Tag: Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan

  • Election: Why INEC should take charge of security control – Clark

    First Republic Information Commissioner, Chief Edwin Clark, Monday said that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) should take charge of the deployment of security personnel during the February and March elections.

    Clark in statement entitled “INEC should take responsibility for management and control of 2019 electoral security in Nigeria” noted that the electoral body should be in charge of police personnel posted for election duties.

    He said that INEC should sit down with the police authority to work out the number of police personnel needed to cover the elections.

    Read Also:Dickson condemns Badeh’s killing, mourns Clark’s son

    The elder statesman insisted that if INEC takes charge of police posting “this method will avert the system of direct posting whereby the Nigeria Police Force will just wake up on the eve of election, to announce, that it has deployed 30 thousand Police personnel or so and so number, to a State to provide security during election.”

    Clark said, “As we approach the general elections, there is need to lend one’s voice to ensuring that a peaceful, free, fair and credible election is conducted by INEC.

    “Shortly before the former Inspector General of Police (IGP) Ibrahim Idris left office, I watched a programme where there was an argument of who should be in control of Police personnel posted to work with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), during elections between him and the INEC Chairman Prof. Mahmood Yakubu.

    “Whilst the former IGP was of the opinion that the Police should be in charge, the INEC Chairman thought otherwise, stating that INEC ought to be in charge.

    “Recently, there has been an over bearing attitude of state actors, especially officials of the Nigeria Police Force in political affairs.

    “As free citizen of this country, I think we have had enough of Police interference in electoral affairs.

    “Therefore, as we approach the 2019 General Elections, there is need to put up measures to check the activities of some politicians and officials of the Police Force, who will collude with them.

    “Therefore, I want to align myself with the INEC Chairman that INEC should be in charge of police personnel posted to it during elections.

    “Former President, Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan signed into Law Section 29 (3) of the Principal Act as Amended which states that:

    “Notwithstanding the provisions of any other law and for purposes of securing the vote, the Commission shall be responsible for requesting for the deployment of relevant security personnel necessary for elections or registration of voters and shall assign them in the manner determined by the Commission in consultation with the relevant security agencies:

    “Provided that the Commission shall only request for the deployment of the Nigerian Armed Forces only for the purposes of securing the distribution and delivery of election materials and protection of election officials”.

    “The Nigeria Police Force and INEC should sit down for INEC to work out how many police personnel it will require to conduct the election nationwide.

    “If there is any misconduct, let INEC be the body to call them to take care of the issue.

    “In order to ensure that security personnel remain neutral, I am proposing the India model of conducting elections.

    “In India many of the organisations that work during elections, are led by the Election Commission of India (ECI).

    “The national Indian Police Force called the Central Armed Police Force (CAPF) and the State Armed Police (SAP) Force, join together to provide adequate security and monitoring during elections, although the CAPF is the main body; they are under the control of the ECI. And both forces maintain absolute neutrality and conduct themselves in line with the demands of the ECI. At the end of the elections, the ECI pays them and in fact rewards those of them who perform well.

    “It must be remembered that India is the largest democracy in the world with a population of over 1.3 billion and an electorate of over 863 million.

    “It uses this method of the electoral body controlling the Police Personnel posted to it during elections, and that is the reason why Indian election is largely free, fair and credible.

    “This method will avert the system of direct posting whereby the Nigeria Police Force will just wake up on the eve of election, to announce, that it has deployed 30 thousand Police personnel or so and so number, to a State to provide security during election.

    “Whether these personnel are on ground or not, nobody knows, whether they are up to the numbers quoted, nobody knows. The payments made to security personnel who work during elections by the ECI, are in public domain.

    “There is so much tension, fear and apprehension concerning the forth coming General Election ranging from the activities of security agencies to the activities of some government agencies.

    “However, one feels some respite with the “bond” of Mr. President in his Christmas Message to the Country when he said “My avowed commitment to free, fair credible and violence-free polls is not ruse or yet another vain political promise. My word is my bond”.

    “We want to believe that he will keep to this vow, because so far nothing seems to indicate that this noble vow will be kept by State actors.

    “A writer once said that ‘Political parties come and go, but nationalities remain.”

  • Uncle Ebele and Musa Musa

    His first name is also his surname. Call one and you have called the other. His poetic name could not have given him away as a common thief. Musa Musa reminds me of a colloquialism ‘kia kia; mosa mosa’—which literally means ‘be fast with it’.

    Musa Musa and his police colleagues were sure fast about raping and deflowering the beautiful girl that was 89 Fourth Avenue Gwarimpa district, Abuja. For a long time, they watched over the damsel, took in her vitals, salivate over her goodness and it did not take time before they lost it and violently gang-raped her. The scars are there for all to see.

    The damsel’s owner, Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, has other damsels called houses. 89 Fourth Avenue Gwarimpa district, Abuja was like the least of his damsels. The violated damsel is “a modest 4-bedroom duplex” the ex-president acquired from CITEC Estate Developers in 2004—now obviously too small for a statesman of his timbre and calibre to pay much attention to. So, he left her at the mercy of Musa Musa and left some goodies in her care. By the time Musa Musa and co were through with her, she lost almost everything good about her.

