Tag: elections

  • Elections at state councils

    Elections at state councils

    Like many other commentators, this columnist condemns the culture of every ruling political party, in every state, winning all the seats for the chairmanship and councillorship election, contested in the local governments of the state. That is impunity writ large. But, forcing elections or quasi elections, at the local government councils, will over the years, create a pool of experienced local administrators and eventually, the culture of democracy at the grassroots, will blossom. That is why I commend the Attorney General of the Federation, Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, and the federal government for the Supreme Court judgment that has forced all states to conduct local government elections.

    Our country’s democratic journey, would be better off if there is opportunity for potential leaders to train, starting from the local government councils, before proceeding to the state and federal levels. Persons, who go through the leadership ladder from bottom up, are usually more passionate and empathetic in the art of governance when they get to the top. Perhaps, the leadership crisis Nigeria is facing stems substantially from the recruitment process. Take Edo State for example, the outgoing governor, Godwin Obaseki, was recruited straight from the private sector, to the Government House, in Benin City.

    While Obaseki is definitely not the worst governor in terms of performance, he exhibited a poor understanding of party politics which contributed to his falling out with his predecessor and godfather, Adams Oshiomhole. Obaseki, thinking like a political neophyte, also battled the Oba of Benin, believing that because he has executive powers over all state indigenes, he also has the power to coerce the people against their monarchy held in reverence for many centuries. Obaseki also opened battle lines with state legislators without remembering that they would wait for him at the next election cycle. 

    The same is applicable to the governor of Rivers State, Simi Fubara, who was a civil servant, before he was promoted to the position of a governor. Of course, he failed to understand the enormous resources invested by his predecessor and godfather to make him a governor. Like a prodigal son, he wanted to squander what took former Governor Nyesom Wike and his protégées a lot of resources to build. Because he was not schooled in party politics, he underestimated the resultant volcanic eruption that nearly smelted his tenure.

    While rightly we must condemn unequivocally, the corruption associated with godfatherism in Nigerian politics, there is no doubt that godfatherism is a fundamental practice in party politics. In faraway United States of America (USA), when the road became too rough for President Joe Biden to continue his quest for a second term bid, he personally chose Vice President Kamala Harris to succeed him. Of course, he became a godfather to Kamala, and has been campaigning vigorously for her to succeed. For Kamala to succeed, she also sought the godfathers of the Democratic Party, to endorse her candidature.

    In Edo State, Obaseki, who won his re-election in 2020, on the notion that he was slaying his godfather Adams Oshiomhole, never raised that campaign mantra this time as he sought to help Asue Ighodalo take over from him. He didn’t, because, having become a godfather himself, he dares not rail against that political concept during the campaign. So, having a godfather is not a problem; what is the problem is what the godson and the godfather make of the symbiotic relationship.

    Read Also: Tinubu to citizens: your sacrifices will soon yield enduring economic benefits

    If godfatherism is steeped in corruption, then everyone is doomed. But if it is substantially that a godfather helps a godson win a political office, then there is nothing untoward about that. So, while this column wishes for an improvement in the election process at the local government level, it celebrates the return of democratic practice at all local governments, however tenuous. After all, a child must falter many times, while learning how to walk. And surely, there would be very bad examples of the imposition of candidates at the local council, but the majority will benefit from the system.

    In states where elections have not been held for years, one imagines the kind of excitement and political activity the election campaign will bring. With many contenders seeking the position of councillors, across the wards, the people will feel the impact, much more than when a gubernatorial aspirant comes, once in a long while. Again, since the candidates come from the local community, including the one who will be declared a winner, the people will have names and faces, they can easily relate to as their representatives.

    Where a chairman or a councillor fails to perform in office, the governor who selects, as sceptics believe, would be bound to choose another preferred candidate at the next election cycle. Of course in reality, while the governor may have the final say, he is bound to listen to local party leaders, to make the final choice. Again, as the Labour Party candidate, in the Edo State governorship election, Olumide Akpata, would have realized, one needs the support of the local leaders to win an election.

    That is what political pundits call the party structure and where it is lacking, the campaign message would be lost in transit, as happened to the cerebral and entertaining campaign of Akpata. Again, many political pundits have railed against that political necessity as if the term and the idea is evil in itself. This columnist thinks otherwise. For where a political party has no men and material to prosecute election, it will not be able to go far. Those, who point at the Labour and its presidential campaign miss the point.

    While the party had no pre-existing structure when it turned to a whirlwind, there were many young men and women who volunteered to become the party’s emergency political structure. But like the biblical parable of the sower, those structure was like the grain which fell on rocky places, which had little soil, and sprang up quickly. But when the heat associated with party politics came up, many of them withered away. As seen, the Edo State election made a mockery of the tsunami of the 2023 LP’s presidential election.

