Tag: elections

  • Governorship Polls: How states will vote

    Come Saturday, March 9, the last phase of the 2019 general elections would be concluded with the conduct of 29 governorship and State House of Assembly elections. About 14,000 candidates will vie for 991 State House of Assembly seats. In the just concluded presidential election the All Progressives Congress (APC) and its candidate, Muhammadu Buhari, won in 19 states, while Atiku Abubakar of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) triumphed in 17 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). However, this result may not necessarily determine the outcome of the governorship contest as local issues come into play. Also, in the week following the February 23 poll, there have been intriguing realignments in some states where the presidential contest was very close. That raises the stakes in a couple of states, with the prospect of surprises and upsets likely to unfold. In this piece, Yusuf Alli, Managing Editor, Northern Operation, Sam Egburonu, Associate Editor, Dare Odufowokan, Assistant Editor and Fanen Ihyongo examine the scenarios in the states that would be electing governors and project likely outcomes.

    NORTH EAST ZONE

     

    ADAMAWA STATE

    No state gives the APC leadership more headaches than Adamawa where it lost two senatorial seats contrary to the pre-election permutations. From the results of the presidential and National Assembly elections, it was obvious that the state identified with its son, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar who was the presidential candidate of the PDP.

    The colour of the governorship race in the state reflects its assets and challenges including religion, ethnicity, security challenges, the political elites, money, gang-up by looters of public treasury in the past and good governance.

    More than any state in the federation, the 28 governorship candidates are drawn from different religious groups and about four women are in the race too.

    The list includes the incumbent, Governor Jibrilla Bindow; ex-Acting Governor Umaru Fintiri; a serial contender, Marcus Gundiri of SDP; Abdul-Azeez Nyako of African Democratic Congress (ADC), an Islamic cleric, Bappare Umaru of KOWA Party, who doubles as the Imam of Jamaatul Nasril Islam (JNI) Friday Mosque in Jimeta area of Yola town; a Christian cleric, Rev. Eric Theman, of Movement for the Restoration and Defence of Democracy (MRDD) among others.

    The women aiming to lead Adamawa as governor are: Lami Musa of People’s Party of Nigeria (PPN); Na’ama Bulama of Progressive People Alliance (PPA); Rukayya Audu of Action People’s Party (APP) and Elizabeth Isa of Change Advocacy Party (CAP).

    Going by performance, Governor Bindow’s achievements will make it an easy ride for APC. Unfortunately, some political leaders are angry with the governor, who is a minority, for not looting and sharing the state resources. But Bindow has upped the ante in Adamawa and his performance benchmark will create a hurdle for his successor.

    The major parties competing for space in the state are APC, PDP and SDP. The gruesome killing of a former Chief of Defence Staff, Air Chief Marshal Alex Badeh (rtd), has affected the fortunes of SDP because he was alleged to be a major sponsor of the party’s candidate.

    For Atiku, who has just lost the presidential race, he is also part of the governorship race in order to consolidate his base. His anointed candidate lost to Bindow at the APC primaries in 2015 and it took him fortunes to win Bindow to his side.

    He was instrumental to the emergence of Boni Haruna as the governor from 1999-2007 but after a cold war with ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo, he lost the initiative to the ex-president who wielded incumbency influence to anoint Vice Admiral Murtala Nyako who was unceremoniously impeached due to his spat over the Boko Haram insurgency with the administration of ex-President Goodluck Jonathan.

    With a slim win of 410, 266 votes by PDP over APC’s 378, 078, the governorship contest is still open in Adamawa. President Buhari needs to pacify a former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Babachir Lawal and the younger brother of the First Lady, Dr. Modi who are leading the assault against the return of Bindow.

    Verdict: Battleground

     

    BAUCHI STATE

    The state boasts of 20 governorship candidates. But the strong contenders are the APC candidate Governor Mohammed Abubakar; the PDP flagbearer, Senator Bala Mohammed, who was a former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory;  a former Minister of Health, Professor Mohammed Ali Pate and Ambassador Shu’aibu Ahmed Adamu of the NNPP.

    Although all the candidates signed a peace accord on December 21, 2018, the political atmosphere in the state is tense because its gubernatorial outlook is always unpredictable despite the fact that APC won last Saturday’s presidential and National Assembly elections. Some members of the class which brought Governor Abubakar to power in 2015 have fallen out with him.  Pate of PRP is expected to spring a surprise if the results of the Presidential and National Assembly elections have not dampened the momentum he had gained in the past few months.

    The intervention of President Buhari, especially his reconciliatory agenda among the stakeholders has, however, stabilized APC in the state. The fortification of the party through the defections of ex-Governor Isa Yuguda; a former National Chairman of PDP, Adamu Mu’azu, the immediate past Deputy National Chairman (North) of PDP, Senator Garba Babayo Gamawa and a Board of Trustees member, Alhaji Kaulaha Aliyu has created barriers for PDP.  This is the first time Yuguda and Mu’azu will find a common political ground and pursue the same goal.

    Being a traditional stronghold of Buhari, the governor may benefit from his political goodwill. On the whole, the odds favour APC.

    Verdict: APC

     

    TARABA STATE

    Some heavyweights are back to the governorship trenches against the incumbent state governor, Darius Ishaku (PDP). They include a former Acting governor of the state, Sani Danladi (APC), a former Minister of Women Affairs and Social Development, Aisha Alhassan of the United Democratic Party (UDP), Babangida Umar of the SDP, Adamu Danbako of APGA and Danjuma Umaru – National Rescue Movement (NRM), among others.

    But it is a three-horse race between Governor Ishaku, Danladi, and Alhassan with religious, ethnic and insecurity as top considerations. The results of the presidential poll confirmed PDP as still the first choice with the opposition garnering 374, 743 as against APC’s 324, 906.

    A former Minister of Defence, Gen. Theophilus  Danjuma, will be a big influence because he has largely determined (or handpicked)  the governor of the state since 1999. Notwithstanding his cosmopolitan outlook, Danjuma does not joke with his ethnic and religious indulgences.

    PDP may still have an edge because the APC candidate (Danladi) and Hajiya Alhassan of UDP might split Muslim votes.

    Verdict: PDP

     

    BORNO STATE

    Despite the insurgency, Borno has about 41 governorship candidates, most of whom are paperweight politicians. The key actors in the battle for Government House in Maiduguri are a former Commissioner for Reconstruction, Rehabilitation and Resettlement, Prof. Babagana Zulum (the APC governorship candidate) and a former state chairman of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), Alhaji Mohammed Alkali Imam.

