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  • ‘Anambra election betrayed people’s confidence’

    ‘Anambra election betrayed people’s confidence’

    Chief George Muoghalu, a chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and Director-General,  Senator Chris Ngige Campaign Organisation during the November 16, 2013 governorship election in Anambra State, in this interview with NWANOSIKE ONU, speaks on the election, its lapses, as well as the security situation in country, among other issues.  Excerpts:

    AS the influx of so many people, including governors, into the All Progressives Congress a blessing to the party or do you see danger in managing the defection?

    APC is a brand, and what is happening is expected because the situation where we are today in the country, people have always clamoured for an alternative, a very viable alternative that will provide them with opportunity to express themselves. So it is expected because APC as a party is seen as that alternative and people are moving into APC in droves and there is nothing actually wrong with that because like I have always said in the past, a political party is like a church or mosque where you don’t restrict people from coming in, only that you must have rules and regulations and anybody coming into the party must accept basically that there are set out rules and a constitution governing the operations of the party and when you are moving into such an establishment, you must have it at the back of your mind that you are going into the establishment with a view to (i) abide by the rules and regulation of that organisation and bring in your quota to the development of the organisation and in this case, developing the polity. So I don’t see anything wrong with that. It is expected.

    Do you think the PDP has collapsed?

    No, I wouldn’t say that the PDP as a party has collapsed because they have government at the centre and they have government in some states but at the same time, sight should not be lost to the fact that there are some problems. They have internal problems which have been brought to the fore and one thing you must understand, because of the position of PDP as a party that controls the government at the center, issues and challenges, internal squabbles and whatever that is brought to the public domain, will certainly concern or affect every politician or affect the polity because of the vantage position they are occupying but that is not to say that the party has collapsed. The party is still there as a strong platform and an alternative also to the APC.  For me, I don’t wish them collapsing, I wish them to be there so that some of us who have always wished that we have two strong political parties will have it in place.The APC on one side and the PDP on the other side so that each can call the other to order and provide alternative to the average Nigerian.  If you think this side is not doing the right thing, you give the other the opportunity to implement their policies all with a view to improving on the livelihood of the average Nigerian which I believe very strongly in our party the APC is the main.The greatest concern to us as a party is the general welfare of Nigerians.  So, I know they have not collapsed, but I wish them well.

    Why did APC lose the Anambra election?

    I make bold to say being an insider and at the forefront of what happened that there was practically no election in Anambra State. To say APC lost the election is totally unacceptable because it is not true.  We found ourselves in a situation where both the government at the centre and the government in the state collaborated with the supposedly Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to manipulate the entire voting process with a view to installing a pre-determined candidate which I consider a betrayal of people’s trust and confidence.  This is also the view of everybody, even the international community agrees with this view.  What happened in Anambra State is a charade.  What happened in Anambra State cannot be considered an election. If they want to test popularity of APC in the state, if they want to test the credibility or strength of any political organization, let them organize free, fair and credible elections.  That is why we are asking for a total cancellation so that whoever is the popular candidate and acceptable to the people will win.  If they do that, they know APC as a party will win the election in Anambra State ten times over.  Let them stop deceiving themselves by saying there was an election.  How can you say there was an election when the voters register had no integrity?  What happened in Anambra was not an election because if it was an election, Jega won’t come out to say there were issues, so there was no election in Anambra State, what happened is not a basis for any test to determine the strength or the capacity of APC.If that is what they intend to do in Ekiti and Osun States, God help them because if that is their intention, I can guarantee you that our democracy will not survive its.

    You are talking about the lapses in the voters register, is it not due to the inability of APC to organise and examine the voters register as provided by law prior to the elections?

    What could we have done? We had no access to the register.  There is an organisation called INEC whose responsibility it is to organise free, fair and credible election in Anambra State as in the entire country, but they failed woefully, what are we going to do as a party?  There is a limit to what we can do. It is INEC that produces the voters register and it is INEC that plans and executes any election and as such is responsible for the materials.  An organization brings voters materials at 5pm to a voting point and you expect voting to start and end at 6pm.  Do we have access to the result sheet? INEC delivered materials to some points and withheld result sheets all in an attempt to manipulate the process to achieve a pre-determined result.  There was no election; there was nothing we could have done as a party.  Even the attention of the world was drawn to this manipulation before the election because I addressed a world press conference where I raised the issue of voters register manipulation. I raised the issue of late arrival of materials, in some cases outrightly non-delivery of electoral material, I raised the issue of withholding of result sheets.  Virtually all media houses in the country attended that press briefing where these issues were raised by me and they still went ahead to do the same thing so what could we have done?

    You raised these issues and you still participated in the election, why did you have to participate?

    Because there were assurances that it was not going to happen; I raised the issue for them to know that we are already aware and INEC in Anambra State was quick to respond that it won’t happen, that we should not worry, that everything will be done right. It turned out that the only thing that went right was withholding result sheets or late arrival of materials and manipulation of the voters register where names of registered voters were removed to make sure a lot of people were disenfranchised, particularly in some local government areas.So what were we supposed to do?  I had expected that having raised such issues, INEC would have been honest and sincere enough to prevent such things from happening because they had re-assured us that it will not happen and the whole thing happened the same day, so what could we have done? Practically nothing.

    The concern of a lot of your supporters is funding and mutual suspicion amongst all the parties that merged. There were speculations that Ngige had problems of funding prior to the election, what is your take on that?

    I make bold to say that funding wasn’t a problem.  In actual fact, what are you doing with the funding? Your funding is to handle your logistics affairs and we had no problem or challenge handling our logistics. We had no problem with that. Funding was not an issue at all.  One thing about an election is that any amount of money you put into it will surely finish, whether it is in billions or trillions. It is just for the organisation to plan properly, applying the funds available to their specific needs to achieve desired results and that is exactly what we did.  So funding wasn’t an issue at all.

    But could you have won an election of this magnitude without the backing of other governors under the APC platform? Were APC governors supportive?

    The entire APC governors backed the project; I can say that without fear of contradiction.  If you recall, a month or so before the election, all the APC governors met in Nasarawa State and the only agenda for that meeting was the Anambra election and all our governors were in attendance, except for one or two who sent their deputies because they were out of the country.  How else would they have demonstrated their commitment, some of the governors visited during the campaign in Anambra State to see how we were doing, some came before the election to encourage us, ask question and to see how we were doing.  So the governors were totally committed to the project.

    But media reports showed that the fund raising dinner you organised in Lagos was a flop because people did not buy up the project.

    That is not true

    So can you talk us through what really happened then?

    Governor of Lagos State hosted a fund raising dinner for Ngige in Lagos and it was successful.  Anybody saying something contrary is lying, the videos are there, newspaper publications are there.  Captains of industry came, politicians came. Please note that a governor must not appear in person to support a project. Governors could decide to host dinners for a project in their states. Don’t forget that as governors, they enjoy a level of goodwill among their subjects, their contractors and their friends. They can tell their friends to please support Mr. A.  Don’t forget also that there is a limit an individual can give in line with electoral guidelines and we are very conscious of that fact.

    So what really happened to the political class in Anambra?  Your detractors are insisting that one of the reasons why Ngige couldn’t fly or win in this election was that the political class did not endorse him.

    Who are the political class? We are the political class; I am from Anambra State, and we are the political class.

    They insisted that no politician of note in Anambra supported him.

    That is not true. A lot of notable politicians keyed into the project.  Those that have value to add, not just anybody.

    Anybody else?