    A very interesting fallout of the local government election, in Enugu State, for this writer, is the election of Dr. Ibenaku Onoh, Ph.D., as the chairman of the municipal council of Enugu State, otherwise called Enugu North Local Government Area. Elected in 2019, as a very erudite, young lawmaker, representing Enugu North constituency, this writer had after an encounter with him, predicted that he is headed to the Lion building, in the future. But, the Peter Obi tsunami, of the 2023 general election, temporally derailed that. In his middle thirties, Dr. Ibenaku Onoh, no doubt, is one rising political star that should be nurtured to stardom. 

  • 2027 elections: Blackmailers at work

    2027 elections: Blackmailers at work

    SIR: As a student of history, I don’t think if there is any Nigerian president that has been blackmailed like President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. The blackmail comes from different quarters, including ex-political office holders who are now in the cold, down to criminals, and economic saboteurs.

    Some use insecurity as a political weapon, others issue subtle threats, mostly non-verbal, but discerning minds know it is a threat. There are regional and tribal champions who are overheating the polity. Some hide under the cloak of nation-building challenges, amplifying issues out of proportion be it minimum wage, inflation, deregulation to name but a few.

    While these individuals are playing their dirty politics, the common man who suffers a lot has been an object of manipulation.

    It is interesting to note that majority of the current section of the elites wearing the toga of patriotism have rotten antecedents. Some are being prosecuted by anti-corruption bodies. Some were tested but couldn’t pass.

    One cannot but wonder about the intentions of those bragging about 2027 elections just when the government in power has marked its first anniversary; what do they have in stock they can offer to the downtrodden?

    Read Also: APC to inaugurate Edo governorship elections campaign councils

    Any patriotic Nigerian who is after the survival of the country will not start any conversation around 2027 elections now. Of course, the constitution has guaranteed the right to freedom of expression; people can talk on any topic they fancy, including how to defeat the government in the next general elections.

    But beyond the right, our conversation at this point in time should be on how to hold the government accountable to ensure that it delivers on its campaign promises.

    Those who have properties in Dubai, Panama and other places across the world should stop distracting this government. They should wait until the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC releases election time-table in 2026. Then they can come out and showcase the magic wand with which they want to tackle the nation’s challenges. But now it is time for governance.

    • Comrade Bishir Dauda Sabuwar, Unguwa Katsina.
  • All elections in one day

    All elections in one day

    • This is laudable. It is cost and time efficient as well as eliminates bandwagon effect.

    Members of the House of Representatives are processing a bill for amendment of the Electoral Act 2022 to have all polls in a general election held in one day. This is with the aim to save time and money for the country and avert bandwagon effect associated with staggered elections.

    Other proposals in the amendment bill are that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) be mandated by law to transmit election results electronically, and that the electoral body be required to conduct fresh voter registration every 10 years to update its voter roll and weed out the record of dead persons. The amendment bill sponsored by Francis Waive, a lawmaker representing Ughelli North/Ughelli South/Udu Federal Constituency of Delta State on the All Progressives Congress (APC) platform, recently scaled second reading in the green chamber and was referred to the House Committee on Electoral Matters.

    In his argument for the bill, Waive said though the 2022 Electoral Act was enacted by the National Assembly to ensure credibility of the electoral process and make results of elections acceptable to Nigerians, there was need to correct obvious defects in the legislation and get the nation prepared for future polls.

    On general election scheduling, he proposed a reworking of Section 28 of the principal act to allow all elections to hold on same day. The amendment clause read: “Subject to paragraph (a) of this section, and without prejudice to other sections of this act, election into the office of the President, National Assembly, State Governors and State Houses of Assembly shall be conducted on the same day.”

    The convention by INEC has been to conduct national elections into the Presidency, Senate and House of Representatives in one day, and state elections into governorship offices and houses of assembly on another day – usually two weeks apart. But Waive said conducting the polls on two separate days plied much pressure on Nigerians and their businesses because the country was always in shutdown mode. “If the country can conduct three elections in one day, we can as well conduct the five elections on the same day,” he argued.

    We are in total agreement with the lawmaker on this point. The staggered pattern of the general election has always translated to duplication of costs – both in terms of logistics by the electoral body and its manpower deployment. In other words, INEC has to warehouse ballot papers at the Central Bank of Nigeria ahead of the different polls at duplicated costs; transport election materials to polling units at two different times, with the humongous logistics involved; and also deploy election staff, security operatives and allied personnel to the same polling units on two different occasions at monumental costs. Holding the elections simultaneously on one day would collapse costs to be incurred to once, which should be healthier for the national treasury that funds the polls. Moreover, the shutdown of the economy associated with restriction of movement on polling days will happen only once. And there is sense to be made of the suggestion that holding all the elections simultaneously would avert suspected bandwagon effect of one set of elections on the other, since voting for all the constituencies would be done simultaneously and the outcomes made known simultaneously. In all, there is little or nothing to lose but much to gain with conducting the elections same day.

