on the way to Igogo,” a woman with beads on her two hands said. She was wearing an  expensive blue lace with white iborun on it.

    It seemed she had an influence on the clergyman and the entire church. Her orders too were carried out with much respect. Later, I got to know she was the brains behind all the key projects in the church. She was highly influential and the vicarage newly built for the church was singlehandedly donated to the church by her.

    Aaaaa!, I was beaten like a Northerner’s cow that refused to go to the Southern part of the country. This folks were brutal to me. They stopped at a kiosk near the Mesirinye shrine, bought ground pepper and sprinkled on my manhood and some of the open wounds. It gave me a sharp pain that peppered me beyond  control. I cried in pain and they burst into laughter.

    By the time we got to the Olokunrun River and saw the crocodiles openly swimming there, I was afraid. I wept aloud ! . I looked into their faces for the first time and begged them.

    “My people, please forgive me. I have suffered too much in your hands; please, let me go home in shame. I am really sorry; I don’t really know what came over me”. I begged them while prostrating.

    “If you like, crawl; we are going to give you to the crocodile alive. They will like that your stupid organ that won’t stay in a place. Say your last prayer…..,” one skinny lady wearing eyeglasses told me without any feeling for me.

    I burst out again weeping and rolling on the floor.

    “Please, give me the last chance. I didn’t do it intentionally. I won’t do it again. This is genuine. Have mercy on me. Pleaseeeee!” I looked into no one in particular.

    As I said this, one man in red suit whispered something into the Boys Brigade leader.  Moments later, about six leaders moved to the riverbank left side to discuss. Later on, they came back and spoke in their native language. They started dispersing one by one.

    But some spat on me, some hissed, some threw pebbles and some kids as young as that girl I raped came closer to touch my John Thomas with cane. Do you blame them? Never!

    By the time they left, I was too weak to get up. My clothes were already torn and burnt by them. Nothing on me. I slept off and it  was the voice of my landlord that woke me the following morning at the riverside.

    Mr. Michael, how do you feel,” he asked as he bent down to lift me up.

    “Daddy, I am ……..” I wanted to speak in order to explain myself.

    “This is not the best time to talk. We must not be seen here by the town people,” he said and lifted me up

    “’Daddy, please let him munch this meat pie so that he can use his medicine,” a light skinned lady that came with them, said  as she put down the basket in her hand down.

    They wore a new dress for me briskly, gave me medicine to eat and later gave me the pain killers to swallow.

    “We will still need to take him to Dr. Moody for treatment because we don’t know if there are some internal bleedings,” the man at the wheel said.

    My landlord was quiet all the way home. He  was disappointed and heartbroken. He only nodded to all the questions his people were asking from him as we drove by. He will look at me, my bruises and then into the sky. He never said anything and I didn’t know his mind.

    My intuition told me he was either taking me to the police, or take me to the end of the town,  where  he must have packed all my belongings; but they were never to be so!

    We drove home and he took me to my apartment where I met his wife and other adults waiting for me. Immediately I saw them, I prostrated to apologise and wept again openly. I felt so bad. One of them beckoned to me to get up,  but I refused. At the end , they carried me up. It was the first time my landlord would open up his mind.

    “Mr. Michael, I am very much confused. I don’t really know how to start my words. I don’t also know what to really say despite the fact that there are many things looming large in my brain. You really disappointed us all; I, for one. I never knew you could do such a thing. Have you been doing it before? Was this the first time? Why? What really lured you to do such a thing? Another thing is the fact that it is the day of your god daughter’s wedding. This is too bad,” he said as he got up to whisper something into his wife’s ear.

    The wife got up. She later came back with a sheet of paper. It was the police report on the girl. It was given to me to read, but instead of doing so; I burst out into tears again! It was so shriek that some of them joined me.

     

    To be continued

  • Money laundering: Dilemma of a conflicted govt

    The controversy surrounding the suspension of Nigeria from the Egmont Group and the outburst of Professor Itse Sagay on the attitude of the Nigerian Government towards the fight against corruption cast a shadow of doubt on the sincerity of the Buhari-led administration.

    In any case, there is so much distrust in Nigeria that people find it difficult to believe that any government can genuinely fight corruption, despite the anti-corruption mantra it rode to victory in the 2015 polls. However, upon a closer examination of key institutions that should assist the government in its endeavor, one sees that it is yet business as usual.

    Nothing has really changed, corruption in the police force has gained momentum, degenerating into absurdity. The Nigerian Police hawks corruption on the streets with impunity, making many question their readiness and willingness to fight corruption. The lackluster approach of the Independent Corrupt Practices and other Offences Commission (ICPC) to the prosecution of perceived offenders and the media prosecution by Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) is quite unfashionable.

    The key concern of the Egmont Group is lack of transparency in the administration of the Nigeria Financial Intelligent Unit (NFIU) under the control and supervision of the EFCC. Nigeria has consistently ignored and reneged on its commitment to make the NFIU independent of government interference as provided under Recommendation 29 of the International Standard set by the Financial Action Task Force (FAFT).