    The PDP appears virtually dead in the state and it lost its soul when a revered ex-Governor of old Borno State, Alhaji Mohammed Goni (1979-1983) defected to APC. Also, PDP’s abysmal performance at the Presidential and National Assembly elections has underlined its weakness.

    Other factors that have secured the state firmly for APC are the performance of the outgoing governor Kashim Shettima; the decision of APC stakeholders to sink their differences over gubernatorial primaries;  the defection of  a former national chairman of PDP, Senator Ali Modu Sheriff to APC and the appreciation of the people of the state of Buhari  administration’s commitment to the war against the Boko Haram insurgency .

    With the paltry 71, 7888 votes earned by PDP at the presidential election, only a miracle can make it win the governorship poll. The existence of two factions in the party, led by Alhaji Usman Baderi and Alhaji Zanna Gadama respectively, has cleared the coast for an easy APC victory.

    Verdict: APC

     

    YOBE STATE

    Yobe not only has cultural affinity with Borno State, the pattern of politics in the two states is often similar. The political leaders share the same views and their voting trend has been alike in the First, Second, Third and Fourth Republics. The March 9 poll is thus likely to be a mere coronation of the APC candidate, Mai Mala Buni, who is the outgoing National Secretary of the party.

    In spite of a change of PDP candidate, the emergence of Ambassador Umar Iliya Damagum as the new standard bearer of the opposition has not improved the fortunes of the party. The most vocal PDP member in the state, Buba Galadima, could not even deliver his polling unit during the presidential and National Assembly elections. APC received 750 votes to PDP’s two votes there. It is certainly a one-horse race in Yobe State.

    Verdict: APC

     

    GOMBE STATE

    The clean sweep of the presidential and National Assembly elections by the APC showed that ex-Governor Danjuma Goje has bounced back as the godfather of politics in the state.

    The defeat of incumbent Governor Ibrahim Dankwambo in the senatorial election will weigh heavily on the fortunes of the PDP. Saidu Ahmed Alkali of the ruling APC polled 152,551 votes against Dankwambo’s 88,016 votes to win the Gombe North District seat.

    But the governorship poll will determine whether or not Dankwambo has finally lost relevance in the state. The governor had seized power in 2011 and virtually overshadowed Goje. The two leaders have a date with history on March 9.

    While Goje is sticking to Inuwa Yahaya (an Hausa from Gombe Central) as APC governorship candidate, PDP and Dankwambo have opted for ex-Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Senator Bayero Nafada, who is a Fulani from Gombe North.

    In 2015, Goje fielded the same Yahaya (his honest ex-Commissioner for Finance) as the governorship candidate of APC but he lost the battle because of intra-party crisis in which Nafada was the arrowhead of the revolt.

    For the governorship race, ethnic colouration and the need for power shift might determine which of the APC or PDP will win the race to the Government House. In the past 16 years, Goje (from Gombe Central District) and Dankwambo (from Gombe North Senatorial District) have ruled the state and there is agitation to allow power to shift to another zone.

    The PDP has a trust hurdle to cross following the breaking of a pledge by Dankwambo to concede the governorship ticket to Gombe South. The PDP on October 3, 2018 lost Sardauna Gombe, Alhaji Jamilu Isiyaku Gwamna who defected from PDP to APC. Gwamna’s parting of ways with PDP has tightened the noose on PDP.

    Verdict: APC

     

    NORTH CENTRAL ZONE

     

    BENUE STATE

    Contrary to predictions, the race appears tighter in Benue State going by the tally of the presidential poll in which PDP garnered 356, 817 votes as against the APC’s  347, 668. With a difference of about 9, 149 votes the two leading governorship candidates, Governor Samuel Ortom (PDP) and Emmanuel Jime (APC) will have to work extra hard to win the March 9 poll.

    Although the farmers-herders clashes of 2018 will influence the poll in Benue, the debate is also shifting to issues like performance, outstanding salary arrears and allowances, the management of bailout funds and London-Paris Club refunds, recent sack of some local government chairmen, among others.

    For Ortom, who boasted that he has retired ex-Governor George Akume, he has a two-in-one governorship battle to wage. He is confronting Jime and Akume at the same time. If Ortom gets re-election ticket, he will go down in history as a pacesetter and a giant killer. Otherwise, if he goes to sleep with the slim margin of 9, 149 votes, it may prove fatal especially if Chief Barnabas Gemade (Benue North-East) and ex-Deputy Governor, Stephen Lawani, Mike Onoja, Usman Abubakar, and other Idoma leaders pull resources together.

    The results of the senatorial election in Benue South showed that there could be an upset during the governorship poll if there is a realignment of forces. The results were Abba Moro of the PDP (85,162 votes);   Lawani of the APC (47,972 votes); Mike Onoja of SDP (29,901 votes) and Usman Abubakar of APDA (5,504 votes).

    Since Ortom and Jime are Tiv, the vote deciders might be the Idoma. This is why Ortom is over relying on a former President of the Senate, David Mark, ex-Minister of Interior, Senator-elect Abba Moro and other Idoma leaders.

    Buhari is not a candidate in this election, so attention will be firmly focused on local issues like the backlog of salaries owed by the state governorship. There are also questions as to the commitment of former governor Gabriel Suswam to the cause of re-electing Ortom. Given the complex interplay of local factors enumerated above, the race for the governor’s seat in Benue remains too close to call.

    Verdict: Battleground

     

    KWARA STATE

    The emergence of the “O To Ge” (Enough is Enough in Yoruba) revolution in Kwara State which led to the fall of Senate President, Bukola Saraki, the PDP and all its candidates during the presidential and National Assembly elections, has dimmed the hope of the party currently ruling in Kwara State.

    The new protest vote culture in the state was actually targeted at a change of power at the state level. The March 9 poll is expected to complete the revolution when Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq (APC) and Abdulrazaq Atunwa of the PDP face the electorate. The state is in the mood to complete the coronation of the APC candidate.

    What will compound the PDP’s woes is the decision of some loyalists of Saraki to vote against his candidate (Atunwa) because of the reckless manner in which he was imposed on them. There were better candidates than Atunwa but the Senate President insisted on having his way.

    The factors that will interplay include the poor/ woeful performance of PDP and its governor;  dilapidated infrastructure in the state; non-payment of outstanding salaries of local government workers, lecturers of state-owned tertiary institutions and  street sweepers; the defection of bigwigs and members of Saraki dynasty from PDP to APC;  reneging on commitment to power shift to Kwara North; the neglect of Kwara South;  the division in Ilorin Emirate occasioned by the APC governorship candidature of Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq and the challenge which the choice of PDP governorship candidate Atunwa has provoked.