    Another proposal by Waive is to amend Section 60 (5) of the Electoral Act 2022 to stipulate mandatory electronic transmission of results by INEC. That section presently provides that the “presiding officer shall transfer the results including the total number of accredited voters and the results of the ballot in a manner as prescribed by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).” The lawmaker argued that the framing of the law harboured loopholes that litigants exploited in the 2023 elections. Electronic transmission of results was one of the contentious issues that trailed the February 25, 2023,  presidential poll because technical glitches hindered many officials of the electoral body from transmitting results to the INEC Results Viewing (IRev) portal as the umpire had promised. Waive canvassed specific provision mandating presiding officers to transmit election results and accreditation figures electronically, saying the National Assembly should not make laws that are vague.

    Much as the intention for the proposed amendment may be genuine, we argue that the wisdom in the law as it presently exists is not to tie INEC’s hand and allow the electoral body make a call based on realities that confront it in the course of carrying out its mandate. Elections are sociological projects, not quantum physics that is predictable to the last decimal point, and exigencies do often arise that necessitate the umpire making a call within the bounds of law in accordance with the particular situation that it comes up against. The manoeuvring room provided by the present framing of the law enables the electoral body to carry through with polls in the face of such exigencies. Tying its hands with hardline provisions amidst exigencies could crash rather than enhance elections, and as thus it is ill-advised.

    Read Also: Five elections in one day

    Also, Waive proposed a reworking of Section 10 of the principal act to make INEC conduct full-scale voter re-registration every 10 years besides continuous registration of those who clock 18 years. According to him, revalidation of the existing voter roll at intervals by the commission is not enough to eliminate ineligible registrants like dead persons, and as such cannot give the country a clean register. “Without prejudice to the provision of this section and subject to subsection (2), every 10 years the commission shall carry out a re-registration exercise of all eligible voters in preparation for the next general elections,” the proposed amendment clause read.

    Here again, we differ from this proposal. Conducting voter re-registration every 10 years is such an all-involving and cost-intensive enterprise that it would not only consume the electoral body and distract it from other core electoral duties, it would also sap the Nigerian treasury of massive resources required to carry out the exercise. Meanwhile, there is need to harmonise data banks being hosted by data-gathering agencies of the Nigerian economy. A tidier option would be to ensure efficiency of record-keeping of births and deaths by the National Population Commission (NPC), and avail INEC of these records to update its voter register. In any event, dead registrants on the roll should pose no potentially abusive factor in elections if the electoral body ensures fidelity with its processes involving the use of Biometric Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) devices. After all, dead people won’t show up at polling units for accreditation. Where political actors or electoral staff undermine the integrity of the process by manipulating the voter roll, the onus falls on the judicial system to bring such culprits firmly and speedily to justice.

    And in the event that the conventional justice system cannot meet up the sheer volume of the task, we recommend that the proposal for an electoral offences tribunal be revisited.  

  • Five elections in one day

    Five elections in one day

    Elections are the major parameters for measuring the strength of democracy in any clime. They point towards the direction a civilian government is taking and where it is likely to end. They also reflect the credibility level of the contestants and the electoral umpire. The extent of compromise or integrity of polls determines the extent of trust or misgiving the people would have in their elected representatives.

    From the conduct and results of many elections across the world, it could be surmised that there are no perfect elections anywhere, not even in the advanced democracy where skirmishes have trailed the conduct of many elections. But the ability of politicians to manage the loopholes that creep into the conduct of the elections without throwing away the baby with the bathwater ensures the survival of democracy.

    Given the fundamental essence of elections in a democracy, the ways and means infused into their conduct deserve a perusal. In Nigeria, the conduct of elections has thrown up many issues – most spontaneous, others emotional, some pertinent – to give this vast frontline African democratic nation the credible polls it deserves.

    Questions thus abound on how to achieve a credible electoral system worthy of national pride and international applause.

    Should the electoral commission be appointed by the President or another organ of government? What is the assurance that another arm of government will not later be accused of the same real or imagined pitfalls that critics are attributing to the appointing authority in the executive arm?

    Should a separate court or tribunal be set up for the trial of electoral offenders who continue to make periodic elections a predictable nightmare?

    Where will the manual method of voting and counting of votes lead Nigeria? Is electronic voting not the answer? Is the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) afraid to deploy all-round technology for the conduct of polls?

    Many puzzles, and few answers. But the debate on the sanctity of the ballot box continues. Electoral reform is an unfinished business.

    During the week, the House of Representatives examined a Bill seeking the conduct of the five elections in one day, and it was passed for a second reading.

    The Bill intends that the presidential, governorship, senatorial, House of Representatives, and Houses of Assembly elections should be conducted in one day.

    Following its passage for the second reading, the Bill was referred to the House Committee on Electoral Matters. It is expected to conduct a public hearing on it and other electoral amendment Bills before the House.

    At the proposed public hearings, Nigerians will have the opportunity to discuss why elections are problematic in the country and proffer solutions that are beyond whether polls should be conducted in a day, two days, or five days.

    The sponsor of the Bill, Hon. Francis Ejiroghene Waive, a chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC) from Delta State, argued that conducting the polls in a single day would reduce cost and the bandwagon effect associated with elections.

    He said the amendment became necessary because of the litigations associated with the 2023 general election.