    Despite a change of government in Nigeria, there is little evidence that the Buhari administration is indeed committed to change. The government must embark on key institutional reforms in order to effectively fight corruption and for it to be taken seriously by the international community.  Why do we need to bother over the suspension of Nigeria by the Egmont Group and what exactly are the activities of the Group? The Egmont Group is a body composed of 154 financial intelligence units across the world. It is an informal international association of Financial Intelligent Units (FIU) set up in 1995 to provide a forum for mutual co-operation and to share information.

    The aim of the Egmont Group is to fight money laundering and terrorism financing through exchanges of expertise and financial intelligence.  Anyone familiar with these matters knows that the need for collaboration across borders is informed by the international nature 0f money laundering and terrorism financing. Any country that wants to succeed in its fight against terrorism and money laundering must, therefore, align with the goals and objectives of the Egmont Group. This is why experts and other members of the public were alarmed when it became public that Nigeria’s membership of the group has been suspended. To be clear, the suspension is a fatal blow to the current administration’s fight against corruption and a big threat to Nigeria’s financial system which struggled in recent times.

    The inability of the government to trace the source of funding of Boko Haram and their sponsors till date attest to the vulnerability of the Nigerian’s financial system. It is part of the broad mandate of NFIU to protect the financial system from abuse by terrorists.  The effort of the Nigerian army must be complemented by the NFIU if the fight against insurgency in the North East must be won. No doubt, Boko Haram has sustained its fight against the Nigerian state by exploiting the weaknesses of the country’s financial system. While everyone can appreciate that our national security is threatened by terrorism, we also need to be alert to how our financial system is also compromised by terrorist activities.

    The NFIU like its counterpart around the world is established to carry out the following three basic functions;

    • To act as a central repository of reports of suspicious transactions and other disclosures
    • To analyse the reports received in order to determine which constitute evidence of potential criminality activity.
    • To disseminate the resulting intelligence as part of a country’s efforts at anti-money laundering and combating the financing of terrorism.

    Failure to demonstrate commitment to these functions with regards to the independence of the NFIU defeats the very essence of Nigeria’s membership of the Egmont group.  The Nigerian financial system is part of the global financial system and cannot operate in isolation. Therefore, in order not to be cut off from the rest of the world, the NFIU must be restructured in a manner that confers independence and neutrality.

    The implication of Nigeria’s suspension from the Egmont group has a far-reaching effect.  NFIU is shutdown from accessing the Egmont Secure Web (ESW) and cannot exchange sensitive information with other member countries in order to carry out international investigation. Nigerian banks may soon be unable to enjoy corresponding banking services which may hamper international monetary transactions and trade.

    The cooperation Nigeria enjoys from other FIUs in the recovery of looted funds will be withdrawn whilst International donor agencies may redirect international intervention funds to other countries within the Egmont Group.  If nothing is done before the deadline set by the Egmont Group, Nigeria will eventually make the list of Non-Cooperating Countries and Territories. Dealing with Nigerian banks will require enhanced due diligence by other financial institutions around the world. We certainly do not want these needless hassles.

    Considering the inappropriate manner the NFIU is being managed under the EFCC, we are faced with a grave concern, especially because the NFIU is deprived of the credibility it deserves. The NFIU has been accused of divulging confidential information and constantly leaking sensitive intelligence to political interest groups and the media.  If there is any truth in this allegation, then the trust component of the mutual cooperation among members of the Egmont Group is eroded and undermined by the NFIU. There is, therefore, a need to restructure the NFIU itself, a process that can take different forms.

    However, it must be stated that having the NFIU under the EFCC is not the problem as it were; it is the body’s lack of independence within the EFCC that needs to be addressed. There are different models of FIUs that may be considered outside the current model. The most important factor in any structure or model is independence of the NFIU.

    • To be continued next week
  • Black Man’s Dilemma: Forty years later

    Black Man’s Dilemma: Forty years later

    Black Man’s Dilemma by Chief Areoye Oyebola, veteran journalist and former editor of Daily Times, was first published in 1976 on the eve of the Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture (FESTAC). With its sweeping indictment of the black race, it was an unpleasant rain on the parade of black folks demanding recognition and respect from a hostile world. The review was mixed. While some commended his objectivity, others wondered how a fellow black can be so dismissive of his kind?

    Chief Oyebola revised the book in 2002, and shortly after, he kindly sent me a signed copy with his compliments. I carefully read through several times, and each time different emotions consumed me: bitterness, resentment, sadness and shame. While I felt like screaming aloud at several points in protest of chilling statements, I soldiered on till the end.

    Black Man’s Dilemma came up again last Saturday when a thoughtful and intelligent political activist, Architect Abiodun Adepoju (Abbey), paid me a visit. Abbey was the first Chairman of the Social Democratic Party, USA (SDP-USA) in the 1990s and was deeply involved in the pre- and post-annulment strategic meetings and rallies.

    As with almost every private and social conversations of Nigerians in the diaspora, our social evening soon turned on the state of the nation. “What is going on with NASS? Why is APC working against its interest? Why is the President’s anti-corruption war suffering defeat?

    What is the matter with our oligarchs that they cannot mobilise their financial resources to revamp the educational system?  In the face of serious recession and acute foreign exchange shortage, must we send young children to expensive schools abroad and get them exposed to all kinds of abuses and cultural deprivation? Why are our mega churches in the business of for-profit educational ventures when missionaries who had no biological relationship with us gave us good education at substantially subsidised rates?