    Verdict: APC

     

    NIGER STATE

    Ahead voting in less than a week, no governor is more upbeat than Abubakar Sani Bello of Niger State, who is a son-in-law to a former Head of State, General Abdulsalami Abubakar. He has been over the moon because APC won the presidential and National Assembly polls in the state where President Buhari has large cult following.

    Bello is about 90 percent sure of returning because he enjoys the confidence of the political kingmakers in the state. Apart from being from a wealthy family (which owns a minority stake in MTN and Amni International Petroleum Development Co., an oil exploration company with a 50% interest in the Okoro Setu oil field), the father of the governor, Col. Sani Bello (retired) is a member of the military elite dictating the pace in Niger State.

    The governor will benefit from the goodwill of his father, the benevolence of his in-laws and adherence to the power rotation formula in the state, irrespective of whether a governor has performed or not

    Coming as he does from Zone C, there is an unwritten agreement that any zone in power must complete its two terms in office.

    Notwithstanding, the governor’s main challenger is Umar Nasko of the PDP, whom he defeated in 2015. The PDP candidate is also a son to Major General Muhammad Gado Nasko, who was the military governor of Sokoto State between 1978 and 1979.

    Unlike in 2015, Nasko, who was a former Chief of Staff to ex-Governor Babangida Aliyu, does not have the war chest to confront the incumbent governor.

    Barring seismic political changes, APC is likely to retain the state.

    Verdict: APC

     

    NASARAWA STATE

    For the first time since 1999, gubernatorial power has been mutually ceded to Nasarawa South Senatorial District in the state by most of the political parties at the prompting of Governor Umar Tanko Al-Makura who made the concession to beat the opposition to its game.

    The governorship slot had rotated between Nasarawa West and Nasarawa South and any slip will be too costly for APC. Though Al-Makura has anointed Abdullahi Sule ( ex-Group Managing Director of  Dangote Sugar Refinery) as APC governorship candidate, the option is left for the people of Nasarawa North to accept him or go for either the PDP candidate, David Ombugadu or APGA candidate, ex-Minister Labaran Maku, who is fast becoming a serial governorship contestant.

    Unless it is well managed, the voting pattern in the state may slide into the religious divide because the Muslims are queuing behind the APC candidate and the Christians are split over Ombugadu (PDP) and Maku (APGA). The religious tone might compound the ethnic cleavages in the state.

    The private sector credentials of Sule give APC a comfortable edge. And with the victory of the APC during the National Assembly elections, things are adding up for

    Verdict: APC

     

    PLATEAU STATE

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has already cleared 21 governorship candidates in Plateau State and 279 candidates for the 24 seats in the State House of Assembly. Some of the candidates are Governor Simon Lalong (APC); Lt.-Gen. Jeremiah Useni (PDP); Mr. Godfrey Miri (SDP); Gen. John Temlong (ADP); Dr. Haruna Dabin, a former PDP chairman in the state, but now the candidate of PPC; Mr Timothy Parlong (APGA); Mr. Bitrus Musa (ADC); Alex Ladan (ANN) and Mr. John Bigwan (GPN) among others.

    The political climate in Plateau is similar to its twin sister, Benue State but Lalong’s leadership qualities have reunited and restored peace to the state. The main issue for the February poll is how to curtail the security challenge in the state. The PDP’s antidote is the choice of the 75-year old Lt. Gen. Useni, who was a former Minister of FCT under the late military Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha.

    For Lalong, age is on his side and his generation will be more preferable than the septuagenarian Useni.

    Another issue is religion which ex-Governor Jonah Jang has exploited in the past to sustain PDP. But the leading candidates Lalong and Useni are Christians – which takes the sting out of this factor.

    The absence of imprisoned ex-Governor Joshua Dariye has created a setback for APC, but the governor has been able to accommodate his structure in the scheme of things. It would be a straight fight between Lalong and Useni, irrespective of what transpired in the state during the February 23 polls.

    Verdict: Battleground

     

    NORTH WEST ZONE

     

    KANO STATE

    Ordinarily with the allegation of millions of dollars bribery against Governor Abdullahi Ganduje of the APC, the contest ought to be over integrity between him and his PDP rival Alhaji Abba Kabiru Yusuf.

    But the hostility of Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso against President Buhari and his defection from APC to PDP have changed the political narrative in the state to the border line between loyalty and treachery. This is the second time Kano State will go through such experience.

    During the 1983 general elections, the PRP picked the late Aliyu Sabo Bakin Zuwo, who had no formal education as its governorship candidate against the late Governor Abubakar Rimi of the Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP) who ran an “all graduate” State Executive Council. But Zuwo, rated as a semi-literate despite sponsoring more bills in the Senate in the Second Republic, defeated Rimi because of his undiluted loyalty to the leader of PRP, the late Mallam Aminu Kano.

    Prior to the February 23 poll, the PDP was actually bubbling with much hope that it would win Kano State or give APC a good fight. The defeat of the party at the presidential and National Assembly elections has dimmed the chances of the opposition on March 9.

    The demoralizing outcome of the first stage of the elections has left the party to scavenge to pick up the pieces. If PDP has any problem in the state, it has to do with the way it conducted its governorship primaries that led to the anointing of Yusuf by Kwankwaso. The imposition weakened and depleted the party.

    The mass movement of ex-Governor Ibrahim Shekarau and his supporters from PDP to APC was the last straw that broke the camel’s back. Others who have deserted PDP are Prof. Hafiz Abubakar, a former deputy governor to Governor Abdullahi Ganduje, a former Managing Director of the Nigerian Ports Authority,  Aminu Dabo; the immediate past  National Treasurer of PDP, Bala Mohammed Gwagwarwa; Security Adviser to Kwankwaso, Gen. Danjuma Dambazzau (rtd); Senator Isa Zarewa; and Mu’azu Magaji Dan Sarauniya, who was a former Senior Special Assistant to ex-President Goodluck Jonathan on SURE-P.

    APC may retain the state because of the Buhari factor: since 2003 he has never lost an electoral contest in the state. There is also the influx of new influential defectors, and the incumbency factor of Governor Ganduje who is more popular among the masses and Islamic clerics in Kano.

    Verdict: APC

     

    ZAMFARA STATE

    With the court clearance, the scramble for governorship in Zamfara State is by the PDP candidate, Alhaji Bello Mohammed Matawale, the candidate of the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA), Abdullahi Sani Shinkafi and the APC candidate who the court will have to determine. There are two candidates in APC namely, the popular Dauda Lawal (a former Executive Director of First Bank) and Alhaji Mukhtar Shehu Idris.