    Elections are critical to democratic consolidation and political stability. Fundamentally, they confer legitimacy on elected authorities who derive the power to govern from the people. If an election is flawed, legitimacy may be eroded and those thrown up by bad polls are not better than coup plotters who hijack the machinery of government and rule by force; without accountability, public support, and a democratic constitution.

    Since it is generally accepted that civil, democratic rule is better and preferable to the rule of the gun, elections are inevitable as the only popular means of securing the people’s mandate. They are the weapons of choice, change, renewal and affirmation, and rejection of leadership.

    Elections are taxing in this part of the world. They are challenging and very expensive. Billions of naira are required to accomplish the task by the umpire. Due to the fierce struggle for power or the do-or-die stance among some candidates and their political parties, the umpire has to operate in an atmosphere that should be seen to promote fairness and equitability.

    Thousands of litigations arising from periodic elections suggest that the country still has a long way to go in its electoral journey.

    Apart from the cost of conducting free, fair, peaceful, and credible polls, which Hon. Waive highlighted, the lawmaker also alluded to the disruption of socio-economic activities every four years.

    The legislator maintained that conducting elections on two separate days often puts much pressure on Nigerians and their businesses because the country is always shut down during Election Days. Movement of people, except those essential services, is restricted. The border is closed and there is no room for inter-state travel. Policemen, soldiers, and other security agencies are on patrol. In some constituencies, there is tension and panic.

    The Federal legislator reasoned that if the country could conduct three elections in one day, it could also conduct five elections on the same day.

    However, the bandwagon effects, which cannot be ignored, may have also been exaggerated. In certain circumstances, some elections have predictive value. But there are also instances where constituents voted for candidates of a party in one election only to reject other candidates on the same platform in subsequent polls.

    The Centre for Liberty (CFL), a civil society organisation, that shares Hon. Waive’s views, believes that conducting the general election in a day would significantly curb incidents of rigging, and violence, and reduce costs.

    In a statement, the group called for an amendment to the Electoral Act to accommodate “full biometrics for accreditation and electronic collation of results”.

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    But the suggestion of the group is conditional. It is canvasing reforms based on the deployment of technology by INEC.

    The group also called for free movement of persons to allow for wider political participation on poll day. While this is also a good suggestion, past experiences that warranted the restriction of movements should not be forgotten. Movements were restricted to prevent full-scale hijack of polling materials and result sheets by unscrupulous elements and agents of violence.

    Elections are more expensive because Nigeria has opted for a presidential system. Under the parliamentary system in the First Republic, only two elections were conducted – federal parliamentary election into the House of Representatives and regional Houses of Assembly elections. After the polls, the Prime Minister and the Premier would come from the parties that command the majority in the Parliament. There was no poll for choosing the ceremonial president and governors. The ceremonial Senate was by appointment. Why the federal parliamentary poll was nationwide, it was not every time the regional Houses of Assembly elections were held on the same day across the regions. Therefore, even at that time, both federal and regional elections were not held on the same day.

    At the onset of the Second Republic, the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO), chaired by Chief Michael Ani, released a timetable that specified that the five elections would be held on five different days with an interval of one week, starting with the House of Assembly, the governorship, the House of Representatives, the Senate, and the presidential elections.

    In 1983, FEDECO, under another chairman, Justice Victor Ovie-Whiskey, maintained the five-day, five-week schedule, but in a reverse order. He started with the presidential poll and followed with the senatorial, the House of Representatives, the governorship, and the House of Assembly elections. The polls were massively rigged, contrary to the assurance the umpire gave.

    In the Third Republic, when manual accreditation, physical counting of eligible voters on long queues, and open-secret ballots were adopted, the exercise was transparent and there was no room for rigging. Yet, some experts said it was crude. They also argued that due to the population explosion, it would be more rigorous and chaotic.

    If the cost of conducting polls is a big factor in the electoral economy, the country has to decide between an expensive exercise that will uphold the sanctity of the ballot box or the option of five elections in a day that could cause a disaster.

    If INEC is still struggling with two days of conducting elections, the job would be more hectic if the five elections were conducted in one day. There is no evidence to show that under the current pseudo-manual system, the commission will be able to cope with the arduous job.

    The way out is the deployment of technology for electronic voting, if the process would not be hacked by unscrupulous elements and if there would be a stable power supply.

  • 100 years of elections: (1923-2023 )

    100 years of elections: (1923-2023 )

    Nine years after the 1914 amalgamation of the Southern and Northern Protectorates, Nigeria held its first general elections on September 20, 1923. Since then, several other elections have been held. It has been 100 years since the 1923 general elections. Three years earlier in 1920, council elections were held in Lagos. Like it was in 1923, so it is now. Our elections, whether general or not, are still highly contentious. Contestants want to win at all costs; or the elections are not free and fair.

    Read Also: Reps committee expresses anger as INEC fails to appear for Budget defence

    A century of elections is worth celebrating, more so that the 100th anniversary came during another election cycle. The presidential and National Assembly elections were held on February 25, while the governorship and Houses of Assembly polls took place on March 18. Our elections may be acrimonious; do-or-die or winner-take-all, but they can never be written off. They still remain the process through which leaders are elected.