    We went back and forth, diving into the history of our villages and our ethnic nation, the fratricidal wars that our forebears fought, and their unwitting facilitation of the barbaric trade in humans, the European partition of Africa and the ensuing colonial imposition, the struggle for and achievement of flag independence and the inability to run the affairs of the state justly and fairly. The question is “Is it in the genes we inherited or in the choices we made?” If the former, what hope is there unless there is a bright prospect for genetic modification? If the latter, can we collectively change the doomed course we are on by changing the choices we make?

    Out of the blues, Abbey recalled Black Man’s Dilemma. He had read it many years ago and was beginning to appreciate the thesis of the book. For as it turned out, the problem of Nigeria is the problem of black people in general.

    Oyebola asked several biting questions, all of which can make the soul of black folk groan in pain. If humanity originated from Africa, and “all races, including the black race, have behind them a past of approximately equal length, why must our own remain behind in material progress?” Ouch!

    While some assumptions, for example, of black people loitering around while others were making progress, appear to underestimate the impact of enslavement and colonialism on the course that we might have taken, there can be no denying the fact that, all things considered, “we have wasted our time while others were battling day and night to conquer nature and make their environment better than they found them.”

    We may romanticise and congratulate ourselves on our so-called relationship of mutuality with nature. We do not approach nature as conquerors, only as co-sojourners in God’s vineyard. But the extent to which this posture is a genuine choice rather than a forced one must be determined.

    In both the 1976 edition and the revised edition of 2002, Oyebola identified “three intriguing facts about the black race.” First, “no Black Country has ever made a breakthrough to modernity.” Second, about 20 million black Africans were captured and transported to the Americas as slaves. Third, the black race is relatively backward “vis-a-vis other races of the world.”

    For the author, “black people have no country to be proud of in terms of its great inventions and discoveries, its technical equipment and political power.” This is obviously sweeping. Oyebola himself referenced the great kingdoms of Mali, Songhai and Ghana. To this we may add the Oyo empire and the Sokoto caliphate. And we must not forget the impact of enslavement and colonialism on what might have been.

    But Oyebola’s thesis is inescapable: “the point that has always made me sad is that after so many years of political independence, there is still very slim possibility of a black country making a breakthrough to modernity.” If this is a fair assessment, the question remains why is it so and what can be done about it?

    Taking Nigeria as an example, Oyebola lamented that the hope he had about her taking “giant steps towards technological, economic and socio-political development, has turned out to be a misplaced hope.” Why? I think there are many reasons.

    First, the structure bequeathed to the new nation by her erstwhile rulers was inimical to genuine development and perhaps it was deliberately meant to be so for their obvious self-interest. Unfortunately, the inheritors of the structure failed to avoid the land mine. They walked straight into it.

    Second, backwardness in material and moral terms is not in our genes, it is in our choices. And it has always been so even in our pre-slavery and pre-colonial times. Like other races and kingdoms, the founders of our various political enclaves craved greatness, with very little concern for their subjects. And while they built great armies to defend their kingdoms and empires, the focus was the king and his coterie of loyal cabinet who enforced the inbuilt constitutional provisions against the excesses of the king. Therefore, the king and the cabinet only had to be in sync. Even this rudiment of protection against excesses was soon rendered obsolete by the colonial powers who needed an authority with effective powers as their proxy.

    This model of strong executive with weak opposition led us to independence and it was embraced by the new regional and federal governments. If you can do what you want without the fear of an effective opposition, and if you understand power as an instrument of greatness, then you are most likely to approach your political power in terms of your egoistic interests. Whether in the civilian or military era, this has always been the sad story of our politics. It has not been any different in the last 16 years. It is, therefore, not a surprise that we are not having a breakthrough to modernity.

    Oyebola observes that while Asians, Europeans and Americans are “massively investing their human and material resources in the application of scientific, engineering and technological research, thereby transforming their production, industrial and social welfare systems, Nigeria and other black countries pay minimal attention to research.” The mindset is different here than there. Here Governor Wike prefers to set up “trust fund” for the welfare of pastors in a country where the constitution unambiguously separates church and state, even if the schools in his state are lacking essential equipment and infrastructure.

    Chief Oyebola did not just criticise, he also offered suggestions on the way forward if Nigeria and the black race in general will make it to modernity. Self-discipline, which is grossly lacking in both leaders and followers, is one of his many suggestions.

    Corruption, the most dangerous enemy of development, is a cancerous outgrowth of indiscipline. Corruption drains the blood of the national economy, making it too unhealthy to invest adequately in education and research. Yet, originality of thought in governance and development, which Oyebola emphasised as essential for a breakthrough, can only be realised through heavy investment in human intellect. Choosing between mental revolution and collective atrophy should not pose a dilemma. Forty years later, the choice is clear.

     

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  • The police chief’s dilemma

    The police chief’s dilemma

    DO Nigerians still hold the contentious title of the world’s happiest people?

