The Nation Newspaper

Tag: Echoes

  • Echoes from ‘girl marriage’

    To say I was “horrified” is to put it mildly, after watching a Channel Television news report on Senator Yerima’s passionate appeal to his colleagues in the senate on the need to retain Section 29(4) b which stipulates that: “Any woman who is married shall be deemed to be of full age”.

    Since 1999, the National and State legislatures have made attempts to strengthen Nigerians’ ownership of the constitution, which has widely been perceived as a product of the military with little or no input from the Nigerian population. Nigerians have welcomed these processes, identifying them as opportunities for positive change and the deepening of our democratic processes. Besides, global best practices identify several opportunities presented by constitutional reform processes. They include, entrenching provisions and values missing from earlier constitutions and/or adopting appropriate new values; instituting proper checks and balances, and strengthening the rights of citizens to demand accountability. It also includes, developing adequate forms of facilitation and participation in the constitutional process itself, and, deepening the people’s political and civic education. (The Sixth Assembly: Making Democracy Work 2010).

    Constitutional Reform processes in Nigeria have been froth with intense efforts by the leadership of both executive and legislative arms of government to hijack the mechanism by either excluding qualitative and quantitative participation of the Nigerian people or terminating the processes completely. They did this by diluting the core issues of reform with issues based on their whims and self interests.

    This was true of the process between 2005-2007, when President Obasanjo attempted to turn the constitutional amendment process to that of tenure elongation. Again, in 2007/2008, the Electoral Reform Committee’s Report which was widely accepted by Nigerians was watered down by a Federal Government White Paper and as a result the key popular demands were never implemented. Now in 2013, after widespread attempts to hamper effective participation of Nigerians in the constitutional amendment process, issues that were never advocated for by the people are being propounded and promoted.

    Senator Yerima is, no doubt, using religion as a ploy to cover up his obsession to legalize child marriage in Nigeria. His marriage to a 13-year Egyptian girl in 2009 was widely publicized and condemned in the media. If Yerima is truly a devout Muslim as he claims to be, then he is certainly not informed. It should be noted that even Saudi Arabia is worried by today’s social problems of child marrige and addressing them through legislative reform.

    The Senate and Nigerians cannot afford to be blackmailed by the likes of Yerima who hide under the blanket of religion to abuse and destroy the future of other people’s daughters. The consequences of legalizing underage marriage in Nigeria are too grave socially, economically and politically. The sustainable development of our dear country is under threat; the future of our children hangs in the balance if we give in to this blackmail.

    The Nigerian government has taken some positive actions such as Nigerian Child Rights 2003, adaptation of a gender policy in 2007, establishment of the Ministry of Women Affairs since 1983, women development centres in 36 states, adoption of the Trafficking in Persons (Prohibition), Law Enforcement and Administration Act, Establishment of a National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons; the adoption of a national policy on HIV/AIDS, reproductive health and female genital mutilation.

    With all these international, continental and national efforts, it would be ridiculous if not absurd for our senate to fall for such cheap blackmail by Senator Yerima.

    Child marriage is one of the worst forms of violence against the girl child marked by harmful physical, sexual, psychological or emotional and social consequences. Many girls are uninformed about their bodies, sexuality and reproductive health before marriage and are thus unprepapared physically and emotionally for motherhood. Several researches, especially by Population Council and AHIP (2007), have reported girls’ embarrassment and lack of resources as barriers to reproductive health services. Key among the health implications of child marriage are the cuts, bruises and tears inflicted on the girls during forced sexual relations with their so-called husbands.

    Child marriage exposes girls to Visio-Vaginal Fistulae (VVF) which causes involuntary dripping of urine. Through VVF, a girl’s presence can become a nuisance to all around her since she always smells of urine. She is no longer desirable and wanted by the husband. She becomes a social outcast. In some areas they are given special black uniforms and are seen on the outskirts of villages begging for food. Malnourished, anaemic, divorced and rejected, she travels long distances to seek modern treatment (Farhang Tahzib, 1989).

    According to a recent statement by the Minister of Women Affairs and Social Development, Hajiya Zainab Maina, Nigeria has the highest incidence of VVF put between 400,000 and 800,000 cases with 20,000 new cases reported yearly, mostly in the north.