    We must do everything to grow the electoral process as that is the way to sustain democracy. With Nigeria’s experience of 100 years of  conducting elections, the country has come a long way in charting its course.

  • Off-season elections: And the winners are ….

    Off-season elections: And the winners are ….

    • Victoria Ngozi Ikeano

    Sir: There were no major upsets as such in the just concluded off-cycle gubernatorial elections in three states as the ruling parties maintained their positions. The ruling parties cum incumbents in Bayelsa and Imo states, namely PDP’s Governor Duoye Diri and APC’s Governor Hope Uzodinma respectively, won their re-election bids.  Ditto Kogi State where the outgoing APC governor, Yahaya Bello will hand over to his protégée, now governor-elect, Usman Ododo.

    Yahaya Bello from a relatively minority tribe in Kogi became governor by accident. The charismatic Abubakar Audu, the strongman of Kogi politics from the majority Igala tribe was cruising to victory when he suddenly passed on. At the time, the Returning Officer had yet to make the definitive pronouncement on the outcome as he was still awaiting the last set of result. In the end he declared the election inconclusive. There was no clear cut answer in our electoral law as to what should be done in such a scenario. Audu’s then running mate, James Faleke sought to take the place of his principal and inherit his votes. In the end the Supreme Court ruled that Audu died with his votes since he had not been declared governor-elect to enable his deputy take over and that the runner up in his party primaries, Yaya Bello should be stepped up. That is how Bello became governor. He was re-elected apparently, through the power of incumbency and sworn in for a final second term in the first quarter of 2020. 

    Observers had reasoned that Bello having completed eight years on the saddle would pick someone outside his domain (central district) as his preferred successor. Surprisingly and against the principle of justice, he chose his tribesman, Usman Ododo who eventually became the ruling APC’s governorship flag bearer. The scenario is somewhat similar to an Atiku Abubakar, a Fulani man wanting to become president after eight years of a Fulani man’s reign in the person of former president, Muhammadu Buhari.

    Fortunately for Kogi APC, the Ododo gamble pulled through. Many factors contributed to this. First Kogi APC had the collaboration of the western senatorial zone where it won quite a number of local government areas as depicted by the official results. Secondly, the fact that President Tinubu gave Kogi’s ministerial slot to an Igala man means that the eastern senatorial zone did not lose everything and such high profile ministerial appointment would have won the APC some hearts in Igala land as well as made APC supporters there to work hard for the party. 

    Read Also: Tinubu committed to improving lives of vulnerable communities – Shettima

    Not a few are surprised that Governor Hope Uzodimma won in all 27 local government areas of Imo State. He proves thereby that he is an astute politician. His supporters would view the seemingly bad press his government had been receiving prior to the election as no more than propaganda by the opposition. With this victory I guess Imo State is now poised to play a leading role in the federal government as APC’s hub in the southeast region. Uzodimma’s position as chairman of APC Governors’ Forum places him and Imo in national limelight.

    Governor Douye Diri of Bayelsa defeated former governor, Timipreye Silva who was also immediate past Minister of State, petroleum, to secure his second term. He won in six local government areas while Silva triumphed in two. Bayelsa State has about the lowest population in Nigeria and the least local government councils – just eight. Again, not a few people were surprised that Silva got the APC governorship ticket. The consensus opinion is that it should have gone to David Lyon who won the gubernatorial election last time but was ruled out on the eve of his swearing-in by the Supreme Court following a misdeed by his then running mate (he himself was not found guilty). However, it is hoped that Lyon could get the ticket in 2027 to realise his botched dream.

    •Victoria Ngozi Ikeano,

     victoriangozii@gmail.com 

  • Atiku, Obi can’t justify claims of winning 2023 elections’

    Atiku, Obi can’t justify claims of winning 2023 elections’

    Chief Ibrahim Emokpaire is a human rights and criminal justice lawyer. He contested for the national chairmanship position of the All Progressives Congress (ACN) in 2018 but eventually stepped down for Adams Oshiomhole. He has held various positions in the party right from the days of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) before it metamorphosed into the APC. He was the secretary of the ACN, UK Chapter from 2006 till 2012 He was also the chairman of the APC UK (2012-2013) and the chairman and convener of the Progressives Solidarity for Asiwaju, a pro-Tinubu campaign support group.  In this interview with GBENGA ADERANTI, he bares his mind on several issues, including the performance of the Bola Tinubu administration so far, concerns being raised by Nigerians, the performance of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in the last general election, as well as the chances of the APC in the forthcoming governorship elections in Imo, Bayelsa and Kogi

    What is your assessment of President Bola Tinubu’s first 100 days?

    President Bola Tinubu should be given a pass mark for his first 100 days in office because he has initiated a lot of policies that have put our country in the right direction. The president took bold steps in initiating some pragmatic policies that have put the country in the right direction. You could see that from the first day;  he hit the ground running. He removed the subsidy right from the day of his inauguration. We have also taken steps to cushion the effects of the withdrawal of petroleum subsidies on the poor.