    There are so many more who endorsed him who may not be known to you. To drive this point home, let me bring in an Igbo proverb that says “When a child is sent to visit a family, even if he meets the parents and older siblings at home, but did not see his or her friend because of whom he or she visited that house, if you ask him whether he saw anyone at home, he will say there was nobody at home when he visited” because as far as he is concerned, there was nobody because the person he expected to see was not there. That is exactly the problem of Anambra State politics.  There are specific people who have either out of popularity or notoriety made themselves identifiable as politicians in Anambra State. If you don’t see them in any particular project, you are likely to assume that those people are not supportive and such names in some instances are nuisances, they have no political value to add to you rather they major minuses. There is no law that says all of these credible ones must be together because there are many political parties and interests. There are credible people in the APC, PDP, APGA, Labour Party and others but it is a matter of who is the person, what is his pedigree, what is his style. How has he been in the system, what role has he played?  These are questions the person himself may not be able to answer. For the purpose of this election, there were three or four major candidates and these candidates have their individual friendships spread across the political class and they have took advantage of it. There is no way you will expect that one person will attract all. For example, I am identifiable with the APC project, if you are looking for me therefore in the PDP project and you don’t find me you will be right to assume that there are no members of the political class there because it is me you are looking for. If you go to APGA you assume there are none because it is me you are looking for but when you are not looking for me, you are looking for another politician, if you don’t find him in APC you conclude there is no political class there.  That is exactly the scenario.

    There are reports that a lot of the Deputy Directors of the Ngige Campaign Organisation who handled sensitive positions are people of questionable character.  This reflected in the scenario where you were actually fighting against the status quo before your appointment as the DG of the organisation.

    If there was any structure before APC, as far as I am concerned, it is immaterial. I am concerned as to the point of the campaigns and elections because Ngige Campaign Organisation is a creation of the National Leadership of the party of which I was at the point of commencement, the Deputy Chairman. Later I became chairman and the Director General which therefore meant I was to run the entire campaign with lieutenants and we had a structure that had two Deputy DGs  with about 15  directorates headed by a director and in some instances two deputy directors depending on the size or scope of the directorate. We also had about 15 committees that had specific responsibilities. Each committee had a chairman, deputy chairman and a secretary and that was the way we built up the structure and I must be bold enough to say that I had the support and loyalty of the deputy DGs and all other officers in the organization. In fact everybody accepted my leadership of the organization and we worked as a team and as a family.  I didn’t have any challenge as to the status quo because there was no status quo; there was no campaign organisation before I came to take over. We came with the campaign organisation; we started with it up and until now, we are the drivers, we ran the process, so I had no challenge, no issues regarding status quo. But you must understand one thing, you are dealing with human beings.  Everybody or most people have their own expectations; a lot of people also have what they expect as results, how they expect their own result. It is a case of 9 + 1 = 10, 1 + 1 + 8 = 10 and 1 + 1 + 1 + 1 + 1 + 5 = 10.  The question is achieving the answer, the process may vary from Mr. A to B.  Some people may not accept the way I want things done. They may wish it is done their way but unfortunately, I was in charge.  But in such situation as a leader, if I think you have a different process of achieving the same result, I call you, hear you out then try and convince you, using my own modus operandi.  I compare what I have side by side with your own then at the end of the day, it is either I convince you or you convince me, but the important thing is that we must to achieve the result.  That is how we worked so I didn’t have any challenge, so to speak.

    But your detractors see some of these directors, stakeholders and keyholders as people who did not have the capacityand credibility to win their Local Governments, Wards or even booths, so they ask how Dr. Ngige can bring these people to work with you, because the whole thing became a case of old wine in a new bottle.

    Fine, you see the issue of winning wards or Local Governments is not a basis for assessing the capacity of the peopleyou are working with, reason being simple; there was no election.  If you come to somebody’s local government for example, you bring voters register that has no integrity, you manipulate their result, you withhold the result sheet, you deliver materials late and at the end of the day you say the man did not deliver, you are not being fair.  If there was free, fair credible election, a voter’s register with integrity, materials delivered on time, election conducted, result sheet available and results announced, if those process were followed and at the end of the day the person fails to deliver then you can blame the person.  There are circumstances also that may affect an individual’s capacity to deliver within his local government or ward.  That is not to say that I will like to defend non performance, no I will not defend non performance, I will rather support and encourage performance, but I must also not lose sight of the fact that when a deliberate impediment is placed on the way, there is practically nothing the person can do and more so, we must not expect to win in the entire 21 local government areas of the state reason being that the candidates who are running the same election with you, have their individual strongholds.  Strongholds that were built out of sentiments and/or performance which you cannot wish away.  For example, there is no way my people will like a stranger more than they like me, especially when I have the pedigree.  These are the realities you must put into account if you are making any honest political assessment.

    Can you beat your chest and say that Dr. Chris Ngige was actually prepared for this election?  I asked this question with regard to the allegation that he lacks inter-personal skills; he did not reach out to the business community that no businessman of note in Anambra backed or endorsed him.

    The mistake you are making about backing and endorsement is that most notable businessmen will not come out in the open to back a candidate to avoid jeopardizing his business interest.

    Is that not debatable?

    Sure it can be debated, it is not rocket secure but the point is that some people may decide to take the risk.  So the businessmen who supported him may have done so devoid of the expected publicity as they may have businesses running with the Federal Government, knowing fully well that Federal Government is antagonistic to the man’s ambition, they might have projects with the state government knowing fully well also that the state government is antagonistic towards the man’s ambition, so these are realities that cannot be ignored. You must take this into account in making any assessment.  As for preparation, I can beat my chest and say the man was prepared for the election.

    As a person or as a candidate?

    As a person and as a candidate, there are certain things you cannot take away from him; you cannot take away his popularity, which is anchored on experience, having been there before. So a good percentage of the people who are aligned to him, are aligned to him on that note.They keep saying that if he could do all he did within a space of three years when he was Governor before, if he is given the opportunity, he will do better and he will improve on what he did in the past.That is why the campaign was anchored on experience counts.

    Let’s look at APC at the national level with regards to the 2015 general elections. Most people feel that APC is a paper tiger,  just blowing hot air?

    APC as a party is fully prepared for election; we only keep throwing this challenge to the establishment, give us the enabling environment, we want an INEC that is truly independent, committed to delivering on their mandate of providing free, fair credible election.Their mentality must change; their attitude must change if they are sincere about giving us a credible election in 2015.  We are asking the security agencies to see themselves more as Nigerians who have a responsibility to Nigerians more than an individual or a political party who certainly will go one day, they must be neutral.  Once this tool is put in place, the responsibility of voter education lies both with INEC and the parties, to keep educating the voting public.As for being prepared, APC as a party is fully prepared and will continue to prepare for elections.  I remember I told you sometime back that the strength we have, which I pray we don’t deviate from, is internal democracy.  Whatever it will take, I am among those who will continue to champion it, I know the party is focused on it, there must be internal democracy in APC as a political party, and we must have internal democracy, create the enabling environment for everybody to everybody.  Everybody has to have access to power, if you are the popular candidate of your people, you must be allowed to contest election, whoever wins primaries should be the candidate, whoever shows interest to contest for any office, please allow him to contest.The moment we agree on all these things, I am sure we will be on cruise control and the party will continue to grow.  The only time we are going to have problem is when we deviate from theseprinciples. These progressive principles we laid down by ourselves as a guide.

    Talking about deviating from principles, from 1999 to date, most Nigerians accuse PDP of lacking in ideology and one thing that people see in APC is that they are equally ideologically bankrupt because it has become an all comers affairs and at the end of the day, there is no single ideological point to where you can say, this is why APC is existing other than the craze and crave for power.

    I will recommend that you read our manifesto and constitution.If you read the two; you will understand basically that progressism and the welfare of the people are the two key cardinal points in the party.  As to people who are coming in, if you are willing to follow the rules, you are welcome because we already have a manifesto written down and we agree that everybody must implement this manifesto and the manifesto covers every aspect of our national life.

    But you have an infusion of PDP governors who have been governors for almost 8 years and they were not ideologically driven, they were just there to share the money according to some Nigerians and now they have joined APC……………

    I don’t agree

    They have joined you

    The governors, who came into the APC today, have a track record of performance. Would you say Kwakwanso is not performing, would you say Wamako is not performing, would you say Amaechi is not performing? Or the Kwara man, what about Al-makura.  Who amongst them will you boldly fault?  Except if you are blinded by bias.