    I am not sure now, just as I wasn’t a few years ago when some researchers, apparently aware of our rare passion for vacuous recognitions, garlanded us with that disputable honour. It is, however, sure that we are a fastidious lot. We are hard to please as we find fault in any venture, no matter the nobility of its intentions and the dexterity of its delivery.

    If you doubt this assertion, ask police chief Ibrahim Kpotun Idris. Shortly after he was named the acting Inspector- General in June, Idris moved fast to consolidate his grip on the seat.

    Not a man of great eloquence, the police chief is no doubt a man of action. In his first major press conference, the former traffic officer accused his predecessor, Solomon Arase, of going away with a fleet of 24 vehicles, among them two exotic BMW 7 Series, one of which is   bullet proof. Idris lamented that he was left with an old car.

    Arase defended his integrity, saying he never went away with 24 cars as alleged by his successor. “What am I going to do with 24 cars? Do I want to open a car shop?” Arase asked angrily. He described the allegation as malicious and advised his successor to face the security situation in the land “rather than engage in media propaganda”.

    Poor Idris. He cut a pitiful picture of a guard hurled on harm’s way after his arms had been stolen while he was asleep. Not one to be easily deterred from pursuing any cause he considers noble and elevating, he refused to allow such a matter of national importance go away like a village market row between two overfed women. He raised a Special Investigation Panel (SIP) to probe the number of cars the police had bought in the last three years and who got them.

    So bad was the situation that Idris took his plight to the court of public opinion. He said: “The last time I followed the President with it he was asking me, ‘what are you doing with this old car’ because if you see the headlight, the thing has changed colour, which means they parked it and rains and everything had fallen on it, but the new ones that were bought, he (Arase) went with all of them; they are part of the 24.”

    Unknown to the IG, he had stirred up a hornet’s nest. Instead of sympathising with him and displaying the deep empathy such a grave situation deserves, those inconsiderate and implacable fellows who will never see anything good in any public official descended on him. What does he need a big car for? Does he need a BMW to pursue criminals? Should that be his first headache? What will he do if Arase decides not to surrender the cars? Was he appointed to ride cars?

    They were unsparing and scurrilous in their upbraiding of the police chief. It was as if he had committed murder, one of those despicable crimes he was hired to fight. Trust Idris, who had spent 17 years in the elite Mobile Force, the one referred to dreadfully as “Kill and go” on account of its extrajudicial actions. He took it all on the chin.

    But then he had become a marked police chief. Every step he took became a subject of unbridled attacks by those fellows, the armchair critics who hide under various shadowy nomenclatures, such as public affairs analyst, public commentator, security expert and other funny titles.

    Apparently reacting to the outcry over extrajudicial killings, Idris threatened to order psychiatric tests for his men. The rumour mongers, who never weighed the merit of the Acting IG’s logic – that no sane policeman will fire at innocent citizens – descended on him.

    They screamed: Is that the problem? When will this man get serious and know that policing is serious business and not a plate of salad washed down with a bottle of French wine? Will he lead the way? Shouldn’t such tests have been administered at the point of entry? Who will pay for the tests?

    Even some of those to be tested were said to have been deriding the idea, whispering: na test we go chop?

    Obviously mindful of being seen as impassive to reason, Idris is yet to carry out his threat – despite the risk of being scorned by an ever fickle public as a weak police chief who lacks the courage to implement his plans.

    Not done with hurling invectives at the IG, those unrepentant traducers of all patriotic public servants started to blame him for the negligible few policemen who guard civilians, especially our prized politicians and businessmen who, according to the critics, have turned the officers to errand boys. They claim that policemen still carry handbags for the wives and concubines of the rich and powerful. Is that true? Even if it is, how many do?

    Besides, they insist, as usual without  any iron-clad proof, that checkpoints remain with us despite the fact that they had been banned a long time ago. Haba. Let us be fair. Did Idris order the return of checkpoints? Why should he carry the can for that? Can any police chief be so ubiquitous as to see everything going on the land?

    Of all the allegations against the police chief, none has been as vociferous as those concerning the fellow who named his dog Buhari. The story is a familiar one. A trader, Joachim Iroko (no relation of the one who governs Ondo) Chinakwe, 40, named his dog Buhari, inscribed the name on the animal and walked it in an area with a large concentration of people of an ethnic group. The police grabbed him and threw him into detention.

    He had barely spent three days when a huge outcry broke out from the human rights community and ordinary Nigerians whose business is to mind other people’s business. The police would not be distracted  by the hullaballoo. They did a thorough investigation of this all-important and delicate case.

    They charged Citizen  Chinakwe with conduct likely to cause a breach of peace. For ease of reference, the charge: “That you, Joachim Iroko, aka Joe, and others still at large,on Saturday August 13, 2016, at about 5.30pm at the Ketere area, Sango in the Ota Magisterial District did conduct yourselves in a manner likely to cause breach of the peace, by writing a name, Buhari, on a dog and parading same in the Hausa section of Ketere Market, Sango, thereby committing an offence contrary to and punishable under Section 249 (d) of the Criminal Law of Ogun State, Nigeria, 2016.”

    Chief Magistrate B.J. Ojikutu admitted Chinakwe to bail in the sum of N50,000, which took his humble family a tortuous while to raise.