    Child marriages account for a high percentage of maternal and prenatal deaths in Northern Nigeria. With a maternal mortality ratio of 704 to 1000 per 100,000 live births, Nigeria continues to have one of the highest levels of maternal mortality.

    The root cause of child marriage is probably due to poverty rather than religion. Population Council/AHIP (2007), found that child brides come from poorer families and have lower levels of education compared to girls who marry after adolescents. Poverty seems to play a role in girls’ marriages in the north-east and north-west. 67% of girls classified as poorest on the wealth index were married by 15 years compared to 46% of “richer” girls, and 25% of the “richest” girls. Additionally, low levels of education were associated with high rates of early marriage.

    Marriage has a significant impact on the quality of a girl’s life, shifting her focus increasingly to family life and motherhood rather than exploration of work world or continuation of education. Marriage confers upon girls a new and different set of expectations, pressures and risks. Girls are treated as objects by men old enough to be their fathers. They are denied their innocence and childhood, straddled with responsibilities, intrigues, complexities, expectations of husbands, and in-laws that come with marriage, but unfortunately, girls, being growing children, are incapable of handling these challenges.

    Child marriage denies girls access to education. This is especially so in northern Nigeria where girls are withdrawn from school for the purpose of marriage.

    This scenario would no doubt have grave consequences for the sustainable development of Nigeria economically and socio-politically. When the gifts, talents and capacities of half of the population of Nigeria are not fully utilized and maximized there can be no development and a vicious cycle of poverty continues.

    The National Assembly and State houses of assembly should recognize the present constitutional amendment process as an opportunity for positive change. They need to look beyound their personal interests and put Nigeria and Nigerians first. The future starts today. Clearly, section 29(4)(b) which stipulates that: “Any woman who is married shall be deemed to be of full age”, should be deleted from our Constitution because it is not only ambiguous, it also contradicts Section29(4)(a) of our constitution which provides that: “Full age means the age of eighteen and above” and Section 23 of the Child Rights Act which makes it a criminal offence to marry a girl under eighteen years and prescribes a penalty of five years imprisonment. If Section 29 (4)(b) is not deleted, it would be used by pedophiles and rapists to violate Nigerian girls, Muslim girls, inclusive.

    All women and men of good conscience in all spheres of human endeavor must rise up and protect the future of Nigeria. Child marriage is a threat to the future of our girls, to the sustainable development and transformation of Nigeria, socially, economically and politically.

     

    • Odah, is of the Centre for Gender Education

  • Echoes of Fagunwa

    Echoes of Fagunwa

    Literature provided a forum for an examination of culture at the international conference held recently in Akure, Ondo State, in remembrance of Daniel Olorunfemi Fagunwa, the acclaimed pioneering figure in the production of Yoruba fiction who died 50 years ago. This fecund master of Yoruba language, better known to the literary world as D. O. Fagunwa, was not only a veritable vehicle for the rich verbal resources of his race; he also represented an instructive repository of indigenous philosophy. As things stand, he has acquired the image of unrepeatability.

    It is ironic that the celebration of his lingual charm and imaginative fertility is against the background of an observable present-day context that reflects the trivialisation of his mother tongue by native users who would rather associate with English language. Regrettably, there is no doubt that Yoruba language, which Fagunwa so brilliantly championed through his writings, is faced with a potent challenge of survival. Indeed, it may not be an exaggeration to describe the situation as a crisis.

    The tragic import of this perceivable decline in linguistic pride is the concomitant loss of cultural capital, for language is the fundamental carrier of a people’s way of life. Sadly, in a world of globalisation and unrelenting Western influence, indigenous languages appear to be disadvantaged. It is interesting that, in Fagunwa’s case, the centrality of language in culture can be demonstrated in reverse. For, while translations of his work in English and French may have extended circulation and readership,  especially  in the foreign market, there is no denying the fact that much must also have been  lost in terms of originality and essential fabric of Yoruba culture.

    When the threatening implications of the “visual age” are considered, this further complicates the production and patronage of indigenous literature. Not surprisingly, the Fagunwa Foundation is reportedly interested in film adaptations of the late writer’s work, which is heart-warming and deserves the support of culture-conscious individuals and organisations.