    That is your own opinion and it is debatable.

    Certainly, there is no situation that is not debatable; it depends on the angle you are coming from, but there are empirical evidence to judge this people, but one thing everybody has been preaching is; when you come into a new system, you certainly will adapt, there may be changes you have to make in your operational methodology because the truth is that you are coming into a progressive party built on the premise of equality, justice and good governance , anchored on the welfare of the people.  The sum total is; where does the average Nigerian stand in your calculation.  We are saying things are not right, we want to change it. We are saying that the peoples vote must count; we are saying that the people must be the reason for government; we are saying that the educational system has collapsed; we are saying healthcare delivery has practically collapsed, we must look at them.  We are talking about security, we say we must look at them, we are talking about power and these are issues we have taken and studied critically and came out with a manifesto which I recommend to every Nigerian.

    Beyond the manifesto sir, you are talking about Amaechi and others; Governor Amaechi gets close to N20b per month from the Federal account.

    I had to talk about them because you mentioned the governors that came in but if you want to assess the performance of our governors, I will give you reference points.

    Please do

    Go to Lagos , go to Borno, go to Zamfara, go to Yobe, go and see what is happening there.

    But is Amaechi a reference point?

    Why not?

    With N20b every month and some people in Rivers State are insisting that he has not done anything with the money?

    You must not fail to note that the people who speak to the media may not be the people who speak the mind of the people.

    Is that not the same thing you said?

    That is an independent opinion, get down to Rivers State and see what is on ground, look at what the state was before he came in because when you are making an assessment of anybody, you assess him or her from the point where he started, where he is and where he is going to.  It will not be fair if you start assessing somebody without knowing where he is coming from.  The issue of Rivers State getting N20b has been there, Akwa-Ibom gets far more than that, Delta State gets far more than that so, when you are assessing Rivers State, you assess him taking account of where he is coming from, where he is and where he is going to.  When you look at states like Zamfara, Borno and Yobe, despite the challenges of insecurity, go there and see practical governance, go to Lagos today, go to Ekiti and Edo , go to Oyo, go to Ogun, these are practical things, it is something you go and see for yourself.

    Have you been to Jigawa or Katsina?

    The last time I spoke to you, I said Jigawa and Katsina governors are doing well.

    So would you want to compare somebody who collects N20b monthly to somebody who collects N3b?

    Compare Katsina with Zamfara and Borno, these are states that are on the same pedestal.  If you say Amaechi gets N20b, compare him with Delta that will be a fair comparison.  You can’t compare Amaechi who gets N20b and Zamfara who gets N3b.  Look at Imo State ; compare it to any other South-Eastern State except Enugu .  Just look at Imo State in 2years compare to other states in the south-east.  You are talking about something that is practical, go to Owerri, go to Okigwe, to go Orlu.  You see governance in practical terms and you ask yourself where this state was before this man came in? Where is it today and where will it be tomorrow, what is it going to be like after four years, if this can be achieved in two years. So if you are talking about states that get N20b, compare them with other states that get N20b.  It will be an unfair comparison if you compare Akwa-Ibom with a state like Zamfara because what Akwa-Ibom gets in one month is what Zamfara get in one year.

    But supporters of President  Goodluck Jonathan’s presidency have insisted that if you want to do comparison in the aviation and agricultural industry before he came into power, he has done a great job………….

    At what cost, let us put the cost implication on the table.

    But you never said anything about cost implication in what Amaechi is doing

    Yes, you mentioned Amaechi gets N20b, I said fair enough, he gets N20b but if you want to compare him, compare him with Delta that gets over N20b, compare him with Akwa-Ibom that gets over that, if you want to compare Zamfara, look for a state that gets N3b, if you want to compare Borno look for a state that gets within the range of N4b, despite the security challenges there.

    So are you saying the Federal Government has not done anything in agriculture?  Because the Minister of Agriculture, recently got an award from Forbes Magazine because of his strides in Agriculture. Aviation is another sector that has witnessed a lot of positive innovation.  Are you not recognizing these marked achievements?

    It will be unfair to say there is none, there is improvement no doubt.  But then, is there where we should be?

    And the Niger Delta Ministry for instance…….

    For the Niger Delta Ministry, it was created to address the imbalance, to address the failures of previous government as it concerns the Niger Delta people and it is commendable.

    What is your take on the importance of the ministry?

    The fundamental issue here is that we already have a Niger Delta Affairs Ministry to address the imbalance; I therefore want to commend the government for appreciating that there is a need to correct an imbalance.  The leadership as at then who created the ministrymust be commended; they should also be commended for what they are doing now because the important thing is that you are addressing the issues that concern the people. I am a people-oriented politician and anything that has to do with alleviating the challenges of the people, the imbalance, the unfair treatment at any point in time, no matter who is involved, I am for it.  So I am totally for the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs, I also want to use this medium to appeal that it should be properly funded.  For example, this East-West road is almost a National embarrassment.  It is a key project in the Niger Delta region, that once it is delivered, you will notice some improvement both in the economic development of that area.  So I can’t sit here and tell you that the federal government has done nothing.That would be very unfair.  I am not a politician who criticizes just for the fun of it. Any time I criticize any particular policy of government, I try to proffer an alternative.  The point I have made is that, yes there is improvement in the aviation sector no doubt about it, but at what cost, a lot more still has to be done.

    Talking about APC’s convention in 2014, speculations are rife that people like you are gunning for the removal of the zoning process so that it will enable you run for the chairmanship of the party, what is your take on this?

    Well, speculation is part of political life.  Anybody can speculate anything, I believe that there is need for zoning so that every interest will be accommodated, so that there will be equity.  As for the speculation, I like you to know that once you are in the open, anybody can say anything about you.  Some of these speculations are anchored on confidence, some may feel that you are good to do something; some may also feel that you are qualified to do something and the speculation can be built based on that.  But I believe my main concern today is that we should first build a strong party, we need a strong party before we start talking of who aspires to be what.  When the convention comes, we will be able to take our decision, but what I can tell you confidently is that there is consultation going on everywhere.

    But are you going to contest for something even though you don’t know what to contest for as it is now?

    Yes I am consulting very widely.  I am not a politician who dabbles into things, I like to consult. I like knowing what my friends, supporters and leaders think so that you don’t make any mistake.  It is not a do-or-die thing; it is about offering service, it is about bringing to bear your experience, knowledge and what have you.  But when you take this into account, you still have to understand that in every structure, there is leadership, there are interest groups and you must work in tandem with that.  And that is why I said for now, we are still consulting and when we finish with the consultation, we will issue a statement to that effect.

    Finally, let us look at the issue of security.  Few months ago before now, it was like hell let loose in Nigeria but thank God during the Christmas period, we did not hear of bombings, killings and all that, it looks like finally Mr. President has gotten hold of the security issues in the country, do you agree?

    We have had a lot of issues on security, but that we did not have any incidence in very strategic places in the country during this holidays is a welcome development and I am happy about it. This is one area nobody wants to play politics with because you can’t talk about driving an economy in an insecure environment.  For me, anything that can be done, any sacrifice that can be made to make the country safe should be of primary consideration because I see it as a primary responsibility of government and I welcome it.  So we will keep praying that everybody concerned will live up to expectation and live up to their responsibilities.

    Just before you go, still talking about security, INEC has said that the states under emergency rule may not be up for elections in 2015, what is your take on this?

    It is a joke because like the governor of Borno said which makes so much sense, the moment you say that, you have given in to the insurgents, you have confirmed that they are in charge, so you don’t do such a thing and more so, with the recent local government election in Yobe State which was reported as free, fair and peaceful with a large turnout  has made nonsense of that assertion, so I think that we should not think about that, INEC should prepare themselves and go and conduct elections in those states at the proper

     

     

  • Rivers’ court bomb blast a portent of election violence

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC) traded blame on Tuesday over a small bomb blast at a court in oil-producing Rivers State a day earlier, a signal of the growing risk of violence ahead of elections next year.