    Instead of praising the unusually speedy investigation of this seditious matter, the so-called critics jumped onto the train of the huge group of emergency animal rights activists that had sprouted like wild mushrooms in the wake of the matter. They lashed onto it to pound our Acting IG and his men. Besides, they tried to surreptitiously drag President Muhammadu Buhari into the fray by claiming that his was the Buhari inscribed on Chinakwe’s dog. Whatever happened to the respect we accord our leaders and their offices.

    Where are Chinakwe’s accomplices? Isn’t naming a pet an inalienable right of its owner? Are there limits to where a dog or any pet can be paraded? Where is the dog, the star exhibit in this case?

    Another police chief would have ordered Chinakwe flown to Abuja, hustled on by an army of  armed guards to prevent his accomplices – they are still at large, you know – from storming the airport to free him. In Abuja, he would have been bundled before a judge of controversial standing who would have banged his head with impossible bail terms, including a surety who must be a director at the Presidency and who must own property in Asokoro. The court, needless to say, would have sat under the tightest security our police chiefs could muster– mounted guards, Bomb Disposal Unit, Marine Police, Dog  Unit and all.

    Not Idris’ humane police. Chinakwe was simply brought before a discretionary  magistrate who gave him bail on liberal terms. The treasonable tension and canine conducts generated by the big dog issue died almost immediately. But, no thanks to the much discredited analysts, the police have got no kudos.

    Why are our people so difficult to please?

  • APC and dilemma of winning candidate

    APC and dilemma of winning candidate

    First, a disclosure: One of the APC aspirants in Ondo State, Tunji Light Ariyomo, is my own aburo and one of young men and women with whom I was in the trenches on the platform of Kick Out Siddon Look (KOSiL) at the start of the battle to reclaim Nigeria from the misrule of the past decade. A number of them on my team like Prof. Pius Adesanmi, Safiyah Musa, Soni Akoji, etc. went on to be key  instruments on the Social Media in bringing about the electoral success of Gen. Muhammadu Buhari. So if the reader senses bias, please use the ‘bias’ as a soothing balm on the body knowing fully it is for the greater good.

    There is a general belief in Ondo State that the incumbent governor, Dr. Olusegun Mimiko, has lost the tremendous goodwill he enjoyed at the inception of his first term. The people are embittered that Mimiko failed to guide the economy of the state or direct its surplus resources towards higher alternative non-oil productive activities during the period of boom in order to position the sunshine state as a sustainable economic model. The inability to pay salaries for months further compounded the domestic woes and has shattered what was once a rosy relationship between the government and civil servants.  While it is not in doubt that the incumbent has indeed become unpopular, it is however a myth to assume that public hatred for Mimiko would automatically translate into public acceptance of the APC.

    A few days ago, words filtered into towns in Ondo State that Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu has adopted one of the 24 governorship aspirants of the party. He was reported to have invited key party leaders which included Chief Pius Akinyelure (South West Chairman of the party), Isaac Kekemeke (state party Chairman), Chairman of Chairmen of Wards and other strategic leaders to a parley on the subject where he purportedly directed them to mobilise support for Dr. Olusegun Abraham, a Lagos based business man.

    The reactions in the state, traditionally noted for its republican nature, was predictable with cries of “Ondo will not bow to a foreign god” renting the air while Dr. Tunji Abayomi, speaking on behalf of majority of the aspirants pointedly rejected the intervention of Tinubu describing it as an effort targeted at robbing the people of their right to elect their leaders. A statement issued by the Public Relations Officer of the party, Omo’ba Abayomi Adesanya rejected any form of imposition and insisted that the party would conduct a free and fair primary election on August 27 2016.

    For the records, it must be admitted that Asiwaju Tinubu, like any other democrat, has an inalienable right to support the candidate of his choice. To posit otherwise is to deny him that fundamental right. And that much he has himself eloquently asserted in a published rejoinder to Dr Abayomi.

    The politics of endorsement nonetheless, it must be admitted that the stake is high for the APC in Ondo State. If beaten by PDP in November, it would be counted as a second of such electoral shellacking. The PDP is however enmeshed in internal crisis of its own with aspirants opting to collect forms from two separate national leaderships – the Sheriff-Makarfi dichotomy. That notwithstanding, Dr. Mimiko, the incumbent governor has proven his ability to reinvent himself during crisis. The general claim or perception that he is unpopular is not immutable. His capability to swing a surprise – especially with the right strategy can only be ignored by the politically naive.

    Events in the APC does not however indicate that such capacity for ultra-subterfuge has been factored into consideration by the party’s leadership especially as reflected in the putative choice of candidate. For instance, while Mimiko has effectively cashed in on the sentiment and determination of the Akure people to produce the next governor based upon the sentiment that only the kingdom is yet to produce a democratically elected governor among the major ethnic units since the creation of the state, the APC appears willing to risk picking its candidate from anywhere while dismissing claims of the Akure to higher numerical strength during election, even though corroborated by the results of previous elections. There has been a debate that Akure is cosmopolitan. Such arguments however disregard the host-bandwagon effect in previous elections which showed that residents of Akure have tended to vote in the direction of their hosts. Also, in all previous elections, whoever won at the state capital won the overall election.