    It is hoped that the reconciliatory process initiated by Vice President Yemi Osinbajo will assist Zamfara APC to get its act together. Whatever it is, APC will surely win Zamfara governorship poll because PDP has a very weak candidate.

    Verdict: APC

     

    KATSINA STATE

    For the return of Governor Aminu Bello Masari, Katsina State can be taken for granted by the APC because he will benefit from the tremendous goodwill of President Buhari.

    The PDP is bound to be affected by the bandwagon effect of February 23, 2019 presidential and National Assembly elections in which it lost with a difference of  924, 077 votes. The APC political hurricane is ravaging Katsina.

    Although ex-Governor Ibrahim Shema and the PDP governorship candidate, Garba Yakubu Lado, are trying to shake the APC, they cannot go far.

    Verdict: APC

     

    SOKOTO STATE

    Governor Aminu Waziri Tambuwal is the last of the political titans, who defected from PDP to APC, whose fate is yet to be determined. Ex-VP Abubakar lost the presidency; Senate President, Bukola Saraki has fallen by the wayside, Rabiu Kwankwaso has lost the grip on Kano and Yakubu Dogara is no longer returning as the Speaker of the House of Representatives.

    The Sokoto State governor has a date with history on March 9 because the gubernatorial race will define his political future especially whether or not he will keep afloat or slide into oblivion. He has lost two battles before the governorship contest including the loss of the PDP presidential ticket and the victory of the APC at the presidential poll and the clearing of three senatorial seats in the state by the APC

    His main challenger is actually not his erstwhile deputy, Alhaji Ahmad Aliyu, but his estranged godfather, ex-Governor Aliyu Wammako. From the pulse during the campaign, Wammako’s political treasure is his closeness to the masses.

    Beside his solid structure, some of those with Wammako are ex-ministers, lawmakers and APC leaders like Umar Nagwari Tambuwal, Muhammed Maigari Dingyadi, Yusuf Suleiman, Abubakar Shehu Wurno, Jibril Gada, among others. His main asset, however, is his closeness to the grassroots.

    Tambuwal has the backing of some forces in the Caliphate, ex-Governor Attahiru Bafarawa, Mukhtar Shagari and a few other political leaders.

    So far, the calculations are not looking rosy for Tambuwal whose performance had been very poor. He is a laggard compared to the records of Wammako and ex-Governor Attahiru Bafarawa.

    Verdict: APC

     

    KEBBI STATE

    The sterling performance of Governor Abubakar Atiku Bagudu of Kebbi State in the last three and a half years and his ability to keep APC united, have made Kebbi a no-go area for PDP. He has brought his experience in the private sector to bear in managing the economy of the state. His focus on agriculture has led to massive employment and rice boom. With the backing of the respected ex-Governor of the state, Senator Adamu Aliero and Bagudu’s ability to win more souls into APC, especially ex-Governor Saidu Dakingari and his deputy, Ibrahim Aliyu, PDP is already stripped naked in Kebbi State.

    Verdict: APC

     

    KADUNA STATE

    Despite the fact that the outcome of the presidential and National Assembly elections in Kaduna State was in favour of the APC in Kaduna State, it might be an uphill task for Governor Nasir el-Rufai who is seeking a second term ticket. He has a serious match in the candidate of the PDP, Mallam Isa Ashiru Kudan. Already, two candidates, Polycarp Gankon of the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) and Ezekiel Habila of the Liberation Movement (LM), have withdrawn for Ashiru.

    The colour of politics in the state will be determined by security challenge, performance, the prolonged Hausa-Fulani/Southern Kaduna cat and mouse relationship, religious factor (especially mutual suspicion by Muslims and Christians), the rising Shiite clan and its attendant grave security implications and distrust among political elite.

    In the midst of these daunting factors, el-Rufai became audaciously adventurous by picking Hadiza Balarabe ( a fellow Muslim) as his running mate. Justifying the choice of Hadiza, the governor said: “Muslim-Muslim ticket is not a religious ticket but a competent and performance ticket.” He had also argued the even if he picked the Pope as his running mate, the people of Southern Kaduna, would not vote for him. It is a slippery decision which may redefine politics in the state.

    But before the March 9 poll, el-Rufai has lost a leg of the tripod which can earn him votes. For wielding ethno-religious cards, APC could lose Kaduna South Senatorial District as it did on February 23 during the presidential and National Assembly polls.

    A political experimenter, el-Rufai’s greatest asset is the enthronement of new governance modules which have reduced wastes in government. Apart from pruning the size of his cabinet, he has cut frivolous expenses and his performance is appreciable. But his garrulous, uncompromising and dictatorial leadership style at a point alienated him from the masses.

    El-Rufai’s other battle is his fight with political elite in the state. He is a victim of his own attempt to uproot the status quo. There are no old politicians in Kaduna State who are with him.  Members of the old brigade who were with him in 2015 like Suleiman Hunkuyi, Isa Ashiru,  Yaro Makama, and Ambassador Sule Buba are now in PDP. These old hands have teamed up with ex-Vice President Namadi Sambo, a former National Chairman of PDP, Senator Ahmed Makarfi, and ex-Governor Ramalan Yero.

    The governor has, however, bred a new generation of young politicians who are managing to warm their hearts into the people of the state. If he succeeds in displacing the old brigade from power next month, he would have created a political record in the state.

    But for the Buhari factor, el-Rufai may fail in his second term bid. It is also important to note that the president is not on the ballot on March 9 and local issues would determine the outcome. The state is a flashpoint to watch.

    Verdict: Battleground

     

    JIGAWA STATE

    About 19 candidates are jostling for the governorship seat in Jigawa State. Among them are the incumbent Governor Abubakar Badaru, recurring candidate of PDP, Aminu Ringim, Bashir Adamu (SDP), Sanusi Gumel (Peoples Democratic Movement), Abbas Mujaddad of ANN and others.

    What is at stake in Jigawa State is a struggle for the soul of the state by ex- Governor Sule Lamido and Governor Badaru whose rice production revolution has empowered many citizens of the state. His problems arise from his alienation of the political elite and some royal fathers who are not enjoying as much largesse as they used to do in the past.

    For Lamido, the loss of PDP to APC in 2015 was a disaster and he is determined to regain the control of the state. His Achilles Heel, however, is the imposition of Ringim as the party’s governorship candidate – a development which angered some PDP stalwarts.

    The success of the APC at the National Assembly polls has deflated PDP in Jigawa such that the opposition is already threatening to boycott the governorship and State House of Assembly elections unless the State Commissioner of Police, Bala Senchi, is redeployed.