    The improvised device went off early on Monday in the High Court in Ahaoda, causing some damage but no casualties, state police spokesman Ahmad Mohammad said. Police managed to detonate two more explosive devices safely.

    Amachi’s defection last year from the PDP to the APC was a key trigger in the Rivers State impasse.

    The explosion occurred just hours before Justice Charles Wali was due to hear a case over the disputed leadership in the state national assembly. The case concerned the current Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Otelemaba Amachree, seeking an injunction to restrain Evans Bipi – part of a faction wishing to have him removed as Speaker.

    According to Adaure Achumba, eNCA’s West Africa correspondent, the court cases arises from an incident in the House of Assembly, caught on a viral video, involving a faction of the lawmakers loyal to President Goodluck Jonathan that wanted to impeach Amachree.

    In the ensuing fracas, Bipi, one of the six dissenting lawmakers, who is also accused of parading himself as Speaker, used the speakers mace to assault another lawmaker. The assembly complex has been sealed off since the incident.

    The latest available information indicates that three aides to the lawmaker are in custody. It is unclear whether they are detained for questioning or whether they are being charged.

    Rivers State, like much of the Niger Delta, has a history of instability, gangsterism and political thuggishness that tends to worsen in the build up to elections as rival factions jockey for power.

    It s the largest state in the Delta, where the bulk of Nigeria’s 2-million barrels per day of crude oil is produced, and it exports the world’s fourth largest quantity of liquefied natural gas (LNG).

    Both oil and LNG exports have been hampered by sabotage and theft attacks on pipelines. Large scale oil theft is worth billions of dollars a year and industry experts believe the scale of the problem means high-level politicians are involved.

    The oil-producing delta is far from the reach of the Islamist militant group Boko Haram, which mostly carries out its attacks on security forces, churches and schools in the mainly Muslim north of Africa’s most populous nation.

    The 2015 national poll is expected to be the most closely fought since the end of military rule 15 years ago because of a row within President Goodluck Jonathan’s ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) over his assumed intention to run for another term, and because the opposition coalition is more powerful and has broader national appeal than any previous one.

    Rivers State Governor Rotimi Amaechi last year defected from Jonathan’s PDP, intensifying a row between them.

    Amaechi joined the main opposition All Progressives Congress (APC), giving the newly formed opposition coalition a foothold in Jonathan’s home Niger Delta region and heightening the rivalries that often lead to violence in Africa’s second largest economy.

     

  • The politics of NBA election

    The politics of NBA election

    The presidency and other executive positions will be up for grabs at the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) election in  July, next year. It is  the turn of the Southwest to produce the president.  Some would-be candidates have thrown their hats in the ring.  One of them, Dele Adesina (SAN), was said to have been picked to  fly  the region’s flag at the election, but others are crying foul. ADEBISI ONANUGA and JOSEPH JIBUEZE report.

    ABOUT seven months to the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) election, in which the next president and other officers will emerge, would-be candidates are lobbying their colleagues for support.

    Though the association has yet to signal the beginning of campaigns, that has not stopped them from gathering and strategising.

    The regions hold the key to determining who wins the race. There are three recognised groupings for NBA elections: The Eastern Bar Forum (EBF), the Arewa Lawyers Forum (ALF) and the Yoruba Lawyers Forum (also known as the Egbe Amofin). The Midwest Bar Forum is part of Egbe Amofin, and is also entitled to contest on the Egbe slot in the election.

    A new forum, the Middle Belt Lawyers Forum (MLF), was created from ALF, but its strength and political relevance have yet to be tested. It is obvious that it will remain under Arewa until NBA decides to recognise other fora outside the three.

    It is Egbe Amofin’s turn to produce the next NBA President. Prominent members of Egbe have indicated interest to run the association’s affairs. The candidates are Funke Adekoya (SAN), Dele Adesina (SAN), Chief Niyi Akintola (SAN), Augustin Alegeh (SAN) and the incumbent First Vice-President of the NBA, Osas J.  Erhabor.

    Though NBA is yet to lift ban on campaigns, candidates vying for various elective offices have engaged in subterranean moves, clandestine activities and manoeuvres, which they consider useful in actualising their ambitions.

    These have also affected the activities and operations of the regional fora that will invariably play the role of clearing houses for their candidates.

    The groups have been making effort to strengthen their operations. The EBF changed its leadership in July this year, electing the Ogbonna O. Igwenyi-led administration which took over from Mr. Kemasuode Wodu.

    The Arewa conducted its election in October when it elected the M. A. Abubakar-led executive, who took over from the Hajiya Fatima Kwaku-led steering committee that had managed its affairs in the last five years.

    To strengthen its own position to face the challenges of the election, Egbe Amofin set up a review committee to amend its constitution and reposition the forum for better performance.

    It also set up a five-man screening committee under the chairmanship of the former Lagos branch chairman, Mr. Taiwo Taiwo and Secretary, Mr. Ranti Ajeleti to screen its candidates for the forthcoming election. This is to ensure that the zone presents credible, popular, charismatic and winning candidates.

    It is clear to all who are familiar with NBA politics that Egbe took these steps to improve its electoral fortunes at the bar because its candidates are believed to have performed woefully in the past two NBA elections. Therefore, there is need to review and overhaul the system to forestall future re-occurrence.

    These steps notwithstanding, there have been discordant tunes within the Egbe Amofin family.

    Until recently, the Egbe had no constitution, the minutes of the forum was never circulated neither does it have an account in its name.

    Critics said all legitimate agitations and requests to restructure and democratise the Egbe like the other fora had been resisted until the meeting of May 29 this when they finally yielded to the popular clamour for restructuring.

    The first major breakthrough was recorded at the meeting of August 17 in Abeokuta where a Constitution Drafting Committee was allegedly forced on the leadership to be set up. The said Committee gave a report at the just-concluded Akure meeting held on December 7, at the resident of Chief Ifedayo Adedipe (SAN).

     

    How rotation began

    By an informal arrangement of the (NBA) which started in 2000, election into the office of NBA President began to rotate among the Eastern Bar forum, Egbe Amofin, and Arewa. The East started the Presidential rotation in 2000, followed by the West in 2002, and North in 2004.

    Chief Wole Olanipekun (SAN) indicated interest to run for the office of NBA President in 2000, so also was Mr. O. C. J. Okocha (SAN).

    Meanwhile, Okocha, had run in 1998 and lost to Mr. T. J. O. Okpoko (SAN). This led to series of discussions between Okocha and Olanipekun.

    Eventually, both of them brought leaders who sealed up their agreement and Chief Olanipekun, though a senior to Okocha, both at the outer and inner Bar, stepped down for Okocha  in 2000. That was the introduction of the rotation arrangement to NBA presidential elections.

    In 2000, Olanipekun naturally renewed his interest. Mr Segun Onakoya, a former General Secretary, also showed interest in the race. Egbe Amofin set up a Committee and the Committee recommended Olanipekun for adoption and he was duly adopted. Mr Onakoya refused to step down, he ran and lost the election.

    Again, the East picked another round in 2006, the West in 2008 and the North in 2010.

     

    Any gentleman’s agreement?

    In 2008, when it was again the turn of Egbe to produce a president for the NBA, two aspirants Mr. Oluwarotimi Akeredolu (SAN) and Mr. Dele Adesina (SAN) showed interest. Three meetings were reportedly held at the instance of Chief Olanipekun at his office at No. 94 Norman Williams, South West Ikoyi, Lagos and both aspirants attended this meetings with delegates drawn from their supporters.

    At each meeting, the house recognised that both Adesina and Akeredolu were eminently qualified to contest the office and that both of them could be Presidents of the NBA but at the same time rather  one after the other.

    Consequently, pressure was mounted on Mr. Adesina to allow to Mr. Akeredolu to run and Adesina would wait till this year. At a meeting held on April 19, 2008, and hosted by Chief Olanipekun (SAN) at his country home in Ikere Ekiti, Oba Abolade of Oke-Ila, a respected traditional ruler and a lawyer was in attendance at this meeting.