    On Tuesday, the Federal Capital Territory Police Command arraigned Musa Musa for alleged involvement in the looting of Jonathan’s 89 Fourth Avenue Gwarimpa district, Abuja damsel. He was arraigned at a magistrate court in Wuse, Abuja.

    Musa Musa, a dismissed sergeant, was one of those arrested for burgling 89 Fourth Avenue Gwarimpa district, Abuja. His co-offenders, who have also been dismissed, are yet to have their day in court.

    Aside Musa Musa, John Nanpak, Ogah Audu and Gabriel Ugah were dismissed after an Orderly Room trial. Two others, Inspectors Lengs Satlakau and Usman Wuduki, are still being probed by AIG Zone 7 for further action.

    The items Musa Musa and others made away with include sets of furniture, plasma television sets, refrigerators, air-conditioning units and box-loads of clothes, such as designer suits imprinted with Jonathan’s name, male and female Ijaw traditional attires, lace materials and bowler hats.

    Initial reports claimed 36 units of plasma television sets and 25 refrigerators were stolen in the house. But when Jonathan’s list came, he said only six television sets, three refrigerators, one gas cooker and other movable items, including furniture sets, beds, electronics, toilet and electrical fittings, as well as all internal doors and frames.

    The ex-president’s statement said: “The theft was discovered last month upon which a report was duly lodged with the relevant police authorities.

    “The police immediately commenced investigations which led to the arrest and detention of some suspects, six of whom were policemen, even as investigations continue.”

    The prosecution on Tuesday tried to keep Musa Musa in detention. It did not think Musa Musa deserve any bail for his violent rape of the damsel called 89 Fourth Avenue Gwarimpa district, Abuja. Reason: He was a flight risk as he had earlier jumped police bail.

    Magistrate Segun-Bello saw it differently because, in her opinion, the prosecution did not provide enough grounds for bail to be denied.

    She said the matter was not of national importance as alleged by the prosecution counsel, Stanley Nwodo.

    Musa Musa thus got a bail with a bond of N7 million and one surety in like sum. The surety should be civil servant of any cadre resident in Abuja, the magistrate ruled.

    “The law is clear about right to liberty. Bail is granted to allow the accused attend trial. Where it is perceived that the accused may jump bail, he may be denied,” Magistrate Mabel Segun-Bello said.

    Not a few have wondered why only Musa Musa has been arraigned. The answer is in a statement by the FCT Command spokesman DSP Anjuguri Manzah the day the four were dismissed. The statement, among other things, described Musa Musa as the main culprit. It added that Musa Musa’s accomplice is Mallam Shuaibu, who is at large. The command added that Musa Musa would be charged to court upon completion of investigation and efforts would be intensified to arrest Shuaibu.

    The police, which saw in the shame an opportunity to do some image burnishing for IGP Ibrahim Idris, explained that their dismissal was in compliance with the IGP’s vision to rid the Nigeria Police Force of criminal elements.

    The statement reads: “In fulfilment of the promise by the FCT Police Command to make public its findings on the investigation of the case of theft at the Gwarimpa residence of former President Dr Goodluck Jonathan, the Command wishes to state that in line with first schedule of police Act and regulation 370 Cap 19, the policemen guarding the house have been tried in an orderly room proceeding and found culpable of the offence.

    “Sequel to the outcome of the orderly room proceeding, the Commissioner of Police FCT, CP Musa Kimo has approved the immediate dismissal of the policemen.”

    The evil Musa Musa and co did to 89 Fourth Avenue Gwarimpa district, Abuja is mind-boggling. I still do not understand it. They removed doors. They removed fittings. They removed furniture. I still battle with how they were able to take those things away. They must have brought a vehicle, a big one for that matter, to carry away their loot. They must have convinced themselves that they were taking their own share of the national cake.

    I can deal with the fact that they took suits and wrappers, but I still cringe at the fact that they removed fittings, furniture and doors. Didn’t it occur to them that the owner would find out? If they had taken some suits, a man of Uncle Ebele’s status may not know. If they had taken wrappers, a man of Uncle Ebele’s clout may not notice. If they had removed one or two television sets from the store, a man of Uncle Ebele’s means may overlook it. But furniture, doors, beds, toilet and electrical fittings as well as all internal doors and frames! They took their madness too far. Or, were they hoping to blame it on some imaginary thieves who invaded the house when they were away having lunch at a nearby Mama Put? Or, they hoped to claim it all happened when they were at sleep? What really were they hoping to use as alibi?

    The suits they took were no ordinary suits. They had Uncle Ebele’s name inscribed on them. No one in his right senses will buy that. They are customised for the great Uncle Ebele. Where will the buyers wear them? The day they make the mistake of pulling any of them and somebody notices the inscription will mark the beginning of their downfall.