    Furthermore, from a strictly strategic point of view, Eyitayo Jegede, the supposed choice of Mimiko has admirable qualities –  brilliant, professional and youthful – that could pose a serious electoral wreck for the APC if the party does not re-strategise and project its own bright lights.

    This is the dilemma faced by the APC and by extension its leader, Asiwaju Tinubu. While any of the heavyweight candidates from the Northern senatorial district such as Ajayi Boroffice, Jamiu Ekungba, Victor Olabintan, Rotimi Akeredolu, Jumoke Anifowose are desirable, Mimiko the incumbent has realised that the Central senatorial district, particularly, Akure will hold the ace in November, hence his carefully head-hunted choice. His decision is not unlikely to have taken into consideration the unprecedented cohesion and fanatical loyalty with which the Akures have so far pursued the governorship quest. The towering figure in the South in contrast is Olusola Oke but for his discomfiting  association with the 16 year misrule of the PDP at the topmost level and the fractional spread of the ethnic composition of the South which may not guarantee a unidirectional bulk vote this time. Regardless, he is still a good choice as he can hold his own in any campaign setting.

    The central senatorial district has the likes of Tayo Alasoadura, Tunji Light Ariyomo, Ayo Akinyelure, Niyi Adegbonmire, Abiodun Derin Adesida and Akinwale Akingbade. From a strictly strategic point of view, the APC aspirants from this region that evoke a similar sense of sterling attributes that match that of Eyitayo Jegede are Tunji Ariyomo, an infrastructure and energy engineer and Niyi Adegbonmire, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria. While little is known of the latter in public service, on Ariyomo, a former Minister of Environment, Laraba Mallam from Kaduna State, recently highlighted his singular contributions that resulted into several billions of Naira in earnings for the federal government. He also has a  reputation within the state for performance as a result of his notable job creation initiatives.

     

    • Fagbenle, a commentor, wrote from Lagos

     

     

     

     

  • Religion as dilemma for liberal democracy

    Religion as dilemma for liberal democracy

    On the one hand, for the liberalism in liberal democracy, with its undiluted commitment to freedom of thought, conscience and action, takes religious freedom as a fundamental freedom. The freedom of religion in liberal democracy connotes the right and the capability of an individual to practise a religion of his or her choice without fear of persecution or molestation. This freedom is unquestionable and it is not subject to social or political constraint.

    On the other hand, the democracy component of liberal democracy captures the collective character of the political community and its implication for common action and governance. Liberalism can accommodate a loner without any problem though it’s unclear why a loner would need a liberal theory in the first place. Where there is a multitude, however, there’s an assurance of a clash of freedoms and the need for a means of resolving those conflicts. Democracy is the choice of many modern societies, including Nigeria. Thus, liberalism, with its commitment to individual freedoms combines with democracy with its commitment to the sovereignty of the people as the foundation of government.

    The freedom of religion or freedom of conscience which liberalism affirms unequivocally for the individual, like other freedoms, must now have to be reconciled with or accommodated in a whole gamut of freedoms claimed by other individuals in a democracy. It soon becomes clear then that the freedom considered absolute for a loner is anything but in a democratic society where there is a clash of multitudes of individual freedoms at stake.

    Herein lies the dilemma for a progressive committed to the sanctity and advancement of liberal democracy. On the one hand, that commitment requires an unequivocal respect for the individual freedoms recognised by liberalism including freedom of religion. On the other hand, that commitment also requires a pragmatic approach that recognises the destructive nature of absolutist conceptions of freedoms, including freedom of religion in a pluralistic setting. It requires an understanding that there have to be restrictions of freedom of religion.The mark of statesmanship is the ability to navigate the two horns of this cruel dilemma.

    Fortunately, we are not in an uncharted territory. From liberal democratic theorists and constitutional provisions, we have the outlines of a compelling approach to resolving the dilemma.

    Thus, we only need to be reminded of the dictum of the apostle of liberalism with regard to the liberty of thought and action. The only reason why a person can be punished for an action, according to John Stuart Mill, is that it harms other people. From this it is clear that a defence of individual freedom will not fly where a person’s action or speech affects others.

    But if we can punish an individual after the fact that his or her action adversely affects others, we can or at least should act to prevent the performance of that action to the extent that it is possible. Prevention, after all, is always better than cure.It is this preventative approach that constitutional provisions, statutes and policies are designed to pursue in clear statements and enforceable codes.

    Constitutions vary in terms of such provisions with some as ultra-liberals favouring as much liberty as possible and some as ultra conservatives with as much restrictions as possible. The US is an example of the former. Iran is an example of the latter.

    With our multiplicity of religions, our constitution pragmatically steers the middle course between unconstrained freedom and unbridled regulation in the matter of religion. It endorses the secularity of the state with a freedom clause that grants the freedom to choose and practise one’s religion without persecution or molestation and an establishment clause that prohibits the state from adopting a religion.

    Despite the constitutional guarantee of religious freedom, however, nations have witnessed varieties of violations including the persecution and harassment of citizens on the basis of religious differences. Indeed, religious conflict has become one the most virulent in our contemporary world.Nigeria has had its disproportionate share of this malady with Maitatsine sect in the 1980s and now Boko Haram, both confined to the North.When the constitution fails to protect, what does a leader do? In particular, what does a progressive government do to prevent religious bigotry and protect its citizens?