    When you look at the harmonization of the foreign exchange market, if you look at the tax reform that he has put in place, and quite a lot of policies that he has put in place now, you would see that these things were done within the first 100 days. We could see that the president himself had taken the country and marketed the country to the entire world. We have now begun to have a positive image of Nigeria; we are now a proud nation in the comity of nations. This is what we need from a president who has mapped out what to do as soon as he comes into office.

    He has also been able to initiate all these policies and we could see that more and more investment-friendly policies have been put in place and that these have encouraged investors to come to Nigeria. I would say he has done tremendously well within the first 100 days.

    What do you make of the claim by Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP) and Atiku Abubakar of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) that they won the 2023 presidential election?

    It is quite unfortunate that in this part of the world, we have bad losers; people usually embark on a propaganda of illegitimacy, after losing elections. How can a person who could only garner 25 per cent in 16 states be crying wolf? Even Atiku who came second was only able to garner 25 per cent in 21 states; you tell me how on earth can you make such people president? On what grounds are they expecting to be declared president by INEC?

    By every standard, the propaganda they have embarked upon is to delegitimize the entire process that was carried out by INEC on February 25. There is no genuine claim in what they have embarked upon because they have continued to blow the wrong side of the trumpet and try to hoodwink Nigerians, particularly those who are innocent.

    However, there were complaints about the manner the election was conducted. Against this background, how would you rate INEC’s performance in the exercise?

    I would say the election conducted on February 25, 2023, by the INEC was one of the best it has ever conducted. This is bearing in mind that during the period of this election the commission faced a lot of challenges; in the area of insecurity and scarcity of naira notes because of the redesigning policy that was carried out. Amid this, INEC was able to carry out one of the best elections in the history of Nigeria. This is because when you look at the fact that somebody like President Bola Ahmed Tinubu could lose Lagos to the LP and former President Buhari could lose Katsina to the PDP and some other states in the Northeast and the North-central to the main opposition party. You tell me the person who would have rigged the election as a result of having to monopolize what is in their state is one of the leading opposition candidates, Peter Obi, who scored 93 per cent of the entire vote cast in his region, the Southeast. When you look at these challenges I enumerated, I believe INEC should be given kudos and rate them to have performed 70-80 per cent in their performance.

    Opposition parties are not as vibrant as they used to be. What does this portend for the country’s democracy?

    It is not a healthy development to have a one-party system; we need to have a viable opposition party that can suggest alternative policies and put the ruling party on its toes. Unfortunately, the PDP and the LP are just playing to the gallery, garnering support on social media by attacking personalities. They go after personal issues, and there is no single iota of opposition in them. They have not come up with alternative policies; they have not come up with anything that Nigerians will say is a viable opposition. That’s why we are where we are.

    Why has it been so difficult for your party to resolve the lingering crises it is embroiled in several states? Critics say it is going the way of the former ruling party, the PDP.

    We have some challenges here and there in the party, but that is not to say that we are following the path of the PDP. This is because we have a party that is growing stronger by the day and we are resolving some of the problems as they come as well. We also have in place conflict resolution mechanisms within the party to resolve some of these problems. So the issue of fragmentation would not come in at this point at all.

    What do you think your party can do to avoid going the way of the PDP?

    As I said, we have a conflict resolution mechanism. That is the best way for the party not to fall apart; because it will ensure that inclusiveness and everyone is carried along. There is also the need to have a reward system at the party. The reward system is key and is done everywhere in the world, particularly in the United States and the UK. Here, there is what we call a reward system for the party loyalists and the people who have worked so hard for the party.

    Governors and their deputies have continued to be at the loggerheads. What is the way out of this perennial crisis?

    Regarding the situation with the governors and their deputies, our constitution is the root of the issue, because there is a lacuna there where the deputy is left as a spare tyre. But, where the governor is not available, the deputy comes on board. Outside that the deputy keeps watching; they are in the back seat. There is a need for a constitutional review to give some specific roles to deputy governors to ensure that some of the loopholes are plugged, particularly to take care of where a governor begins to act like a demi-god and begin to treat the deputy like a nobody.

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    We do understand that the deputy and the governor have one ticket; they are both elected into office and as a result of that they are one and it is not fair for one to be treating the other as a spare tyre or as a nobody. There should be a role carved out for deputies and also to limit the power of the governors. This is the responsibility of the National Assembly.

    This particular situation has demeaned the value of that particular office of the deputy governor. Today, the deputy governor is more or less like a beggar. Imagine seeing a deputy governor begging the governor openly, particularly when it is obvious that he is being unjustly treated.

    While many have commended the APC for its policies, others have also criticized the party for the slow implementation of its policies, especially those that affect the masses. How do you explain this?

    When you have a new government in place, a situation where manifestos were developed and policies designed along those lines, the implementation is a result of what the president and ministers must have met on the ground. There are enormous differences between the proposed policies and when you get to the office, the reality on the ground is different. The reality on the ground must have slowed down the implementation of policies. We have seen that some of the policies that have been developed take a lot of time to implement. The public needs to be a little bit patient when you have good policies in front of you.