    My final take: Musa Musa and co have sure done incalculable damage to the police. Musa Musa and co were unfair to their profession, their family, their community, Uncle Ebele and their country, Nigeria. The international community has in them another reason to laugh at us. Men who are supposed to wade off evil are themselves purveyors of evil! With policemen like Musa Musa and co, who needs thieves?  The law must take its course in this matter.

  • Jonathan’s Burgled Home: Police detains personnel on guard duty

    Jonathan’s Burgled Home: Police detains personnel on guard duty

    Following reports that the Gwarinpa home of former President Goodluck Jonathan has been burgled, the FCT Police Monday said it has detained some of its personnel on guard duty.

    Although the Police declined to give the figure of those detained, the police said the detention of the personnel would help to ascertain the true position of things.

    The Command also said preliminary investigation revealed that some items were missing from the residence.

    This is contained in a statement in Abuja Monday by the Command Spokesman, DSP Anjuguri Manzah.

    The statement read: “The FCT police Command wishes to inform the general public that it has commenced full-fledge investigation into the case of theft in the Gwarinpa residence of former president, Dr Goodluck Ebele Jonathan,GCFR.

    “Preliminary police investigation on the matter has revealed that some items were found to be missing in the house.

    “Meanwhile, the Policemen who are supposed to be on guard duty at the house have been detained for questioning. Investigation to find out what actually happened is currently in progress”.

    The Command also assured members of the public that the result of findings on the on-going investigation would be made public.

     

  • Jonathan’s fair-weather friends (I)

    Jonathan’s fair-weather friends (I)

    DR Reuben Abati, the Special Adviser on Media and Publicity to former president, Dr Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, has been expressing great anger at Chief Edwin Clark, his principal’s self-appointed godfather, over the godfather’s apparent denunciation of his godson recently. In a well publicised article last week, Abati said he couldn’t believe it when he first read remarks by Clark that Jonathan was a good man except that he seemed incapable of fighting corruption.

    “I have,” he said in the opening sentence of his article, “tried delaying the writing of this piece in the honest expectation that someone probably misquoted Chief E.K. Clark, when he reportedly publicly disowned former President Goodluck Jonathan. I had hoped that our dear father, E.K. Clark, would issue a counter statement and say the usual things politicians say: “they quoted me out of context!” “Jonathan is my son”.

    Instead of a disclaimer by Clark, Abati said, “the old man” has been joined by “some Ijaw voices” in denouncing a president they had “defended to the hilt” for all these years. “If,” he said, “President Jonathan had returned to power on May 29, 2015, these same persons would have remained in the corridors of power, displaying all forms of ethnic triumphalism.”

    Abati is absolutely right to denounce Clark and Company as ingrates – as friends who deserted a man when he needed them most. But Abati is equally wrong to blame only Clark and Company for their show of ingratitude. Truth be told, his principal must accept a greater share of the blame.

    Abati was also wrong to say their ingratitude is “why the existent power blocs that consider themselves most fit to rule, continue to believe that those whose ancestors never ran empires can never be trusted with power.” This patently snide remark, obviously targeted at President Muhammadu Buhari’s triumphant coalition with Asiwaju Bola Tinubu in March’s presidential election, exposes Abati as harbouring a bitter grudge over his boss’ loss. More importantly, it also suggests that for all his education, Abati is among many otherwise highly educated people who subscribe to the nonsensical but successful propaganda that only those from certain sections of this country believe they are born to rule. I’ll return to this subject next week, God willing.

    Meantime consider an adage in Hausa which says “Ba’a mugun sarki sai mugun bafade,” which translates literally as “there is no bad king, only a bad courtier.” This is one adage I have always considered essentially, if not absolutely, untenable. For me it is no more than an attempt by the society to shield its leaders from the bad consequences of their bad leadership. After all, as another, and for me a much more tenable, adage goes, “show me your friends and I’ll show you who you are.”

    Abati may be right to denounce Clark for denouncing his godson in his hour of need. However, as Abati knows all too well, Jonathan chose Clark, not the other way round. In other words, when Clark unilaterally claimed the godfatherhood of Jonathan, the man had a choice not to acquiesce. Ditto with all those who claimed they were his friends and arch defenders.

    Power, Jonathan should have learnt from the lesson of History, is the absolute aphrodisiac, as Henry Kissinger, the world’s greatest modern-day diplomat, once said. As president of the biggest country in Africa and one of the world’s most naturally endowed, Jonathan ought to have known that few of those who flocked around him and swore by his name, day in day out, did so out of conviction. On the contrary, most of them did so for what they thought they would get out of him.

    You can blame the Clarks of this world for using half-truths and barefaced lies to get the man’s ears. But you cannot blame them for his inability to distinguish between truths and their pretences. The man can have only himself to blame for believing their half-truths and barefaced lies that the vast majority of Nigerians were happy and satisfied with his handling of their country’s political economy all these years, and that any claim that there was widespread disaffection with his rule was the creation of a few disgruntled elements.