    This is presumably the question that Governor El-Rufai of Kaduna State was compelled to ask himself. The answer that he came up with in the form of a new legislation to combat the cancer of religious intolerance has been the subject of media interpretation with commentators breaking for or against him. A few in the latter group, including a Christian cleric, has pronounced a death sentence on the governor unless he withdraws the bill. What more evidence does one need for the vitality of religious extremism?

    Incidentally, El-Rufai’s bill is not totally original. It is a rehash of a 1984 bill that sought to serve the same purpose, but which had not received the kind of scrutiny that the new bill has received and had not been effectively enforced over the years.

    A key provision of the bill requires the licensing of preachers in the state. This is to be done by the Inter-Faith Ministerial Committee to be set up by the governor and which is to have a supervisory control over the two Committees of Jama’atu Nasir Islam (JNI) and Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) respectively. These committees are to keep records of churches and mosques as well as the data of preachers in the state. Local Government Area Committees are to keep a register of preachers in their localities and screen their applications for preaching licences with recommendations to the Ministerial Committee. The latter may reject or approve and where it approves, the committees of the major religions are to issue the licences to their respective preachers.

    There is restriction on the playing of cassettes, CDs and other religious recordings (which must not contain any abusive language against persons or religions) to the privacy of individual homes or places of worship. Provision is also made for punishment for infraction of any of the provisions.

    There is little if any doubt with respect to the good intentions of the governor. In any case, it is difficult if not impossible to discern the motive of any individual talk less of a politician. However, one must always give the benefit of the doubt especially in a case such as this when we are confronted at every point of our national life with violent extremism. A leader has an obligation to think clearly and initiate ideas and policies that respond effectively to the challenge. I want to believe that this is what has motivated Governor El-Rufai in the direction of a new or rehashed legislation.

    Is it constitutional? Will it work? Some have argued that the bill violates the constitution because it restricts the freedom of religion that the constitution guarantees. This is not a valid argument because the constitution itself provides for the restriction of the freedom that it grants “in the interest of defence, public safety, public order, public morality, etc. and for the protection of “the rights and freedoms of other persons.”

    The major worry is whether and how the law will work if and when passed by the legislators and signed by the governor. It is unclear if the two major religions whose leaders are already up in arms against the bill will cooperate in its implementation. But it is equally unclear why these bodies are assigned the role of registrars when they do not represent every Christian or Islamic organisation or sect.

    Assume, however, that the issue of requisite committees is resolved, how are culprits to be apprehended and punished? The bill charges the Local Government Committee with the function of ensuring compliance with the terms of the licence issued. Presumably the same committees are responsible for apprehending violators and prosecuting them. The matter of enforcement will make or mar the bill if and when it becomes law. It is important, therefore, to be as clear as possible on the locus of responsibility for enforcement.

  • Endless dilemma in Anambra PDP

    Endless dilemma in Anambra PDP

    Since the Supreme Court gave the judgement that recognised the Ejike Oguebego-led State Working Committee of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the prolonged crisis in the state chapter of the party has become even more complicated, reports Associate Editor, Sam Egburonu

    At the peak of the confusion arising from the squabble over the leadership of Anambra State chapter of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), observers had expressed the hope that the Supreme Court’s ruling on the matter would resolve the prolonged leadership crisis. But since the apex court gave its ruling on January 29, 2016, the mystification seemed to have rather deepened.

    It would be recalled that before the general election last year, Ejike Oguebego and Ken Emakayi were both laying claims to the chairmanship of the state chapter of PDP in the state. When the matter was brought before the Federal High Court, it ruled that the Oguebego-led executive was the only constitutionally recognised faction. This ruling was appealed up to the Supreme Court, even as both the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the PDP seemed rather confused over the intrigues that have trailed the PDP saga in the South-East state.

    So, as the learned justices of the apex court studied the matter for the final ruling, everybody thought their verdict will put an end to the prolonged confusion. But the suspense has been sustained since then as the joy of the recognised Oguebego- led faction of the party, which the judgement favoured, was deliberately put on hold by the very officials that should carry out the rulings.

    The tussle

    The drama can be traced back to September 12, 2013, when Justice H.A. Ngajiwa of the Federal High Court, in a judgement in suit FHC/PH/CS/2013 (now FHC/AWK/CS/247/2013), first affirmed Oguebego and members of his team as constituting the authentic executive committee of the PDP in Anambra State.

     The plaintiffs had asked the court to recognise a former state chairman of the party, Ken Emekayi, and some others as the authentic PDP executive in Anambra State. But the judge refused that prayer.

    But in defiance to the order made by Ngajiwa, directing INEC and the PDP to “recognise and deal” with only the Oguebego-led executive, the PDP went ahead to set up a caretaker committee, which organised primaries that submitted the list containing the names of Senator Andy Uba and Senator Stella Odua, Senator Uche Ekwunife, and the rest of the legislators as its candidates.