    Verdict: APC

     

    SOUTHEAST ZONE

     

    ENUGU STATE

    In Enugu State, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, is best positioned to win in this week’s governorship election. A PDP stronghold, the party won last week’s Presidential and all the National Assembly elections in the state.

    Independent National Electoral Commission State Collation Officer, Prof. Joseph Ahaneku, who is the Vice Chancellor, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, announced that the party won in the 17 local government areas of the state.

    Out of the 421,014 valid votes in the state, PDP scored 355,553 votes against 54,423 votes polled by the All Progressives Congress in the state. 30,049 votes were declared invalid.

    The party’s performance in the elections confirmed prediction that except something extra ordinary happens between now and Saturday, Governor Ugwuanyi will most likely to record a landslide victory in the governorship election. Besides flying the flag of the party that has remained most acceptable in the state, the governor’s performance in the last four years, which his admirers described as superlative, plus his friendly disposition with all, including politicians in the opposition, will boost his chances.

    Since the return of democracy in 1999, Enugu has remained a PDP state. In 2015, for example, PDP garnered 553,003 out of the total 573,173 viable votes cast in that year’s presidential election, leaving the other 13 political parties that contested that election to share the remaining 20,170 votes.

    Although APC in the state now boasts of having top political leaders like former Governor Sullivan Chime, former Senate President Ken Nnamani and an influential governorship candidate, in the person of Senator Ayogu Eze, it seems only practical to predict that the party, if it works even harder, may win some state constituencies in this Saturday’s state elections, unlike what happened last weekend when it lost all the elections in the Presidential and National Assembly Elections to PDP. If the party wins some State House of Assembly Elections, it will, in a way help to boost the strength of the party in Enugu State’s local politics in the next four years.

    Verdict: PDP

     

    ABIA STATE

    Abia State has been another PDP stronghold since 1999. But as we reported earlier, under-performance or lack of quality dividends of democracy in the state has resulted to outcry from across the state for far reaching changes.

    Although Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, the candidate of PDP in last week’s presidential election, won the state, scoring 219,698 as against APC’s 85,058, it is predicted that in the governorship election, this feeling of poor performance will ultimately affect the way the people will vote in the forthcoming Governorship and State House of Assembly Election.

    As we hinted in our earlier reports, most stakeholders in the state are furious to note that Abia, though an oil-producing state, is today one of the least developed in the country, physical infrastructure wise, a development that has resulted in aggressive agitation for change of leadership.

    The feeling that the state needed socio-political change preceded 2015 elections. Then, majority of voters simply stayed away during Election Day. The records showed that the state recorded high level political apathy that year. Our investigation shows that this attitude has changed tremendously. In all the 17 local government areas of the state, campaigns have been comparatively more passionate and determined. It is being alleged that the renewed interest is a result of well-coordinated schemes to put Abia on a new path.

    The result of this new disposition has started to manifest, at least considering the outcome of last week’s Presidential and National Assembly Elections. It could be said today that in addition to PDP, the support base of two other political parties; the All Progressives Congress (APC), led by former Governor Orji Uzor Kalu, now Senator-elect and the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), led by Dr. Alex Otti, its governorship candidate, have become very significant.

    As the state prepares for the governorship and State Assembly elections, even the ruling PDP cannot deny the evident pressure occasioned by the emerging strength of the opposition. The question in most observers’ lips is will PDP’s candidate, Governor Okezie Ikpeazu enjoy the same ease his PDP predecessors enjoyed in previous elections?

    Before now, PDP flagbearers always took it for granted that they would be given the mandate. It seems so much has changed in Abia. Take what happened in Abia North Senatorial Zone for example in last weekend’s elections, where APC candidate defeated the incumbent PDP Senator with ease. If such a development is repeated during the governorship election, the incumbent governor, who is the PDP governorship candidate, may need to work harder to be reelected.

    Our investigation shows that unlike presidential election, where the obvious popularity of Peter Obi in particular and the relative acceptability of Atiku in the state, favoured PDP, the governorship may be a direct assessment between the popularity and acceptability of the incumbent governor Ikpeazu and the leading figures in APGA and APC..

    We gathered that APGA’s candidate, Dr. Alex Otti, enjoys high popularity in the state, same as APC’s governorship candidate, Uche Ogah. During the 2015 governorship election, both Otti and Ogah played very important roles. It would be recalled that Ogah and Governor Ikpeazu contested PDP primaries. The contest dragged to the post elect judicial battle, where, at a stage, the court ruled that Ogah was the rightful candidate of PDP who was actually given the mandate to govern. It took an appeal to overrule that judgment and allow Ikpeazu to assume the mandate. The mass jubilation amongst the youths across the state when Ogah was temporarily named the governor-elect four years ago gives credence to his popularity. As for Otti, who also flew the ticket of APGA, his wide acceptability in Abia is well known both by his supporters and his opponents.

    These confirm the view that the forthcoming governorship election will be a hot contest. Insiders said Otti’s grassroots campaign ahead of this contest is even more effective than what he did in 2015. Yet, in 2015, majority of the insider observers still argue that he actually won the election, alleging that his victory was robbed by the PDP government. Sources said Otti and his party, APGA is even more positioned now to win the governorship in Abia.

    Also, it is believed that APC can no longer be taken for granted in Abia today. It would be recalled that even in 2015, when the party did not have some political heavyweights it parades today, it came second in the state during the presidential election when it got 13,394 valid votes. So, the permutation today is that the governorship race will be a three-horse race. This is because aside the power of incumbency which Ikpeazu’s PDP will obviously enjoy, the governor would be contesting against APGA’s Otti and APC’s Ogah, two influential politicians whose parties have also improved significantly in Abia.

    The issue therefore is to see how far Ikpeazu would be able to utilize his power of incumbency given that, unlike what has been happening in Abia, his party, the PDP, may not get any undue support from the Federal Government agencies to win the election. However, against great odds, we report that, PDP is likely to win the governorship election primarily because of the incumbency factor otherwise, APGA’s Otti stands a better chance, going by the level of love and support he enjoys across the length and breadth of the state.

    Also, considering the victory it recorded in Orji Uzor Kalu’s Abia North Senatorial District, APC seems set to with many House of Assembly seats from the district and from Ohuhu area of Abia Central and some Abia South Senatorial area, Governor Okezie Ikpeazu area. This shows that even if PDP succeeds in winning the governorship, the next Abia State House of Assembly will no longer be an all PDP affair.

    Verdict: PDP

     

    IMO STATE

    This week’s suspension of Governor Rochas Okorocha from the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the results of the Presidential and National Assembly Elections in Imo State, have further shown that the power game between Okorocha and his estranged former political associates in APC in Imo is poised to shape how the people will vote in the state.