    However, even as Abati is right to condemn the Clarks of this world for being fair-weather friends, he ought to know that there are others even more deserving of his anger than Clark and Company. Worse than the Clarks of this world who make no pretence at being apolitical are those who claim they are technocrats whose only concern is to get things done, regardless of the politics of those they work for.

    The fact is that their pretences at being apolitical notwithstanding, these so-called technocrats, especially those we employ from abroad, are past masters at camouflaging their personal interests with the public interest.

    The most obvious case here is Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala who former President Olusegun Obasanjo first employed as Finance minister from the World Bank during his second term, until they fell apart towards the end of his tenure and she had to return to her old employers. Then after his 2011 victory at the polls, Jonathan re-engaged her and this time gave her at least nominal control over the economy as Co-ordinating minister, in clear breach of the Constitution, which vested the supervision of the economy in the vice-presidency.

    Under both Obasanjo and Jonathan, the lady from the World Bank carried on as if she did Nigeria a favour by leaving her job to come home and serve her country. “I don’t think,” she once angrily retorted to a BBC interviewer who had asked her if the cases of widespread corruption in Nigeria were not damaging to her reputation, “my reputation is under threat and to imply otherwise is distinctly wrong. I know what I’m doing. I know why I’m here. It would be very easy for me to sit at the World Bank and earn a nice salary and criticise. I gave up a comfortable career to come here and do my bit because I recognise that nobody but us Nigerians can clean it up.”

    Her most singular achievement under Obasanjo was to have helped secure the so-called debt relief of $18 billion – so-called if only because the whole debt of $30billion was questionable to begin with, as several leading economists, including the late Prof. Sam Aluko, had pointed out, and because the onerous terms of paying $12 billion at a go for a country with an annual budget a quarter that amount, was unprecedented. In any case the debt relief made little or no difference to the dismal life of the ordinary citizens of the country. If anything, their lot got even worse.

    However, that achievement did raise Okonjo-Iweala’s profile abroad because it served the interest of International Capital, her real masters.

    Under Jonathan her most singular achievement was to rebase our economy, making it the No. 1 in Africa, ahead of South Africa’s the hitherto No. 1. As with the debt relief, the rebasing made little or no meaning to the lives of ordinary citizens. Even then Jonathan celebrated it as one of his greatest achievements for which he deserved re-election.

    In spite of the fact that the lives of Nigerians have only worsened under Okonjo-Iweala’s supervision of the economy and in spite of the fact that Nigeria has never witnessed the degree of corruption it did under Jonathan, with little or no protest from the lady, all she has received from abroad are accolades in the form of honorary degrees from Ivy League universities, and more recently, appointments from blue-chip companies abroad. It’s not hard to imagine how the opposite would have been her fate if she were the minister of finance of some Western country whose economy had done as badly as Nigeria’s in recent times.

    It is interesting that even the man she has so ill-served by not having the courage to tell him how bad things were, has since joined in her praise-singing, even congratulating her for apparently serving the interest of her masters abroad and friends at home – think of all the generous billions of dollars of waivers to importers for all sorts of junks which she gave out as finance minister – better than those of her country.

    “I have no doubt in my mind,” the former president said the other day, “that you would excel in the two assignments, given your past excellent service both in Nigeria and internationally.” Jonathan was, of course referring to her recent appointment as a senior adviser in Lazard, an American investment bank, and as chair of Global Alliance for Vaccine and Immunisation (GAVI).

    The contrast between Jonathan’s (indirect?) condemnation of his erstwhile godfather through his spokesman and his praise for his former finance minister couldn’t have been sharper. Yet, the minister served him not anymore truthfully and faithfully than the godfather.

    Hopefully, the lesson of all this would not be lost on President Muhammadu Buhari as he prepares to form his cabinet.

  • Jonathan’s parting shot

    Jonathan’s parting shot

    The ex-president cannot dictate whether his successor should probe or not; or the period the probe should cover 

    One had thought Dr Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, the immediate past president of Nigeria, would give us a breather so Nigerians could pick the bits and pieces of their lives together. But try as one did, Dr Jonathan would always do or say something that would compel one to return to him. Without doubt, we would continue to talk about the Jonathan administration for some time. But then, after this piece, I intend to have a deserved break on the former president because, by last Friday, old things were supposed to have passed away and all things had become new.  I hope Dr Jonathan would let me be.

    One was compelled to return to the former president because of his speech last Wednesday at the valedictory session of the Federal Executive Council in Abuja, where he again expressed his morbid fear for probe. And that if the Muhammadu Buhari administration must probe his government, then, it must be ready to probe his predecessors too.  “I believe that anybody calling for probe must ensure that these probes are extended beyond the Jonathan-led administration. Otherwise, to me, it will be witch-hunting … How do you allocate oil fields, marginal wells and all that? Do we follow our laws? All these should be probed …” the former president told his audience in his vintage, even if infantile fashion. Dr Jonathan also told his cabinet members that they had performed well and that those criticising them were merely doing so for political purposes. Obviously the former president must be putting performance on its head. But there is nothing wrong with this; after all, the lizard that falls from a wall too acknowledges the ‘feat’ it has performed by nodding its head!