    He appealed to Mr. Adesina to wait for the next time around, insisting that it is unreasonable and unnecessary for the Egbe to dissipate resources and energy when we can understandably agree that one person could go then and the other later.

    Chief Bandele Aiku and Olanipekun co-presided over the meeting and at the end of the day, Mr. Adesina stepped down from the race in due deference to the request of the elders and the generality of the people at the meeting, although contrary to the wishes and desire of majority of his supporter, particularly those from outside the Southwest.

    It is believed that Adesina was promised adoption in the current dispensation, but other contestants in the forthcoming election have made it clear that adoption or not, they were prepared to run the race to an end. This prompted the Chairmen and secretaries of Egbe branches to convene meeting of the association on May 29.

    A meeting of the Branch Chairmen and Secretaries was held at Chief Bandele Aiku’s residence at Ibadan. Some of the decisions taken at that meeting were: To restructure the Egbe with a view to democratising its leadership (Memoranda were called for from branches towards the restructuring).

    The secretary was mandated to do a letter to the Midwest forum regarding the agitation of one of its  members to run for the NBA President in next year’s election and, to call a general meeting as soon as possible.

    A statement by Egbe Amofin Steering Committee Chief Adebayo Ayodele and Secretary Olubunmi Olugbade reads in part: “Nothing again was done until August 27, 2013 when a general meeting was finally called at Abeokuta after persistent demands by the branch chairmen. The meeting was held in Chief Adebayo Ayodele’s residence, the present Chairman of the Steering Committee.’’

    On December 7, the commit

    tee of branch chairmen and

    Secretaries attended a meeting in Akure where it adopted Adesina as the candidate of Egbe for the forthcoming election.

    But the Secretary of Egbe Amofin, Ranti Ajeleti reacted to the development, saying that Egbe Amofin has not adopted anybody for the election. He said that the position of Egbe Amofin will be made known after its meeting slated for January 18, next year at the Bar Centre Ibadan.

    Adesina’s adoption is said to have caused some ripples within the rank of the Egbe, as members made frantic efforts to confirm the veracity of the claim. Earlier, while stating that only seven, out of 28, branches of NBA in the region were represented at the Akure meeting, Ajeleti said it was illogical that about one third of the group would take a decision on behalf of the whole.

    He also said such a decision was unfair on two other candidates from the region, since only one out of three was present at the meeting. Besides, the statement claimed that though the meeting was held in Akure the “chairman of the Akure branch and executive members were not in attendance”.

    Aside from the reactions over the published outcome of the meeting, the attendance of some members at the Akure meeting is said to have created some crisis within some of the branches.

    It is said some branches may have started to question the authority under which some of its members went to the meeting, while some have stated that members who attended from their branches did so on their personal recognition, not as representatives of the branches concerned.

    Ajeleti said: “Ordinarily, we would not have reacted to such sheer mischief but we do not want the public to be deceived or misled because a lie told appears as the truth, hence, this rejoinder to set the records straight.

    “Let it be noted that Egbe Amofin did not summon any meeting. Rather, it was in the fancy of some desperate persons to call a meeting of Dele Adesina apologists, masquarading as Egbe Amofin, which was unaccepted to the majority of members.

    “Of the 28 branches that constitute the Southwest forum of the NBA, only seven chairmen attended the meeting, contrary to the bogus claim of the unrecognised conveners of the meeting.

    “It is logic upside down for such a far-reaching decision to be taken at a meeting where only one of three aspirants contesting for the presidency of the NBA from the zone was in attendance; two thirds of branch chairmen and secretaries were absent and majority of the members stayed away.

    “The composition of those who attended the meeting revealed the sponsors and their premeditated plan. The meeting was held in Akure where the chairman of NBA Akure branch and executive members were not in attendance. This shows the lack of welcome, even by the host community.

    “One would consider this a huge joke carried too far with the purported sacking of the leadership of Egbe Amofin by persons who were aliens from the NBA at the time Egbe Amofin was started by those they now claim to have sacked, seeking to replace them with their yes men.”

    The statement also accused a senior lawyer of sponsoring the meeting to sack the leadership of Egbe Amofin.

    Ajeleti added: “It is strange that names of the attendees of the Akure sectional Egbe Amofin’s meeting were not given. Or, could some of them be ashamed of their dishonourable actions?

    “Members of Egbe Amofin are advised to disregard the outcome of the illegal Akure meeting and wait patiently for a notice of the meeting of the authentic Egbe Amofin to be convened soon by the recognised leadership.”

    Reacting to the purported endorsement, Adekoya said it carried no weight.

    She described it as an unfortunate and meant to ridicule the Egbe and should be deprecated by all right-thinking lawyers of Yoruba extraction.

    “Why the hurry to endorse when the campaign season has not commenced? Why not agitate for the screening to be concluded?

    “To me, it betrays a lack of respect for the electorate and an unveiled attempt to push them in a particular direction,” Adekoya said.

    Akintola said no candidate had been endorsed. He said those who met knew how and why they did so.

    “If anyone thinks he can have a sectional meeting, all we can do is wish him good luck.

    “In Oyo State, my base, the four branches did not attend the Akure meeting; only one branch attended from Osun. Of the four branches in Ogun, only Abeokuta attended. From Lagos, only Lagos and Ikorodu branches were there.

    “Even the Ikorodu branch has petitioned the Egbe, distancing itself from the action of the chairman. In Ondo, Akure and Owo branches did not attend the meeting.

    “The only state fully represented at the meeting was Ekiti. Of the five SANs who attended, four are from Ekiti State.

    “Then, in a zone that has over 50 life-benchers, just two were at the meeting. And with over 150 SANs, only five attended…”

    However, Adesina has in

    sisted that he was en dorsed by 20 of the 23 branches of the association in the region. He said Ajeleti’s statement refuting his endorsement was in bad taste.

    The lawyer dismissed the claim that the Southwest had 28 branches. “The statement is from a person who does not have the right to issue such. He has been removed since Saturday, December 7, as Secretary.

    “It is an elementary principle of law that he who has the power to appoint also has the power to remove. We appointed him Secretary and we have removed him.

    “A meeting was duly called and he was invited. But he chose not to attend. That he failed to attend did not stop the meeting from holding. “It is a useless statement from a useless source. He is on his own.

    “On the number of branches, there are 23 branches and not 28. Lagos has four, Ogun (four), Ekiti (three), Ondo (four), Osun (five) and Oyo (three). That’s how they were at the time of endorsement.

    “It was only at the end of November that Shaki branch was approved by the NBA National Executive Committee (NEC) and it has not been inaugurated.

    “Anybody who said it was only seven branches that attended the meeting is a liar. Twenty representatives of branches attended, including 15 chairmen and secretaries. Everyone at the meeting signed the attendance sheet.

    “It was laughable to know that while we were at Akure, we received text messages sent anonymously purporting that Badagry, Ota and Ogbomosho branches were not at the meeting. No fewer than six chairmen, including those of these branches, were having dinner with us in the hotel.

    “The people are deceiving themselves and they know it. Go and ask these chairmen yourself and hear their responses.

    “So, it is a lie for anyone to say they were not aware of the meeting or did not receive a requisition. I received mine through my email box and so did everyone.

    “The invitation was also delivered through courier. They all stayed away at their own peril.” Confirming his attendance at the meeting, Falana said the meeting had 15 chairmen and seven SANs in attendance.

    He added: “The Egbe Amofin has 23 and not 28 branches. So, if 15 of the 23 attended a meeting and endorsed a candidate, what is left? Is Ajeleti a senior lawyer? Who is he in Egbe Amofin or NBA?

    “The chairmen met and sacked the forum’s Exco. Part of the reason for their sack was that they fixed a meeting for Akure and the chairmen raised a requisition. But on the day of the meeting, they (Exco) did not turn up.”