    As the only Southeast state currently under the leadership of an All Progressives Congress-led government, one would have expected the ruling party, to win the governorship election with ease. But following the intricate power struggle amongst its leaders, there is the fear that except the current leaders of the party works harder, APC may even lose this governorship race.

    Sources blamed this possibility on the sustained criticism of the leadership style of Governor Rochas Okorocha, a development that was worsened by the fallout of the governorship primaries’ disagreements which led to a major division between Okorocha and the leadership of the ruling party, APC, over the choice of the governorship candidate. While Okorocha had pushed for Uche Nwosu as the party’s candidate, the party finally chose Senator Hope Uzodinma with the Deputy Governor, Prince Eze Madumere, as his running mate.

    For APC, the implication of this development is that going into the governorship race as a divided political family, may prove to be a major disadvantage. Until this week’s suspension of Okorocha, the outgoing governor has remained a member of the party, flying one of its three senatorial flags, notwithstanding the fact that he was already working against the governorship candidate of the party. Many observers, including APC’s governorship candidate, Senator Hope Uzodinma, had cried out that this awkward situation may affect the party negatively. Ironically, the party did not do anything to the development until this week when it suspended the governor less than two weeks to the crucial election.

    Besides the fact that Okorocha, as the incumbent governor, will now most likely give all his support to Uche Nwosu of Action Alliance (AA), it remains to be seen how APC leadership in the state would be able to manage this delicate situation before this week’s Saturday in order to retain the state without Okorocha.

    Incidentally, the uncertainty is not limited to APC. The other leading party, the PDP, can no longer be described as being very strong in Imo as it was in 2015. However, PDP’s governorship candidate, former Deputy Speaker of House of Representatives, Hon. Emeka Ihedioha, seems to enjoy the highest popularity ratio than any of the other candidates. For him, therefore, he stands a good chance of reaping from the APC power crisis, all things being equal.

    More than what happened during the Presidential and NASS Elections, APC and PDP would have to fight hard to win the governorship election.

    Notwithstanding the sentiment that Uche Nwosu, the candidate of Action Alliance, was foisted on the people by outgoing governor Okorocha, the youthful candidate is another important candidate to watch in this election. But insiders said many voters, meaning to get at Okorocha are likely to vote against him in the election. It remains however to see how far this likely reaction will affect his performance in the election. His campaign was probably the most financed and therefore very deep into the grassroots.

    Verdict: Battleground

     

    EBONYI STATE

    Ebonyi State has remained a PDP state since 1999 and there is no definitive factor that suggests there would be a change in this year’s governorship election. During last week’s Presidential and NASS elections, the party won easily in the state as PDP garnered 258,573 votes while APC’s candidate got only 90,726 votes.

    Before the presidential election, there were speculations that Governor Dave Umahi, who has some personal family relationship with APC’s President Muhammadu Buhari, may work against his party’s candidate, Atiku, in favour of Buhari. That did not happen, a confirmation that PDP in Ebonyi State remains united and strong.

    It would be recalled that out of the 363,888 valid votes cast in the state in 2015, PDP, in collaboration with APGA, harvested a whopping 323,653 votes, leaving only 19,518 for APC, which came second.

    Following the clarification mid last year that the argument over positions between old members and new members did not succeed in dividing the party in the state, it seems Governor Dave Umahi, will be contesting on a united platform with added advantage of incumbency factor.

    Besides, investigation confirms that most of the people in Ebonyi are happy with the performance of Umahi, who one of them, Nkama Oka, described as “a true engineer, opening up the hinterlands.”

    This apart, there is the feeling that PDP stands a great chance because APC in the state may not have improved so much as to expect any tangible difference in its 2015 performance. It would be recalled that although it came second in 2015, the party, led in the state by Dr. Ogbonnaya Onu, the Minister of Science and Technology, got only19, 518 votes.

    Verdict: PDP

     

    SOUTH-SOUTH ZONE

     

    RIVERS STATE

    Next Saturday’s governorship and State Assembly election in Rivers State is a walk in the park for the PDP as it will be contesting in a one sided election that will not be featuring its main rival, the APC. The opposition party has been kept out of the race by a Supreme Court judgement that confirmed INEC’s position that it failed to conduct acceptable primary election within the stipulated time.

    To further smoothen the journey to re-election for Governor Nyesom Wike and his party, a Federal High Court sitting in Port Harcourt and presided over by Justice E.A. Obile, has sacked the governorship candidate for Accord Party, Chief Dumo Lulu-Briggs. Briggs, observers say, has been seen as the only candidate remaining in the race that can put up some challenge, albeit minute, to the PDP.

    He was sacked on the grounds that he was not the authentic candidate for the party. Dumo Lulu-Briggs was therefore replaced with Mr. Precious Baridoo, who was said to have won the governorship ticket of the party at the party’s primary elections. Justice Obile in his judgement said that as at the time of the party’s primaries, Lulu- Briggs was still a chieftain of the APC.

    Rivers State, which started out in 1999 as a PDP state became a major APC state under the then governor Rotimi Amaechi who governed it for eight years. However, Amaechi’s erstwhile political godson, Nyesom Wike’s emergence as the state governor, on the ticket of PDP, not only returned the state to PDP but marked the beginning of an intriguing political rivalry that has held the breathe of Nigerians.

    Largely because Amaechi, the current Minister of Transportation is also the Director-General of Muhammadu Buhari’s Presidential re-election campaign, the expectation, until the court nailed APC in the state, was high that he ought to ensure APC’s victory during the general election. Both because of the high offices he currently occupies and the fact that it has become a personal battle between him and his former ally, Wike.

    Ironically, the same pressure was on Wike to deliver Rivers to PDP. It would be recalled that Wike enjoyed unalloyed support of the former first family, the Jonathans, when he contested for the office of the governor of the state against the endorsement of Amaechi. The 2019 elections would have been an opportunity for Wike and Amaechi to test their political strength again, but the Supreme Court foiled that. As it stands, PDP is set to claim the state once again.

    Verdict: PDP

     

    DELTA STATE

    True to many predictions, Delta State voted for the PDP and its candidates during the Presidential and National Assembly elections. But for Senator Omo-Agege and a handful of House of Representatives candidates who won for the APC, it would have been an all PDP affair. The state has remained a PDP state since 1999. Given that the party has continued to grow under the leadership of Governor Arthur Ifeanyi Okowa, there is likelihood that it would still win this year’s governorship election.