    Of course, Dr Jonathan got the usual applause from his ministers. That was the way they kept deceiving themselves until they sent themselves packing from Aso Rock Villa. They kept applauding ministers who reeled out statistics which had no bearing with what was on ground. It was the same statistics that pushed the Jonathan government into the dustbin of history on March 28.

    Anyway, while the former president is entitled to his opinion on these matters, unfortunately, his opinion, especially on the vexed issue of probe does not carry any weight. It is not for him to say whether probe is necessary or unnecessary, or the period it should cover. That is the prerogative of the new government. In the first place, if he was comfy with corruption and saw nothing wrong in probing those he succeeded, that was his business. In the same vein, it is late in the day for him to start talking about “improper allocation of oil fields”. If he knew there were any such things, why did he not do something about them in his more than five years as president?

    That he did not do anything about the issues he is now raising less than 48 hours to his exit from power shows the pride of place that corruption occupied in his time. And this is globally acknowledged. He did not leave anyone in doubt that he was quite comfortable with persons of questionable character who walked in and out of Aso Rock while he was the landlord there. He even crowned the infamy by referring to the massive looting of the country’s treasury as ‘stealing’. That was his position on, and predisposition to, corruption (and he is perfectly entitled to it), even though it explains why the country is in the mess he left it in. But it would be preposterous to recommend that failed paradigm to the incoming government. Dr Jonathan on his own accord made ‘transformation’ his government’s mantra; Buhari could decide to make anti-corruption (probe) his. So, there would be nothing unusual about that.

    So, rather than keep blackmailing the new government not to probe his government, the former president should advise his ministers and other aides that had stolen public funds to return at least a substantial part of it. That would be much more like it, rather than this cheap popularity or victimhood that Dr Jonathan is seeking. Negotiation can only begin when what is returned is proportionate to what was stolen.

    The former president may be right that corruption did not start with his government. But what he feigns ignorance of is that it assumed an unusual dimension in his time. Indeed, the Jonathan government ‘liberalised’ corruption, as it were! If I must remind him, even General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida whose regime was notorious for being highly corrupt, said they were ‘angels’ compared with what happened in the Jonathan years. For once in recent times, Babangida appeared to be talking sense. Perhaps it was even the impression in Babangida’s time that the country’s economy was resilient (as it did not collapse despite the massive assault on it) that propelled the mindboggling looting of the treasury in recent years. Unfortunately, we have now seen that it is when stealing has not reached a crescendo that an economy would not collapse.

     In Dr Jonathan’s time, looters stole too much for the owners to notice. That is why we have unending fuel queues; states and even the Federal Government are leaving backlog of salaries unpaid, etc. as legacies of the Jonathan government. We are in crisis not just because oil prices fell; it is more due to the government’s cluelessness about how to husband the country’s resources, and the unprecedented looting of public funds.

    So, Dr Jonathan should stop romanticising probe. Indeed, the way he had been talking about probe, one begins to wonder if it is not a question of the guilty being afraid. But, the earlier the former president realised that whatever the Buhari government decides to make its priority is its prerogative, the better. Dr Jonathan’s government behaved like the biblical rich man who throughout his lifetime did not know Christ only to get to hell to bear the consequence of his choice. If former President Jonathan was blind to issues of corruption in his time, it was not because he did not have enough warnings about its prevalence in his government; he had a surfeit of it. Indeed, in my January 12, 2014 write-up titled “2014: agenda for Jonathan, fight corruption and other things shall be added unto you”, I had admonished the government to deal squarely with corruption and every other thing would be added unto it. That admonition, like many others at the time, was like the lone voice in the wilderness. Yet, if we are not having electricity today, it is because of corruption. If people are dishonest about fuel subsidy, (for which reason the ordinary people were to be punished by removing subsidy when what they needed to remove was corruption) it is because the government condoned corruption. Indeed, that we are importing fuel at all is the product of corruption. In essence, corruption is at the root of why this country is not working today.

    So, Dr Jonathan has no reason now to be crying wolf under the mere suspicion that the new government could decide to ask questions about how his government spent public funds. It is true the new government does not have to devote all its energy to probes, the truth is that we cannot make progress if we allow those who had absconded with public funds to enjoy the ill-gotten wealth. Moreover, like adults that we are, when we stumble, we have to look back to know why. Perhaps Dr Jonathan would have succeeded if he did just that.

    He decided his government’s mantra; he cannot dictate his predecessor’s. If he chose to embrace corruption, it was not for lack of knowledge of its prevalence but because he did not think it necessary to fight it. As they say, anyone who caused rain to fall should not be surprised if the rain is accompanied by thunderstorm. So, if Dr Jonathan gladly and willingly embraced corruption, he should also gladly embrace its consequence (if any). His appeals to ethnic and primordial sentiments did not take him far before. It would not take him far now, either.