    The government needs to do more by letting the public, the electorate know that these policies need to come into play but they should be a little bit patient with them. In the long run, the policies will surely have positive impacts on the citizenry, and whatever the hardship, whatever they have been going through will be cushioned by these policies as the implementation goes on.

    Right now, the country is divided along tribal lines…

    We had an unfortunate situation in the last election where some leaders were whipping up sentiments; religious and ethnic sentiment, instead of focusing on their policies, and manifesto. The campaign of the LP candidate particularly was full of propaganda; he did unveil his manifesto until a few weeks before the election. All their propaganda from day one was to capitalize on the religious and the ethnic.

    Similarly, the PDP was also whipping up ethnic sentiment in the north against other candidates. It came up with so many lies. These were unhealthy for the entire country; it is unhealthy for our nation, and this could degenerate. We pray that in the future we have leaders that will contest an election based on issues, not on ethnic or religious issues.

    Some people had assumed that the APC would zone its Senate Presidency to the Southeast, but surprisingly; it went to the South-south. Would you say your party made the right decision?

    On this issue, there are two different schools of thought. The first school of thought said look the Senate President must come from the Southeast because we should appease the Southeast because they were not able to produce President and Vice President or whatever but the other school of thought made it quite clear and very logical, according to them, the Southeast has produced so many Senate Presidents in the past than any other region in the entire South and our party, the APC did not have enough vote from the Southeast to justify being given Senate Presidency. Those were the two topical issues that were being argued by the two schools of thought.

    So the party came together and said this should be zoned to the Southsouth it had only produced a Senate President once and has also contributed so much as well to ensure they won or had their 25 per cent in that region.

    What are the chances of your party in the off-season elections in Kogi, Imo and Bayelsa states?

    Our chances are bright, the issue here is that I won’t just say our chances are bright, particularly in Kogi and Imo where we currently have APC governors, one going for a second term and the other bowing out. In these two states, our chances are far higher because they have produced and delivered what is in their manifesto. In the case of Imo, for example, he is going to do well and Governor Hope Uzodimma will be returned as the governor of that state because he has performed; he has delivered.

    Looking at the other two, where we have fresh candidates, Bayelsa, and Kogi states, our chances are also good. In Kogi State, there is an existing governor who was elected on the platform of the APC but we have a division in the party there. For example, we know that some of our APC members moved to other parties in Kogi East, and in Kogi West. As a result, we might be losing some pockets of votes, but that does not mean we are not going to win the election. But, it is going to require a lot of hard work for us to win.

    In Bayelsa, we have seen that we have a former governor contesting who is also a strong candidate. So, there is every likelihood that he is going to beat the PDP candidate, who is the sitting governor there.

  • Only ‘rugged’ candidates win elections- Davido

    Only ‘rugged’ candidates win elections- Davido

    Popular Afropop singer Davido has argued  elections are won by the most “rugged” candidates in Nigeria.

    The singer made the remark via his X page, on Wednesday.

    He wrote: “Nigeria Election nah by who rugged pass.”

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    A curious fan asked if his uncle, Governor Ademola Adeleke of Osun State also won by ruggedness and Davido confirmed that rugged men were on his uncle’s side.

    The fan with the X handle @chief_ochuko wrote via the comment section:  “Na ruggedity ur uncle take win Abi?”

    Davido replied: “Men mount.”

  • Why Accord will not accept outcome of elections, by chairman

    Chairman of Accord Party in Rivers State Dr. Nnanna Onyekwere has said his party will not accept results of the March 9 elections which were collated and announced on April 3 because they were the “product of militarised electoral processes, thuggery, compromised election umpire and a disenfranchised electorate”.

    Onyekwere added that the reasons also included impunity by highly-placed politicians, as exemplified by the “imposition of candidates and the primitive orchestration of crises in opponents’ camps”, acts he said were known to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), but tacitly encouraged by it.

    He said: “The Accord is a political party rooted in the ideology of peaceful co-existence of all Nigerians. The Rivers State governorship candidate of Accord, Dumo Lulu-Briggs, is acknowledged as a peaceful man whose life is guided by love for humanity and his avowed principle of ‘politics without bitterness’.

    “Ordinarily, our party’s people-oriented ideology and the exemplary personality traits of our governorship candidate behoves us to accept the results and congratulate the winners, once an electoral process is concluded. Unfortunately, the Rivers State Accord, in pursuance of the tenets of its ideology, is unable to accept the 2019 elections’ results as announced by INEC.

    “If we do not seek an end to these electoral and societal ills, and make the votes of Rivers people count in 2019, the perpetrators of the ignoble acts would get emboldened and 2023 elections shall be a full-scale war.