    INEC obeyed the order and published the names of the candidates that emerged winners in the primary election conducted by Oguebego and monitored by INEC. But weeks later, the Court of Appeal in Abuja set aside the Federal High Court judgement and affirmed the Emekayi’s faction of the state executive committee.

    The table turned again when Oguebego and another member of his state executive committee, Chuks Okoye, appealed against the judgement. PDP, INEC and another member of the party in the state, Chukwudi Okasia, were joined in the suit as respondents.

    A five-man panel of the Supreme Court, led by Justice Sylvester Ngwuta, unanimously affirmed the earlier verdict delivered by Justice Evoh Chukwu of the Federal High Court in Abuja on December 15, 2014, which had affirmed the Oguebego-led executive committee of the party, along with the primaries conducted by it, and its list of candidates that emerged from the exercise.

    Ruling in favour of Oguebego on January 29, Justice John Okoro, who read the lead judgement of the apex court, upturned the verdict of the Appeal Court on the grounds that its decision was based “on a wrong appreciation of the claim of the appellants before the trial Federal High Court.”

    Okoro ruled, “Having resolved all the five issues in favour of the appellants, I hold that there is merit in this appeal, which is hereby allowed. The judgement of the Court of Appeal is hereby set aside.

    “The order of the Federal High Court I Suit No FHC/PH/CS/2013 now Suit No FHC/AWK/CS/247/2013), recognising the Ejike Oguebego-led Executive Committee of the Peoples Democratic Party, Anambra State chapter is still subsisting until it is set aside by another court.

    “I hereby award costs of N100, 000 against the first and third respondents in favour of the appellants.”

    Commenting on the ruling, Mr. Chris Uche, the counsel to Oguebego, said, “The Supreme Court judgement has effectively restored the list of candidates upheld by the Federal High Court.”

    More intrigues

    Instead of the ruling marking the end of the protracted crisis, it seems INEC has further complicated the matter as it claimed that the January 29 judgement was “confusing.” The electoral umpire had to approach the Supreme Court again for clarification. Ruling on an application filed by INEC seeking clarification and consequences of the judgement, Okoro held that the judgement by its ordinary meaning did not need to be subjected to any clarification.

    Wondering why INEC would tactically delay execution of the Supreme Court’s ruling, Uche said the ruling had cleared the way for his clients to benefit from the judgement delivered on January 29.  He added that when the Federal High Court gave the ruling on the issue, INEC complied immediately without seeking for clarification and when the Court of Appeal over turned the decision of the Federal High Court, the same electoral body complied with the appellate court’s decision without seeking for any clarification.

    “I am surprised that the same INEC has found it difficult to act on the Supreme Court’s decision of January 29 the way it acted on the decisions of the Federal High Court and the Court of Appeal,” Uche said.

    He said INEC had never denied the fact that it removed the names of candidates sent to it by the recognised PDP leadership in Anambra State because of the judgement of the Court of Appeal, which judgement has now been set aside by the Supreme Court.

    The Oguebego-led PDP, which accused INEC of being biased against the candidates it lawfully forwarded to it in the execution of various court judgements on the leadership of the party, urged the INEC chairman to do the right thing in accordance with the oaths of office he took to the effect that he would do “the right thing to all manners of people according to law without fear or favour, affection or ill-will.”

    Uche added that should the INEC chairman be in doubt as to the implications of its refusal to issue its candidates their certificates of return, it had attached the ruling of the presiding justice of the Supreme Court on the day the issue of clarification of the apex court judgement was rested, Justice Nwali Sylvester Ngwuta, to guide him.

    The eight-paragraph ruling signed by Justice Ngwuta specifically read: “The judgement of this court delivered on January 29, 2016 does not require any interpretation. This court allowed the appeal and set aside the judgement of the court below, which had set aside the judgement of the Federal High Court in favour of the appellants. The said judgement of the Federal High Court was restored.

    “In any case, the reliefs sought in the motion did not relate to or emanate from the judgement of this court delivered on 29th January, 2016 in appeal no 37/2015. When the Federal High Court granted the plaintiffs (now appellants) reliefs, the 2nd respondent (INEC) did not seek interpretation of the judgement of the high court before it published the list submitted to it by the appellants as the candidates in the 2015 general election for the National Assembly.

    “The respondents then appealed to the court below and the said court set aside the judgement of the Federal High Court. The 2nd respondent (INEC) did not seek interpretation of the judgement of the court below before it withdrew the appellants’ list, which it had earlier published on the order of the Federal High Court.

    “Why would the same 2nd respondent, now applicant (INEC), ask for interpretation of the judgement that merely allowed the appeal which set aside the judgement of the Court of Appeal and restored the judgement of the Federal High Court delivered in favour of the appellants (now respondents in the motion)?

     “There is nothing to interpret in the judgement of this court. If the 2nd respondent (now applicant) needs interpretation, it is the restored judgement of the Federal High Court that it should interpret and not the judgement of this court, which restored same. From the above and the fuller reasons in the lead ruling, I also strike out the application for want of jurisdiction.”

    Which way forward?

    Following the sustained suspense, concerned Nigerians are anxious to know how the Anambra PDP’s leadership dilemma would be resolved ultimately. They are asking, which way forward?