    Nigeria is one of the few places where a president or public official, rather than say ‘I have nothing to hide, probe me’; would be saying ‘if you want to probe me, you must be ready to probe my predecessors. Otherwise, to probe me would tantamount to witch-hunt’. But President Buhari should not be deterred by that blackmail. If he wants to probe, he should go ahead, allegation of witch-hunt or wizard-hunt notwithstanding.

  • A humble beginning

    A humble beginning

    About a decade ago while researching for a class I taught at the University of Colorado, I stumbled on an arresting narrative. A woman had a baby in a stroller at Trafalgar Square in London. She carted the baby around and an onlooker was taken with the charms of the little one.

    “Your baby is very beautiful,” remarked the onlooker.

    “You haven’t seen anything, yet” replied the mother. “Wait until you see her pictures.”

    The mother had imposed a new reality on her baby. The baby was not what you saw in flesh and blood, but what technology had wrought. What the dark room had configured, what the click and flash and the angles of the camera had brought to life. We now have two eyes. The one that sees everyone without the mediation of the machine, and the one that the machine has made.

    I could not but wonder at this when I got hold of the book, In Tune with Destiny, Dr Emmanuel EwetaUduaghan. I saw, rather I ogled, from page to page and I started to see whether technology was trying to impose one reality over the one that was there. I mean the truth, unvarnished.

    But I saw, too, that though it is described as a pictorial biography of Governor Uduaghan, something else moderated the pictures. Words. Words are powerful but as the cliché goes, pictures cannot lie. Of course that cliché preceded the technology that distorted pictorial realities.

    But the power of words in telling reality, especially the ones that pertain to the clarity of vision, came from the testimonial zeal of one of the greatest craftsmen ever of the English language. Joseph Conrad, author of Heart of Darkness and Nostromo,  spoke about what he did with words.

    “My task, which I am trying to achieve is, by the power of the written word, to make you hear, to make you feel – it is, before all, to make you see.”

    From going through the pages, I observed that the authors of this package did not only want to make us see, but also to make us feel. For what is the point of vision without sentiment? How do you see the picture of the governor at two years old, with a small, multi-coloured cap, and a pair of eyes of an alarmed and astonished infant and not wonder what he was thinking?

    It is not just what we see, but what that sight makes us feel. That is what makes us human.

    “The best and most beautiful things in the world cannot be seen or even touched,” remarked another writer, Helen Keller, “they must be felt with the heart.”

    This is a book of 239 pages that tell the story of one man and his odyssey of six decades.

    During this period, he was with the father, was without his father, enjoyed mother for two years and loved his mother. He was raised by a grandmother, a woman with an imperial dignity, in another village called Mosogar. He lived in a village without electricity, roads, pipe-borne water. Time was determined not by clock but the cock with three crows in the morning signifying different activities. He tapped rubber, set traps in the bush for game, dipped into the river to catch fish with bare hands. His right hand could not touch his left ear when his mates went to school. His brilliance, however, beat the rules for him. He wanted to be an accountant but became a doctor. Nobody thought he could be a party nominee for governor, but he won not just the party primaries but the state elections; not once, not twice.

    He married his heartthrob who shared the same family background, both fathers in military, both parents separated, both minorities. His heartthrob first thought he was short at first sight because she pictured marrying a tall man. He won the heart of her brother and mother and everyone else in the family circle before Roli Nere Tuoyo. She said she was a female chauvinist, but she thanks God that “God touched me positively and I relaxed to give it (the suitor’s advance) a deeper thought. Then something struck me. I realised he is someone I can truly respect, which is not in my character to do, no matter who he is and what he does.”

    The pictures of their wedding, you need to see that. The bridegroom with his long neck and lean face is not the one you see today. The bride, whom he described as usually in trousers and was like a tomboy, looked quite mellow in tranquil elegance in the photos. Marriage had done a miracle. Roli Uduaghan herself says she submits to her husband in all things, according to the prodding of scripture.

    What else shall we know? That as a medical doctor he struggled and, as one of Roli’s relatives put it, he packed his Volkswagen Beetle over slope so that folks could help push it to start. They married, he a doctor and she a teacher, with the beetle as a family story.

    Listen to this: “In the course of the courtship, each time they both rode in the Beetle car, there was a usual amusement: Roli would, for reason of the fact that the Beetle had no back door, adjust the front seat backwards and place her legs on its dashboard and, thereafter, adjust the small side window to let in air directly towards her. Shortly afterwards, she would burst into a prayerful song to God to give her and her spouse an air-conditioned Mercedes car in place of the Beetle car.” That prayerful song remains a refrain of sentimental gratitude in the family today.

    We see pictures about his public life, especially as governor, a lot of it. Is it when the President,Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, hands him the coveted Commander of the Order of the Niger, or when he crouches before respected H.I.D Awolowo, when he gives a present to Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka. We also see pictures of him at work in government, commissioning projects, meeting with political titans like Chief E. K. Clark, or with his fellow governors in the south-south like ebullient Godswill Akpabio. We see him with southeast governors like Theodore Orji, the Ochendo. With traditional rulers like the Olu of Warri and the Ooni of Ife.