    Also, the Chairman of the Ikeja branch of the NBA, Mr Monday Ubani, said he was present at the meeting. Ubani said 20 branches from the zone had representatives with 15 branch chairmen present.

    It has become manifestly evident that unless the Egbe Amofin puts its house in order, it may not give its best to the Bar.

     

  • Is the planned supplementary election legal?

    Is the planned supplementary election legal?

    In attempting to manage the deliberately contrived inconclusive election crisis in Anambra State Governorship Election held on Saturday, 16th of November, 2013, INEC has, after “releasing the results “ of the inconclusive election, stated that a “ supplementary election” will be conducted in 15 Local Government Areas of the State to enable over 113,000 disenfranchised voters to join those who have “successfully voted”.

    This intervention is to inform Nigerians that INEC has chosen a path of illegality, as there is no room or provision in the Electoral Act or in the Constitution of Nigeria for a so-called supplementary election.

    Broadly, under the Electoral Act, there are four types of election: a general election, a bye election, a fresh election or rerun election, and a run-off ( second ballot or third ballot) election, as the case may be. A general election is the regular election that is conducted under the Electoral Act and the Constitution. It may be a presidential, governorship or a legislative house ( senate, house of representatives, or a state house of assembly) election or election into a local government council or area council.

    A bye election is one conducted to fill a legislative seat, which became vacant by the death, resignation, incapacity or recall of an incumbent. A rerun election or a fresh election is one conducted, pursuant to an order of an Election Tribunal or Election Appeal Tribunal nullifying the result of a particular election, and directing that a fresh election be conducted in place of the nullified or voided election; a run-off election is one conducted between two leading candidates vying for a particular office, after the initial election amongst the many candidates contesting for that office has failed to produce a clear winner, who has won not only the majority of the votes cast in the election, but who also has fulfilled the requirements of the Electoral Act to be declared a winner and given a certificate of return.

    Now, under Section 47 of the Electoral Act, 2010, “ voting in any particular election under the Act shall take place on the same day and time throughout the Federation.”. Section 46(1)(a) of the Act provides that “The Commission shall, not later than 14 days before the day of election, caused to be published, in such manner as it may deem fit, a notice specifying the day and hour fixed for the poll”

    Section 26(1) of the Electoral Act provides that “ where a date has been appointed for the holding of an election, and there is reason to believe that a serious breach of the peace is likely to occur if the election is proceeded with on that date or it is impossible to conduct the elections as a result of natural disasters or other emergencies, the Commission may postpone the election and shall in respect of the area, or areas concerned, appoint another date for the holding of the postponed election, provided that such reason for the postponement is cogent and verifiable”.

    Section 26 (3, 4 &5) then provides that “ where the Commission appoints a substituted date in accordance with subsections (1) and (2) of this Section, there shall be no return for the election until polling has taken place in the area or areas affected”; “ notwithstanding the provision of subsection (3) of this section, the Commission may, if satisfied that the result of the election will not be affected by voting in the area or areas in respect of which substituted dates have been appointed, direct that a return of the election be made”; and that “ the decision of the Commission under subsection (4) may be challenged by any of the contestants at a court or tribunal of competent jurisdiction and on such challenge, the decision shall be suspended until the matter is determined”.

    It is our considered submission that Section 26 of the Electoral Act, 2010, as amended, only contemplates the postponement of a scheduled election before the “arrival” of the date appointed for the conduct of the election on any of the three grounds (reasons) therein contained.

    The postponement must be before or ahead of the date earlier appointed, not during or after. Further, the postponement of an election date and the appointment of a new date for the postponed election must be done pari passu. Under the Section, an indefinite postponement is not envisaged or permissible.

    This Section is, therefore, not a statutory authority for the now familiar absurdity in Nigeria’s electoral system, called “ supplementary election”. There is no legal backing, in the Electoral Act or in the Constitution, for this travesty of electoral practice.

    As the Nigerian people witnessed in the 2011 General Elections, and in particular during the Imo State Governorship Election, and as they have seen in the Edo State Governorship Election, the Ondo State Governorship Election, and now in the Anambra State Governorship Election, INEC has been “misconducting” and mismanaging our elections.

    Fortunately, the presumed integrity of the INEC’s leadership has made many to give INEC the benefit of the doubt. We may recall that in late 2012 during the Edo State Governorship Election, even when election materials did not arrive in polling stations across Benin City, Edo State, the centre from which the election materials and electoral officers were supposedly deployed, until in the afternoon, after the scheduled time for the closure of voters accreditation, preparatory to voting, the problem of logistics, and not act of deliberate sabotage, was blamed.

    In the light of this recurring inconclusive and consequential supplementary elections, a charge of deliberate sabotage of the electoral process and manipulation of the sovereign will of the electorate, and not mere incompetence, justifiably can be laid at the doorstep of INEC.

    The contemporaneousness of voting during an election is central to the freeness and fairness of an election. It is at the core of the credibility and integrity of the election. It is not a light matter. This is why Sections 125 and 148 of the Electoral Act provide for “requirement of secrecy in voting” and “secrecy of ballot”.

    Section 125( 1,2 &3) provides that “ any person in attendance at a polling unit including every officer charged with the conduct of an election and his or her assistants and every polling agent and candidate in attendance at a polling station or at the collation centre, as the case may be, shall maintain and aid in maintaining the secrecy of the voting; no person in attendance at a polling booth under this section shall, except for some purpose authorized by law, communicate to any person information as to the name or number on the register of any voter who has or has not voted at the place of voting; and no person shall (a) interfere with a voter casting his vote, or by any other means obtain or attempt to obtain in a polling unit information as to the candidate for whom a voter in that place is about to vote for or has voted for; or (b) communicate at any time to any other person information obtained in a polling unit as to the candidate to whom a voter is about to vote or has voted for”. Section 148 says that “ no person who has voted in any election under this Act shall, in any legal proceedings arising out of the election, be required to say for whom he voted”

    Voting in an election that ought to be conducted on the same day and at the same time is no longer secret or credible, free and fair when the election is deliberately, mischievously, corruptly or incompetently bifurcated and conducted partially or inconclusively, and the results of the part that is conducted is released, to guide, manipulate, confuse, or discourage the segment of the voting population or electorate yet to cast their votes; or the result of the partly conducted election is released to foist a feeling of hopelessness, helplessness or fait accompli on the electorate that is yet to be allowed to vote.

    To be specific, in the unfolding Anambra State Governorship Election charade, while over 113,000 voters, scattered over 15 Local Government Areas of the State, were prevented from voting and told that they would vote in a supplementary election, at a future date that is yet to be announced, INEC has gone ahead to release the results of the election that is conducted in all the Local Government Areas, showing that the APGA Candidate was not only leading with a vote score of 174, 710, to PDP’s Candidate’s 94,956, and APC’s Candidate 92, 300, but also showing that the APGA Candidate has won a majority of the votes cast in 16 Local Government Areas out of the 21 Local Government Areas.

    Thus, INEC has, while the election is yet to be concluded, disclosed the candidate who is leading and who has won majority of the votes in more than two-thirds of the Local Government Areas of the State. That is why APGA has declared victory, claiming that “a victory delayed is not a victory denied”

    The conduct or if you will the misconduct of INEC in the Anambra State Governorship Election is a gross violation of the provisions of the Electoral Act. It is a terrifying foretaste of what is likely to happen in 2015, and it is one good reason why the political power addicts who are angling for the attainment of unitary and despotic power in Abuja, and therefore shunning a credible National Conference, the outcome of which will be subject to a national referendum, must have a rethink now. With INEC’s supplementary election system, there is no prospect of peaceful transfer of power in Aso Rock.

     

     

  • Anambra election crisis

    Anambra election crisis

    The Anambra State governorship election crisis seems to mock the argument that a national conference to restructure Nigeria’s constitution, institutions and structure, should wait until an appropriate time. The appropriate time, many have interpreted to mean when there is a change of the ruling party at the federal level of government. In my humble view, the crises which attend our elections will not stop until we build institutional bulwarks. I ask, is it not strange, that under our strange federal constitution, those who are constitutionally empowered to determine the faith of Ndi Anambra (including non-indigene residents) in the governorship contest are complete strangers, who really have no personal stake in the well being of the state?