    It would be recalled that out of the 1,267,773 valid votes cast in the state during the 2015 presidential election, PDP got 1,211,405 votes, while APC got 48,910 votes. Looking at this figure, one would ordinarily write off any party contesting with the ruling party, PDP, in Delta. And last week, the party won in 23 local government areas out of 25 in the state in the presidential race.

    Overall, the PDP polled 594,068 votes across the 25 local government, while All Progressives Congress scored 221,292 votes. PDP won the election in Aniocha South, Aniocha North, Oshimili South, Oshimili North, Ika South, Ika North-East, Burutu, Sapele, Ughelli South, Okpe, Warri South, Warri South West, Warri North and Udu. The other areas where the PDP also won are Ethiope West, Bomadi, Uvwie, Isoko North, Isoko South, Ndokwa East, Ndokwa West, Burutu and Patani.

    The APC, he said, won in Ethiope East and Ughelli North. Before now, so much happened in the politics of the state, especially within the opposition APC, that made observers believe the APC may spring surprises. But not even the defection of the former governor of the state, Dr. Emmanuel Uduaghan, to APC last year, then considered a major plus for the party, could wrought much magic. Uduaghan lost his senatorial bid.

    Also, the disagreement in the APC during the run-up to the primaries may still affect the performance of the party in the forthcoming election. It would be recalled that the faction led by Prophet Jones Erue and loyal to Senator Ovie Omo-Agege and Chief Great Ogboru had openly opposed direct primaries while the other APC faction in the state loyal to Olorogun Otega Emerhor and Chief Hyacinth Enuha threw its weight behind the state and presidential direct primaries in the state.

    It is also clear that apart from influential politicians like Okowa, Uduaghan, Great Ogboru, Omo-Agege and Otega Emerhor, the other top politicians that will influence the result of the election in the state include traditional political leaders in the state like former governor James Ibori and many big-wigs within his political family. Many of these, observers say, are sympathetic to the ruling PDP.

    Verdict: PDP

     

    CROSS RIVER STATE

    In Cross River State, the PDP looks good to repeat its 2015 landslide victory in the state in spite of some improvement in the visibility of the opposition APC after the last general election. This, pundits said, is due to two major reasons. First, the APC is currently divided into two factions that even produced two governorship aspirants, namely Usani Usani Uguru (a serving Minister) and John Enoh.

    The two factions have failed to reach a peaceful accord in spite of several efforts by party leaders like ex-Governor Clement Ebri and Chief Edem Duke, as well as the national leadership of the party. Instead, the party remained fictionalised and analysts insist this is hurting its chances at the ongoing general elections. This was obvious with the result of the Presidential and National Assembly polls. No doubt, the forthcoming election will be affected by this too.

    Secondly, Governor Ben Ayade and his predecessor, Liyel Imoke, appear to still have their firm grips on the politics of the state. The harmonious relationship between the duo, in spite of insinuations that they have fallen apart, helped the ruling PDP to wax stronger after the last election. Across the state, the governor is also adjudged as having done well. So, PDP looks good to get the votes.

    Had the crisis within the APC been resolved long enough before the guber polls, the party may have fared better than it will do now that it still remains divided. But even at that, it is doubtful if that would have helped it to upstage the ruling PDP. At best, the APC may again come a distant second in the state in the next election.

    Verdict: PDP

     

    AKWA IBOM STATE

    The outcome of the contest between Buhari and Atiku has changed the permutations of many observers of the politics of the state. Not a few had thought the APC will put up a strong fight for votes in Akwa Ibom state largely on the strength of the defection of former Governor Godswill Akpabio from the PDP to the APC. But the result of the presidential election proved otherwise. To further prove many pundits wrong, Akpabio lost his re-election bid in the senatorial race.

    Thus, the political narrative in the state has been changed as we go into the next election which is more local in context. The APC will be going into the election as the underdog while the PDP, having confirmed its strong hold on the politics of the state, will be enjoying rave review from observers. No doubt, Akpabio’s loss will also have a devastating effect on the morale of APC’s foot-soldiers across the state and this can affect the party’s performance at the polls.

    The PDP looks good to claim this state in the governorship and State Assembly Elections, but it is still possible for the APC to put up a good fight in some parts of the state. The political division between Akpabio and Governor Udom Gabriel Emmanuel will still play out in Saturday’s elections. It is very likely that APC will clinch some seats, especially in Akpabio’s senatorial district of Akwa-Ibom Northwest.

    Not minding Akpabio’s unexpected defeat, the APC will be relying on the former governor’s political machinery across the state, aided by the political influence of other APC chieftains like Umanah Umanah, Nsima Ekere (a former deputy governor), John Akpan Udoedehe, Don Etiebet, Ime Umana, Group Capt. Sam Ewang (Rtd), among others, to remedy its previous unpleasant outing.

    According to very reliable political permutations, the APC will still contest for the votes of the people of Akwa-Ibom South Senatorial District pretty well. Both Governor Udom Emmanuel and Nsima Ekere, the APC candidate, hail from there. The people will obviously be divided in their choice.  Although Akon Eyakenyi of PDP polled 122,412 votes, to defeat Senator Nelson Effiong of APC who polled 44,053 votes in the senatorial race, pundits say the opposition party can still pull strings on Saturday.

    It was also gathered that the desire of the people to take advantage of an opportunity for their zone to enjoy the governorship slot much longer, provided by the candidacy of Ekere, may somehow work in favour of the APC. “There are talks that voting Ekere may give Eket the chance to spend 12 years instead of eight years in office as governor. If this informs the people’s voting behavior on Election Day, PDP may be in trouble in Governor Emmanuel’s own backyard,” an analyst said.

    For Governor Emmanuel and the PDP, pundits say their major strength lies in the power of incumbency and the ability to showcase the achievements of the current administration to the people of the state. Not a few have claimed the victory of the PDP in the state during the Presidential and National Assembly polls is informed by the people’s satisfaction with the current administration. This will surely work in favour of the party again next weekend.

    Governor Emmanuel and his party say they have met the yearnings of the people. But the APC in the state insists that with N6.85 billion annual Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) and N143. 6 billion from the Federation Account, not forgetting extra-statutory intervention funds like Ecological funds, Paris Club Loan refunds, etc., the current administration in the state has not done much to better the lot of the people.

    Akwa Ibom has 31 local government areas. While Eket, where both Emmanuel and Ekere hail from, has 12 local government areas, Akpabio’s Ikot Ekpene boasts of 10 council areas. The remaining nine are found in Uyo District where former Governor Victor Attah and Umanah hail from. At the last count, there are 1,837, 767 registered voters in the three senatorial districts of the state.