    The pictures show him in tune with all, those in his state, those in his ethnic group, and those outside. The pictures show a man at peace in his skin.

    In spite of the plenitude of pictures, there are two things that the pictures cannot carry. One of them are the key moments of his childhood in the village. I remember conducting an interview with Governor Uduaghan barely a year after he became governor and I asked him his favorite viewing delights. He pointed out Nollywood movies and the reason was that the settings often reminded him of his childhood. But we do not have the picture of him trying in vain to let his right hand touch his left ear, although we see a picture of an adult Uduaghan in the book performing the feat perfectly. We do not have the picture of him tapping rubber, catching fish in the river, playing soccer with his sisters looking with admiration. We do not see him in class.

    Recently, when Brigadier BenjamenAdekunle died, we learnt that he polished the general’s shoe during the civil war in Sapele. Since then when I saw him, I looked over at his shoes to see how they shone and whether he still did it himself. But we don’t have the picture of him and the general who always insisted that the young Emmanuel should shine his shoes. We see him paddling a canoe as governor but one would have loved to see him do that as a young villager.

    In a wonderful forward from President OlusegunObasanjo, GCFR,  he described Governor Uduaghan as “not only calm and indomitable; he is also firm and indomitable – he is indomitably firm.” Testimonials came from almost everywhere about his sense of calm and serenity, from his wife, his daughter Orode, and his colleagues and fellow governors. But no picture can capture such temperament. Only words did. That is one of the weaknesses of pictures.

    Words collide with pictures in this package. In some instances, the picture tells nothing until the words intervene. For instance, I tried to study the countenance of his mother, Cecilia and had a clue when she is described as calm. His father, Edmund was a polygamist and at one time he visited his frustration outside on Cecilia and she discovered that it was because a woman had turned down his advances. Cecilia went to beg the woman to accept so she could have peace at home. The story does not tell whether Edmund had his wish and Cecilia her peace.

    The preponderance of pictures and the attempts to match words to vision is one of the delicate assignments undertaken in this book. It succeeds in some areas. Where it has challenges is whether it tries to delve into the areas of policy and governance. The words try and the pictures say a few things but it can never serve as a substitute for a cerebral undertaking.

    But the pictures have told many stories that have saved the imagination. Readers will pick their favorites. Is it two-year-old with alarmed eyes, or Roli and Emmanuel Uduaghan face to face, eye to eye, forehead to forehead? Or the wedding photos, or the Beetle car impression? There are many.

    The package in a variety of colours keeps interest alive and we also see the quotes and interviews presented with aesthetic dexterity.

    But quite a few errors can be sighted. The first quote in the book and the first sentence of President Obasanjo’s forward could have been better read. In one of the pages, Governor Uduaghan’s father was called Desmond instead of Edmund.

    As a work of six decades, more than half of the photos took place in his years as governor, a lopsidedness that may arise from an absence of either research or paucity of photos. If he grew up in a village without electricity and pipe-borne water, then we know why pictures could not be in abundance. If he grew up in an age of internet and selfies, there would have been a suffusion of pictures telling perhaps too much detail.

    In all, this is a wonderful effort to document a life, in pictures backed by words. I therefore recommend this book as a story of a man who transcended  the odds and has lived an exemplary life. The story continues. I, therefore, present this book to you all.

  • Jonathan in Benin Republic

    Jonathan in Benin Republic

  • Jonathan, PDP governors meet at Aso Rock

    President Goodluck Jonathan Sunday night met behind closed-doors with some governors of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) at the Presidential Villa, Abuja

    Journalists were not allowed near the First Lady Conference room, venue of the meeting when the meeting started around 9.25 p.m.

    The meeting, however, is not unconnected with moves to resolve issues and grievances that could heat up the party ahead of the 2015 general elections.

    Among the governors at the meeting are Saidu Dakingari (Kebbi),  Ramalan Yero (Kaduna), Ibrahim Dankwambo (Gombe), James Ngilari (Adamawa), Isa Yuguda (Bauchi) and  Liyel Imoke (Cross Rivers).

    Also at the meeting are Olusegun Mimiko (Ondo), Martin Elechi (Ebonyi), Godswill Akpabio (Akwa Ibom), Emmanuel Uduaghan (Delta), Ibrahim Shema (Katsina), Theodore Orji (Abia), Babangida Aliyu (Niger), Sarieke Dickson (Bayelsa) and  Umar Garba (Acting Taraba).

    Deputy governors of Kogi and Nasarawa states were also at the meeting.