    It is a testimony to his genius that Fagunwa’s place in the literary pantheon is assured, even though he wrote in an indigenous language in a world dominated by so-called international languages. It is the ultimate tribute to his cultural assertiveness that he chose to write in his native Yoruba language, although he was sufficiently educated in English language, having trained as a teacher.  His 1938 magnum opus, Ogboju Ode ninu Igbo Irunmale, widely regarded as the first Yoruba  novel and one of the first to be written in any African language, was in 1968 translated into English as The Forest of A Thousand Daemons by Wole Soyinka. It is noteworthy and bespeaks the quality of this debut that a stage adaptation of the work by Wale Ogunyemi, Langbodo, was Nigeria’s entry at the monumental Festival of African Arts and Culture hosted by the country in 1977.

    His  later works, which  include Igbo Olodumare( 1949), Ireke Onibudo (1949), Irinkerindo ninu Igbo Elegbeje ( 1954), translated as Expedition to the Mount of Thought  by Dapo Adeniyi, and Adiitu Olodumare (1961), translated as The Mysteries Of God by Olu Obafemi,  reinforced his stature.  Fagunwa’s alluring forte was the highly creative use of folkloric material to weave fantastic and gripping adventure tales that mirror the journey of life with a didactic slant. It is no accident that Fagunwa remains the most widely-read Yoruba-language author, and a major literary influence.

    It is a measure of his enthusiasm for Yoruba language and a felt need to encourage its use that, among other works eclipsed by his main fictional writings, Fagunwa co-authored, with L.J. Lewis, a primary school Yoruba reader, Taiwo ati Kehinde. Though significant, it is inadequate that Fagunwa, born in Oke-Igbo, Ondo State, and honoured with the distinguished award of Member of the Order of the British Empire in 1959 for his services to Literature, is being celebrated for his cultural contributions without  convincing efforts to  sustain Yoruba language.

  • Echoes of Babel

    Echoes of Babel

    The nation’s narrative, unambiguously disseminated to the whole world, in the last fourteen years, through the medium of the central administration that has been under the control of the largest party in Africa, has been nothing but depressing for the masses. Unemployment has shot through the roofs. Security is an unrealisable dream. Missed targets of set goals for power generation have been as predictable as the daily occurrence of incessant power failure itself. Poverty is on the rise just as a few continues to swim in undeserved opulence, no thanks to the unjust system of fraudulent reward.

    In the face of all the tales of woe that our people have had to deal with in the last decade and a half, the party in power has continued to claim victory in national elections, no thanks to the coalition of forces and the solidarity of agencies, including INEC, that have been responsible for those “victories.” We also know that the egoistic tendencies in human nature have kept even some of the more conscience-minded individuals in the fold. They have moved out and gone back in because of the belief that the PDP is the only party through which their ambitions can be realised.

    Times have changed. No, we still have a depressed society in material and spiritual terms, and then some more. In 1999, we didn’t have to deal with Boko Haram terrorist network. Now, the fear of Boko Haram is the beginning of wisdom across the North.

    Times have changed for the supposed supremacy of the largest party in Africa. The chickens of greed and crass egoism bereft of self-discipline are coming home to roost and there are loud echoes of Babel in the house of cards that has endured quite a bunch of self-created political storms. These times remind us that a house of cards does not last long.

    A political party that is built solely on individual member’s interests in self-promotion and individual success, and is not bound by a common interest in a political ideal that places the interest of the nation above self-interests, is one that is built on sand. It is a house of cards. The reason is simple. Without a common interest is something that is bigger than the self, what is left are conflicting interests. The interest of each individual to make as much as possible for him or herself must run into conflict with that of his fellow member. There has to be a third-party interest—that is what a common ideal is, and that is what is lacking in the PDP. They pay lip service to the party as supreme. But it is gibberish; each individual knows that the reason the party was established was to serve as a means to the satisfaction of individual interests. For its members, there is no moral in politics.

    For the exponent of politics without morals, the idea that it is for the purpose of managing the affairs of the state for the benefit of its citizens does not make much sense because they either do not acknowledge that there are other citizens whose interests are worthy of promotion, or because they see themselves are best suited to identify the interests that need to be promoted and how. In both cases, politicians with this mindset put themselves above all other citizens, and justify to themselves any action or policy even if it makes no sense to the other citizens.

    Recent happenings within the ruling party demonstrate the mentality of its membership. The national leadership of the party is completely determined to return President Jonathan to power in 2015. As far as it is concerned, other political parties don’t have the means to challenge its dominance at the centre, not even the emerging APC. Therefore its calculation is to secure the President’s nomination by the PDP. And anything that obstructs the movement of the elephant in the forest is sure to be vigorously attacked and cleared off the path.