    “The Rivers State chapter of Accord, therefore, rejects the governorship results announced by INEC on April 3, and the national and state assembly results as announced, for the following reasons:

    “that whereas Accord in Rivers State duly conducted its governorship primaries through an election panel mandated by its National Working Committee (NWC) on October 4, 2018, in which Mr. Nelson Amieye was returned by way of consensus, and whereas Mr. Amieye voluntarily withdrew and was lawfully and duly substituted by Chief Dumo Lulu-Briggs, corrupt INEC officials contrived a report purporting to have supervised another primary on the same day, which produced Precious Baridoo, knowing full well that the party’s NWC did not invite INEC to such an event and venue.

    “that the contrived and unauthorised primaries allegedly supervised by INEC officials enabled Precious Baridoo and his sponsors to lay claim to the governorship ticket of Accord, thereby confusing the electorate and causing grave damage to the fortunes of the party in Rivers State.

    “that the INEC fact-finding committee set up after the suspension of the March 9 elections neither invited Accord nor acknowledged the party’s petition to the committee.

    “that despite publishing the name of Dumo Lulu-Briggs on its final list as the Rivers State governorship candidate, and having been duly served with the stay of execution granted by the Federal Appeal Court on March 22, against the High Court ruling that set aside Lulu-Briggs’ candidature, INEC did not allow his agents into the resumed collation of result on April 2, and did not mention his name on the final result as announced on April 3.

    “The Accord is a law abiding political party and its governorship candidate, Lulu-Briggs, is known for his peaceful disposition, a staunch believer in due process. We have, therefore, instructed our legal team to explore legitimate grounds on which our grievances can be redressed, with the intent to restore sanity in the Rivers State polity.”

  • Sokoto loses peaceful conduct of elections record- INEC

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) Commissioner in Charge of Sokoto, Kebbi and Zamfara states, Hajiya Amina Zakari says Sokoto state has lost its record on peaceful conduct of elections.

    Zakari stated this on Thursday at the issuance of certificate of return to the Governor, Deputy Governor and State Assembly members-elect in Sokoto.

    She said that Sokoto state was popular and known to be one of the most peaceful states when it comes to conduct of elections.

    “Although elections in the Northwest has been generally peaceful must especially in Kebbi and Jigawa states. Sokoto state, however, lost its peaceful election conduct that we know the state for.

    “Unfortunately this year we have incidents that led to the loss of lives in Sokoto state, may the souls of the departed rest in peace,” she said.

    Zakari further called on those that lost the contest to try again in the next elections and those that won to work thoroughly in delivering democratic dividend.

    The state Residence Electoral Commissioner, Alhaji Abubakar Musa, reassured his commitment in ensuring a credible election in the state.

    “We promise to ensure free, fair and credible election in Sokoto state and we have successfully achieved such.

    “Therefore, today we have concluded our responsibility after the issuance of certicate of return to all the state’s elected officials and next is the preparation for the 2023 general elections,” he said.

    In his address Gov. Aminu Tambuwal, after receiving his certificate, promised to run a responsive and all-inclusive government in the state.

    Tambuwal, while thanking the people for giving him another chance to serve the state, commended INEC for ensuring free, fair and credible election in the state.

    He commended the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) stakeholders for resisting all attempts of intimidations on them during the election.

    All the 16 out of 30 members elected under the umbrella of the All Progressive Congress (APC) into the state House of Assembly were absent at the event.

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    Tambuwal, his deputy Alhaji Mannir Daniya and 14 lawmaker elected under PDP have received the certificates.

    List of Elected Assembly Members were:

    1) Aminu Magaji (APC- Dange/Shuni)
    2) Mustapha Abdullahi (APC- Sokoto South 1)
    3)Malami Ahmed (PDP- Sokoto South II)
    4) Sule Romo (PDP- Tambuwal West)
    5) Mode Ladan (PDP Tambuwal East)
    6)Musa Miko (PDP- Tangaza)
    7) Murtala Maigona (APC- Wamakko)
    8) Aminu Achida (APC-Wurno)
    9) Shehu Yabo (APC- Yabo)
    10) Haliru Buhari (PDP- Sokoto North 1
    11) Ibrahim Arzika (PDP- Sokoto North II
    12) Abdullahi Randa (PDP- Tureta)
    13) Umaru Sahabi (PDP- Binji)
    14) Abubakar Magaji (PDP- Bodinga North)
    15) Bala Tukur (APC- Bodinga South)
    16) Altine Kyadawa (APC- Gada West)
    17) Kabiru Dauda (APC- Bada East)
    18) Mustapha Balle (PDP- Gudu)
    19) Bello Idris (APC- Gwadabawa South)
    20) Abdullahi Garba (APC- Gwadabawa North)
    21) Bello Ambarura (APC- Illela)
    22) Habibu Modachi (PDP- Isa)
    23) Abdullahi Mahmud (PDP- Kware)
    24) Abdullahi Zakari (APC- Rabah)
    25) Almustapha Aminu (PDP- Sabon Birni North)
    26) Saidu Ibrahim (APC- Sabon Birni South)
    27) Alhaji Maidawa (APC- Shagari)
    28) Atiku Liman (PDP- Silame)
    29) Isa Harisu (APC- Kebbe)
    30) Faruku Amadu (APC- Goronyo)
    (NAN)