  • Sovereign Wealth Fund and intergenerational equity

    On May 11, 2011 the Nigerian Senate approved the Nigeria Sovereign Investment Authority Bill, 2010, which sought to establish a sovereign wealth fund to manage excess profits from the country’s sale of crude oil. Before then, it had been passed by the House of Representatives, in line with the Nigerian Constitution. It was subsequently signed into law by the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, His Excellency, Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, GCFR. More than a year later, on August 28, 2012, the Coordinating Minister for the Economy and the Honourable Minister of Finance, Dr (Mrs) Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala announced the appointment of the Chairman of Board and Management team of the Nigerian Sovereign Investment Authority (NSIA)

    This was a welcome development as there has been a lot of concern by well-meaning citizens about why a major oil producing nation like Nigeria with revenues totaling $50.3 billion in 2011 alone, could not meaningfully establish a sovereign wealth fund like other natural resource-rich nations such as Angola, Singapore, Norway, UAE-Abu Dhabi etc.

    According to experts, a Sovereign Wealth Fund (SWF) is a state-owned pool of money that is commonly established from balance of payments surpluses and funneled into investments rather than simply keeping it in the central bank or channeling it back into the economy.

    However, the major argument for establishing a Sovereign Wealth Fund (SWF) is the idea of intergenerational equity. Natural resources are finite, and through the instrumentation of an SWF, a country can diversify revenue streams by devoting a portion of its reserves to an entity that invests in the types of assets which act as shields against systemic risk, and in the case of Nigeria, against oil related risk.

    Before the creation of the NSIA, surplus funds, mainly emanating from the sale of Nigeria’s crude oil were held in the Excess Crude Account (ECA), which was created in 2004 to act as a stabilization fund against budget deficits arising out of oil price volatility, and to potentially fund domestic infrastructure investments.

    It is important to note that with its establishment and formal take-off, the Excess Crude Account (ECA) has been replaced with the NSIA under three pools namely, the Future Generations Fund, the Nigerian Infrastructure Fund, and the Stabilization Fund.

    Briefly, the Future Generation Fund targets a diversified portfolio of appropriate growth investments in order to provide future generation of Nigerians a solid savings base for such a time as the hydrocarbon reserves in Nigeria are exhausted;

    While the Nigeria Infrastructure Fund will invest in infrastructure projects in Nigeria that meet the country’s targeted financial returns and contribute to the development of essential infrastructure. Potential areas for investment include transportation, energy and power, water resources, agriculture, among others, in order to stimulate growth and diversification of the Nigerian economy, attract foreign investment, and create jobs for Nigerians; and

    The Stabilization Fund will provide stabilization support to the Federation revenue in times of economic stress

    The Nigerian Government injected a take-off cash of $1bn into the NSIA making it the third largest SWF in sub-Saharan Africa, after Botswana’s $6.9 bn and Angola’s $5 bn funds.

    Recently, at the inauguration of the Governing Council of the NSIA Board at the Presidntial Villa, Abuja, on Wednesday, September 18, 2013, President Jonathan stated that the initial $1 billion investment in the Fund is not inconsequential as not many sovereign wealth funds have started out with such amount.

    The President reiterated that although the NSIA take-off gives the Government credibility, its sustainability depends on continuous contributions and broad-based support from all Nigerians.

    The key concern for many Nigerians, however, is to see fiscal astuteness and transparency in the management of the fund, especially, considering the controversy that trailed its establishment.

    According to the Harvard-trained head of the NSIA, Mr. Uche Orji, although the seed funding of $1 billion is a modest sum by global standards, the Fund, through the government’s disciplined contributions, could become one of the largest pools of capital in Sub-Saharan Africa.

    Most importantly, Mr. Orji strongly believes that the NSIA’s sound corporate governance and risk management pillars will be the key factors that sets it apart to achieving its objectives. The enabling Act clearly intends the Fund as an independent organization as has been captured in its “F-I-T “operational model, namely, ‘Financial sustainability, Independence in decision-making’; and Transparency in process.

    In line with its mandate, the NSIA makes investment with the expectations of profitable returns. Already, the authority is working hard to evaluate a number of infrastructure projects across the country some of which include Second Niger Bridge, Gurara Dam Phase 2, seaports investment and an aircraft leasing company to ease the financial burden in the airline industry and promote greater visibility in its operations.

    It is hoped that the development of well-conceived infrastructure projects by the Authority will also provide a platform for national pension funds to invest in credible undertakings.

    Earlier in September, the NSIA made its first investment of $200m in US treasuries and a US corporate bond portfolio.

    For now, it might be presumptuous for Nigerians to appraise the nascent fund, but for establishing international best practices in governance and investment procedures, the 2013 Assets-based Fund Rankings by Sovereign Wealth Fund Institute has placed the NSIA in the top ranking chart of Sovereign Wealth Fund Institute ahead of Venezuela, Vietnam, Indonesia, Australia, Gabon etc. which were all established long ago.

    Unequivocally, the establishment of the Nigerian Sovereign Investment Authority (NSIA) is a mark of political courage on the part of President Goodluck Jonathan. It is fundamentally, a practical component of The Transformation Agenda and the Vision 20:2020; and a further attestation of the Administration’s commitment to fiscal responsibility and building a savings base for the Nigerian people, enhancing the development of Nigerian infrastructure and providing stabilization support in times of economic stress.

    · Dr. Ezenwa writes from Maryland, USA