    So Amaechi has to go, and so in the new mathematics approved by the PDP, 19 is less than 16. Of course, they knew this all along. But they insisted that if 19 of their governors endorsed Governor Jang for the position, they all were expected to vote for him. Therefore, even if they did not vote for him, the earlier endorsement subsists. It is an argument that makes sense with the psychology of egoism where there is no recognised neutral arbitrator to resolve conflicts of interests.

    Sometimes, however, conscience manages to prevail and individuals are lifted above and beyond considerations of self-interest. So Governor Lamido can no longer keep silent and he felt the need to let the struggling cat out the bag of moral pollution. Nine PDP governors voted for Amaechi, he pronounced. The house of cards is collapsing fast and echoes of Babel can be heard loud and clear. What has been the motivation for Lamido’s coming out with such a revelation? Not a mind-reader myself, I can only speculate. It could be conscience, as I surmised above. But it could also be self-interest, and from just one act of whistleblowing, one cannot conclude that our politicians are redeemed or redeemable.

    There is more. Governor Wamakko of Sokoto State was suspended from the party. It was clear from the beginning that this was one action that Tukur’s NWC would regret as the Northern governors were up in arms against the decision. Tukur caved in and Wamakko’s suspension was lifted. Has Wamakko suddenly showed remorse and has he become loyal to the party hierarchy? Don’t count on it, given human nature. The mass resignation of NWC members and the impending sack of the National Chairman is ominous for the party.

    And there is more. In the Southwest, the fortune of the party at the polls has been sealed by two factors. First is the outstanding performance of the ACN governors in the five states they control. Even the worst critics of these governors attest to the incredible development projects in education, road construction and health and welfare interventions. And this is a region where voters reward achievement and are not asking for anything more.

    Second, and more to the point of my topic today, is that the PDP house of cards is also collapsing in the region even faster than in the nation at large. For one thing, the access to the promise of patronage is now disastrously limited and those whose idea of party membership and political activism is influenced by such considerations have no real motivation. For another, the generalissimo of Southwest PDP, former President Obasanjo is himself no longer in reckoning in the national leadership of the party. That was after he has effectively contributed to the collapse of the party in Ogun and Oyo states.

    And now in Oyo State, strange fellows and coming to share a bed with the rumoured romance between former Governor Alao Akala and his former boss and nemesis, former Governor Ladoja. What this romance means for the PDP in Oyo state is unpredictable for now. But something significant caught my attention from a recent interview granted by Chief Alao-Akala on the relationship between the two and his own ambitions. In reference to Oke-Ogun state and the question whether he would present himself as a Senate candidate against the incumbent Senator Hosea Agboola, who was his former Commissioner for Local Government, Akala not only dismissed his former commissioner’s credentials, but he was also dismissive of the entire Oke-Ogun electorate. In his political calculation of electoral politics, he only needed Ibadan and Ogbomosho, which influences his idea of partnership with Ladoja.

    Politicians calculate all the time. But it is usually done discretely and with some finesse. If you boastfully discount a swath of land and its population, you have alienated them and cannot therefore count on their support. What this would mean for the PDP in Oke-Ogun in particular, and Oyo State in general, is anybody’s guess. It is true, however, that a divided house cannot withstand the united competition of its opponents. These echoes of Babel are truly instructive.

  • Echoes of Wamakko’s big stick

    Echoes of Wamakko’s big stick

    Since the Sokoto State Governor, Aliyu Wamakko, shut some private schools in the state, saying they failed short of the educational, religious and cultural standards his government approved, tongues have been wagging, as some commentators and opponents even allege political and religious vindictiveness on the part of the governor.

    Ripples learnt that some affected proprietors and redeployed educational officers and teachers are considering forming a strong body that will help them tackle what most of them described as ‘unfair treatment.’

    But feelers from the Government House in Sokoto suggests that Wamakko is not perturbed by the interpretations some opponents are trying to give his actions. In a statement signed by one of his aides, Abubakar Dangusau, Wamakko said during the week, “All the private schools recently closed down by the ministry of education for operating below standards will remain closed. They will remain closed until when they are willing to operate duly and in line with the religion and cultures of the people of the state.”