    Our constitution makes it so. The electoral body, INEC; the police – military and civil; the tainted federal legislature – with exclusive powers over elections; and the presidency, can, even if for purposes of conjecture, conspire to make the election in Anambra or any other state, untenable, in credibility. After all, they may have plenty to gain, by taking control of a state like Anambra, that, its contestants are awash with plenty cash, and which has paramount influence over the politics of Ndigbo; and nothing to loose if the state should go up in flames, as a result of their actions. Remember what happened in 2003, when the federal government provided the enablement, to decapitate the state, then a PDP state, ruled by the current APC candidate.

    So from INEC chief, to Inspector-General of Police, and heads of other security agencies and even the Presidency, they can choose to treat Anambra state, or any other state, as mere Ping-Pong. So when commentators seek to impress on the public that what happened in Anambra, on November 16, is a farce, they forget that what happens all across the country in the name of elections are all farce. Well this is not to justify electoral brigandage, where it can be proven. Unfortunately, the process of proving allegations of electoral brigandage is so tenuous, that, most likely, nothing will happen to those accused of bungling the elections in Idemili North local council.

    But Anambra is a high octane drama, and to expect anything less than the ongoing imbroglio was day-dreaming. My greatest surprise in the unfolding drama is the statement credited to the people beloved Dr. Chris Ngige; that he had believed the electoral chief, Prof. Jega, that the election was going to be free and fair, and not a bazaar. Consequently he claimed to have relaxed his guards, instead of preparing for participation in a bazaar. But how can that be, when the electoral chief can only vouch for himself and not even for his colleagues, who also have their powers under the electoral act. Again, Professor Jega has no powers over the police or other security agencies that has the power to maintain order, during the election. Yet, he chose to believe Prof Jega, and prepared for a proper election, and not a bazaar. But I thought that as a veteran, Dr. Ngige should have known that elections and governance in Nigeria are Bazaars.

    Surprisingly, as if farce is a communicable disease, some commentators and political actors have been calling on the INEC chief to cancel the entire results of the Anambra election that has been declared, when clearly the INEC chief, has no such powers, under the extant electoral laws. Unless of course, Prof. Jega is being encouraged to exercise the powers of a dictator, without an army. Unfortunately for the losers in the results, so far declared, what is left is for them to move over to the courts, to spend more resources and subsequently gnashes their teeth. Remember that as the electoral laws are, all the election petitions and appeals must be dispensed with at the tribunal and the appeal tribunals, within a tight time-frame that makes any person that will be declared winner by INEC, the eventual winner on technical grounds, in the courts. I still recall the anguish of Professor Dora Akunyili, when she could not be heard on merit by the courts, after she lost to Dr. Ngige at the 2011, senatorial election.

    To further show how absurd our so called electoral process is, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and their candidate Comrade Tony Nwoye are already warring against each other, even before the supplementary elections are conducted. While their candidate has joined the All Progressive Congress’s candidate, Dr. Chris Ngige; and the Labour Party’s candidate, Mr. Ifeanyi Ubah to call for the cancellation of the election based on observed hiccups, the PDP through its National Publicity Secretary, Chief Olisah Metuh, has hailed the election as credible, and has congratulated President Jonathan for providing the enabling environment for what he called a free, fair and peaceful election. On their own part, the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA), through its national party chairman, Chief Victor Umeh, claims that the electoral body is merely postponing his party’s victory party. The party chief, referred to the elaborate complaints of the opposition parties and probably the street demonstration by some women in the state against the conduct of the election, as mere ‘noise’.

    Some commentators from across political divides have called what happened in Anambra state, a rehearsal of what their opponents are planning for the 2015 general elections. This statement ironically, may yet reflect the best prognosis and lessons from the Anambra state governorship election challenges. Regardless of the advantages political parties have in the states where they are in power; what is most important for the survival of our democracy and indeed the country, is for Nigerians to sit down and devise a transparent and accountable electoral process and institutions. The alternative is the chaos, we call election.

     

     

     

  • 2015 election: Sanusi worried over public spending

    2015 election: Sanusi worried over public spending

    The Central Bank Governor Lamido Sanusi said he is bracing for public spending “shocks” as Africa’s most populous nation prepares to vote in 2015, reducing the chance of lower interest rates.

    “Toward the elections there will be a supplementary budget,” Sanusi said in an interview on Bloomberg TV’s African Business Weekly programme, over the weekend in Abuja. “I don’t think I have seen an election cycle in any country in which the government has not spent money.”

    Sanusi held the bank’s key interest rate at a record high of 12 percent on Tuesday, saying policymakers may raise borrowing costs if government spending surges in a pre-election year. While President Goodluck Jonathan has pledged to keep the budget deficit under control, oil revenue has slumped this year and lawmakers are pushing to boost expenditure, adding to pressure on inflation.

    “We are bracing ourselves for the possibility of shocks from the fiscal side, and we will have to respond on monetary side,” Sanusi said in the interview, which was conducted in the capital, Abuja. “We have always made it very clear that if we have to tighten then we will tighten.”

    Sanusi, who is due to leave his position when his term ends in June, raised concerns about high recurrent spending in the budget, such as salaries.

    “There’s a lot of money in there that’s recurrent expenditure and overheads, and when you go down and start looking at the fine lines and the numbers, they’re quite frightening,” Sanusi said. “And there’s a significant reduction in capital spending, which is a problem.”

    The apex bank has kept its benchmark rate unchanged since October 2011 to help stabilize the naira and keep inflation under control. Consumer prices rose at the slowest pace in more than five years in October, gaining 7.8 percent from a year ago, while the naira has gained 1.1 percent against the dollar since the beginning of September to trade at 158.65 as of 2:08 p.m. in Lagos, the commercial capital.

  • Election rigging in the Yoruba Southwest is poison to Nigeria

    A major part of the reason for Nigeria’s growing failure is that we do not respect the unique cultural character of each of the many nationalities of our country. In a shallow and unthinking manner, those who control power in our country are forever striving to impose cultural uniformity over Nigeria’s many nationalities – as if, in all situations of human life, what is good for the goose is good for the gander.

    This integrationist bungling is many-faceted. The federal government subtly pushes an educational programme aimed at suppressing the languages, and even the cultures, of Nigerian nationalities. Ardent Muslim chieftains, when in control of the federal government, seek to use federal power to make Nigeria a radical Muslim country. The rest of us, when a Northern Muslim state adopts Sharia Law, cry foul. Recently, federal legislators from a nationality whose culture accepts the marriage of under-age girls pushed through the National Assembly a resolution making the marriage of under-age girls law in all of Nigeria. Quite often, the integrationist bungling spills over into the realm of the absurd.

    But, worse still, they often provoke resistance – sometimes violent resistance akin to insurrection – as well as inter-group conflicts. Sudden explosions by Muslim indigenes in the towns of the North, resulting in mass killings of non-Muslims (mostly Southerners), started mostly in the years since the hot controversy over whether the Sharia should be enshrined in the Nigerian Constitution. The determined opposition from the South naturally gave the Northerners the fear that non-Muslim Nigeria was up against the way of life of the Muslim North. That fear launched an era of spasmodic eruptions by Muslim folks in the North. Islamic fundamentalist terrorist gangs and terrorism were later developments on those mass eruptions.

    It is not usually recognized that mass eruptions in the Yoruba South-west, following upon blatant rigging of elections, are also a form of culture-based resistance. About 1000 years before the coming of British rule, the Yoruba nation began to build towns and kingdoms, in which they evolved a unique political system of their own. That system was based upon the principle that power belongs to the people. From that general principle, the Yoruba developed the various details of their system. For instance, unlike the citizens of other kingdoms in the world, the Yoruba did not accept that a king should be succeeded automatically by his son, without any say by the people. Rather, the citizens of each Yoruba kingdom selected their king from the pool of their eligible princes. Usually, a standing committee of high chiefs did the selecting on behalf of the citizens; but, it was the rule that the citizens, as individuals or as groups, could freely lobby these high chiefs, and that the chiefs must be available and listen to the people. In essence, the selection was done by the people. In some kingdoms, the practice was that, after the high chiefs had decided the selection, they would stand at the palace gate and announce to the crowd of citizens, “We have given you your king” – meaning, we have chosen for you the prince that you wanted the most.

    In their towns, Yoruba people lived in large family compounds known as agbo-ile, each of which housed tens of families. The chiefs (below the king) were domiciled in the biggest and oldest family compounds. When a chief died, he was not succeeded automatically by his son; all the people of the family compound held meetings and selected one of themselves as the next chief. This process always resulted in competing candidates, factions, meetings upon meetings – and then, ultimately, the selection.

    In short, the Yoruba people have, for more than 1000 years, elected their rulers. That is their political culture. It was very important to them that their selections of kings and chiefs should be handled fairly and with integrity. That was the way they maintained order and stability in their towns. In the course of hundreds of years, fairness in the selection process became like a religion to them.

    Then came British rule, and then the British system of election of rulers – in self-governing and independent Nigeria. There is not much difference between the British system and the traditional system of the Yoruba, and the Yoruba people expect the new system to be as fair, and be done with as much integrity, as their own traditional system. Yoruba people can be very passionate about this.

    Between 1952 and 1960, the Yoruba expectations over elections were considerably well met. The party that managed to win our first regional election in 1951 and to control the regional government, the Action Group, did not try thereafter to use governmental power to manipulate or rig elections. The opposition party too, the NCNC Western Region, did not try to manipulate or rig elections. Usually, the two were close and the races were tight. Many people forget today that the NCNC actually beat the AG narrowly in the 1954 federal election in the Western Region. That is how competitive the elections were – and yet neither party (all Yoruba leaders and all Yoruba candidates) tried to cut unfair corners. Yoruba culture reigned triumphantly, and the Western Region gradually evolved into a solidly democratic modern society.

    But then came Nigeria’s independence in 1960, and a determined federal-cum-Northern determination to dominate all of Nigeria, including the Western Region. The emergence of a new party in the Western Region as a subordinate ally of the party of the Northern Region opened doors for those who sought to dominate the region. So it was that in the 1964 federal election, we in the Western Region experienced, for the first time, the kind of massive election manipulation and rigging that we had long faintly heard of from the North. Because we had never experienced these things before, we were too confused to respond adequately.

    But then the 1965 Regional Election came, and it was even more blatantly rigged in the same ways. The insult was now too unbearable, and we the youths of the Western Region refused to accept it. We erupted all over our region. And we continued to fight and resist until we dragged down all order in Nigeria – and until the military seized power.

    The youths of the Yoruba nation have had to fight the war of resistance against election rigging again and again, and in various forms, since then. They fought a shockingly bloody one in Ondo State in 1983 that again paved the way for military take-over in Nigeria; and a series of technologically sophisticated ones in 2007 – 11.

    In short, Yoruba people just cannot, and will not, tolerate the horrendous cultural insult that election rigging represents. Today again we have persons elected at our pleasure ruling our six states. We know that this kind of situation has usually tempted those who want to rig election in our land. Those who control federal power in Nigeria refuse accept that, in political culture, the Yoruba nation is different from most of the other nationalities of Nigeria. In spite of the fact that the noise over the National Conference supersedes all other things right now in Nigeria, the South-west is not careless. If there are any persons thinking of rigging in the elections that will soon be due in the South-west, they should be reminded that rigging elections in the Yoruba South-west is usually a bringer of bad news for Nigeria and Nigeria’s federal rulers.

  • ‘It’s a failed exercise’

    ‘It’s a failed exercise’

    In this interim report, the  Coalition of Democrats for Electoral Reforms (CODER), which monitored the Anambra State governorship election, highlights the irregularities in the poll and what the electoral commission can do to avert the mistakes in the future.

    Anambra State governorship election was greeted with much anticipation and hope because both INEC and citizens see it as a litmus test for 2015 general elections. While we must commend the people of Anambra for having conducted themselves in a peaceful manner so far, reports from our observers deployed across the state shows critical areas the election has fallen short of people’s expectations. Some of the irregularities observed in some local governments include ballot snatching, massive thump printing, lateness of materials to polling units, absence of INEC officials and materials at some polling units, inadequate logistic provision for security officers deployed from other states, hostile polling officers to observers, complicity of the security agents in electoral fraud, display of campaign posters and a host of other irregularities were observed in some (sensitive) local governments in the state.

    CODER observed that election materials did not arrive on time in many polling units specifically in Idemili North, South and Ihiala local government. In Nnokwa Ward, Idemili South LGA, names starting with O-Z were missing from voters register. As at 1pm, no INEC officials or materials were seen in Nkpor 4, Idemili North LGA. As a result of late arrivals of voting materials, accreditation could not start on time in Idemili South, Idemili North and Ogbaru LGAs. Although accreditation and voting periods were extended in some of these polling units, INEC needs to do more to enhance people’s confidence in the polls.

    Furthermore, CODER observers report that many polling officers in Awka south were hostile and seem not to possess the knowledge of the role of observers in an election. Information that would help observers fill their checklists were denied them and security officials were used to intimidate and harass duly accredited observers. We therefore seize this opportunity to call on INEC to provide adequate training for its polling officers on the complimentary role observers plays in an election before deploying them to the field.

    From the foregoing, to increase the credibility of the polls in this election in fairness to all candidates, it is important that INEC conducts a rerun election in four local governments where massive irregularities and electoral fraud were recorded as against the three wards in Idemili North comprising only 65 polling units. The rationale for this call is to address the palpable notion that there was a deliberate attempt to subvert people’s choice and ensure a particular candidate whose supporters and strong base are in these LGAs does not win in these areas. The second reason is that with the combined voting population of these LGAs at over 300,000, it becomes imperative for INEC to show the election itself as an unbiased umpire by adhering to the wishes of the people to have rerun in these three LGAs.

    Some of the specific electoral malpractices and fraud observed in these local governments are:

    · Most fraud committed in the election happened in Idemili North and South local government which happens to be the support base of one of the candidates. There appears to be a deliberate attempt to subvert people’s mandate in these areas

    · Some wards did not see any INEC officials nor voting materials two hours after voting ought to have commenced

    · At Ogidi Ward 2, polling unit 007/008, Idemili North, people refused to vote due to absence of result booklet. At PU 007, one Obiora Okonkwo came in company of policemen with vehicle number PF 2317 SPY. He asked one Bassey Effiong (Force No. 375774) to force people to vote but they were resisted

    · It was alleged that APGA and PDP were offering 10,000 naira to each polling officers and non credible observers to allow them operate freely in Nteje ward, PU 004, Ama Okpo and Orikabi

    · No election materials and no result sheets at Nbakwu

    · Election materials diverted at Ethel Obiakor Estate, Awka South

    · Insufficient polling officers noticed in Nnewi LGA, Assistant Polling officers were introduced to fill the shortfall without prior training.

    · No result booklet brought to Ogidi ward 2, polling units 007/008, Idemili North LGA.

    · Police made vulnerable to electoral fraud due to lack of logistics for their accommodation and feeding.

    We therefore join our voices with other Nigerians to call on INEC not to declare any results relating to the election until a rerun election is conducted in the local governments where many citizens were disenfranchised from exercising their constitutional rights rather than the few polling units it plans to repeat the exercise. CODER also appeals to INEC and security agencies not to only document but put to use lessons gleaned from this election to improve the conduct of future ones’.

     

  • Photo: Governor Obi and his wife arriving for accreditation

    Photo: Governor Obi and his wife arriving for accreditation

  • Photos from Anambra Election

    Photos from Anambra Election

    INEC office Akwa Photo: Austine Avwode