    The Northeastern Senatorial District is one place where both APC and PDP should slug it out. With Umanah supporting Ekere, and Uyo being the seat of government and Emmanuel having many of his people resident there. While Umanah’s popularity in Uyo will aid APC, PDP should benefit from the votes of government functionaries and their people.

    Obong Bassey Albert Akpan of the PDP has emerged the winner of the 2019 Senatorial race with 147,731 votes to beat his opponent Bassey Etim of the APC, who scored 60,930.

    All in all, the PDP appears the most favored to win the governorship seat and majority of the state assembly seats in the state on Saturday, while the APC may have to make do with a few assembly seats.

    Verdict: PDP

     

    SOUTHWEST ZONE

     

    OGUN STATE

    Though the APC won the presidential election in Ogun State with 281, 762 votes to PDP’s 194, 655 and also pocketed the three senatorial seats in the state, pundits insist it is not comfortable to say the ruling party will retain the governorship seat of the state easily.

    Largely responsible for this is the internal crisis within the party that has seen Governor Ibikunle Amosun throwing his weight behind Adekunle Akinlade of the Allied Peoples Movement (APM) as his preferred governorship candidate.

    Aside the above, the contest on Saturday will certainly not be a straight forward one. Unlike in the past when the state’s unwritten political zoning agreement played a role in determining the emergence of the candidates of the leading parties, powerful political gladiators from all the four zones of the state are now locking horns in the contest that will determine who succeeds outgoing governor Amosun.

    On the candidates’ list released by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), oil magnate, Dapo Abiodun from Iperu in the Remo axis of Ogun East, is the candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) while Senator Buruji Kashamu, representing Ogun East Senatorial District in the National Assembly is the flag-bearer of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    Also on the list of candidates released by INEC are, Egba-born former Speaker of House of Representatives, Dimeji Bankole as flag bearer of the Action Democratic Party (ADP) and a two-time governorship candidate, Gboyega Nasiru Isiaka, who now flies the ticket of the African Democratic Congress (ADC). Isiaka, who is from Yewa in Ogun West, was the candidate of the PDP in 2015. Adekunle Akinlade of the Allied Peoples Movement (APM) is also in the race from Yewaland.

    With the above scenario, the 2019 governorship in Ogun State is playing out as a war zone, as all the four zones in the state are now having at least one major candidate in the race. This is contrary to the desire of Governor Amosun and other notable political leaders in the state, including former President Olusegun Obasanjo, to restrict the race to a contest between candidates from the Yewa axis of the state.

    The Ogun West Senatorial District is yet to produce a governor since 1976 when the state was created, and Amosun was determined to break the jinx. He campaigned vigorously for the ticket of the APC to be zoned to the area and he almost achieved that before the party’s NWC overruled his consensus arrangement and ordered a direct primary election which Dapo Abiodun, from Remoland, a zone in Ogun East Senatorial District, won.

    The PDP from day one never zoned the governorship ticket to Ogun West. Both factions of the party in the state seem to have their eyes on producing a candidate from Ogun East too, as no serious contender emerged from Ogun West and Central all through the process leading to the primary elections of the Adebutu and Kashamu factions of the PDP.

    Like Abiodun, Kashamu is from Ogun East and currently represents the district at the National Assembly. But he is from Ijebuland, another zone in the area which has also been clamoring to be given a chance to produce the governor of the state, 36 years after the late Bisi Onabanjo, its only son to have been governor of the state, left office. His supporters say Abiodun from Remo cannot be governor just eight years after Gbenga Daniel, another Remo man, left office.

    From Ogun Central, made up of the Egbas, former Speaker Dimeji Bankole is in the race. He is unperturbed by the fact that outgoing governor Amosun is from the same zone as himself. He says zoning should not rob the state of the best hands for the job. The congress that produced him took place in all the 20 Local Government Areas and 236 wards in the state, according to the Returning Officer for the primary election, Mr. Chamberlain Amadu.

    Not to be left out, the Yewas of Ogun West, preferred by Amosun and other opinion leaders to have the seat, have Isiaka in the race, but on the platform of little known ADC, having failed to bag the ticket of any of the two leading political parties. Akinlade, the preferred candidate of Governor Amosun, had defected from the ruling APC to the APM, to keep the Yewa agenda alive.

    Examining the voting populations of the various zones, analysts say if the people of the four autonomous clans decide to vote along tribal lines, the contest may not be decided on the first ballot. “And it is most likely the electorates will put tribal consideration on the front burner on Election Day, given the acrimonious and sectional campaign currently going on,” Joju Daini of Voters Right Agenda (VRA), told The Nation.

    “Ogun East with nine local government areas lost the chance of having an edge over the other two zones following the emergence of candidates from the two zones in the area. So, its majority population will be shared by its two sons, Abiodun and Kashamu of APC and PDP respectively. They are however helped by the fact that they are candidates of the two leading political parties.

    “Ogun Central with five local governments has only Dimeji Bankole in the race. But he will be contending with the popularity of both APC and PDP in his zone. While he is expected to enjoy the solidarity of his people, the unpopular nature of his party, the ADP in the state, will rob him of a landslide win in the Egbaland. No doubt, he will share the lot with the candidates of widely known APC and PDP.

    “The same will be the fate of Isiaka in Ogun West. He will benefit immensely from the clamor of his people for the governorship but ADC as a party is the major challenge to his victory in the race. Chieftains of the ruling APC, which is quite strong in the area, has refused to endorse his candidacy contrary to expectations in the zone. Instead, Akinlade, Amosun’s preferred candidate, has joined the APM as its governorship candidate,” Daini analyzed.

    But some pundits say this is convenient to say though the contest will be keen, the APC will win the election at the end of the day. They based their position on the weakened position of the PDP, the main opposition party and the inability of Governor Amosun and his political camp to openly canvass votes for Akinlade of the APM. “To add to this is the Osinbajo factor. Although based in Lagos, the Vice President hails from Ikenne-Remo in the Eastern Senatorial District of the state. It is expected that his kinsmen from Remoland and other parts of the state will because of him, support and vote for the APC candidates in the general election.

    Fresh developments during the week also weakened the ADC and strengthened the APC ahead of weekend’s elections. A senatorial candidate of the ADC in the State, Deji Ashiru, and his supporters reportedly dumped the party to support the governorship candidate of the APC, Dapo Abiodun. Reports also indicated that the ADC Ogun Central Senatorial candidate, Titi Oseni Gomez, has moved into the Dapo Abiodun camp.

    Reliable ADC sources told The Nation that the two senatorial candidates, who were defeated in the senatorial election by the APC, planned to work for Abiodun, as political parties and candidates forge alliances ahead of the March 9 governorship election. They probably believe Abiodun has a brighter chance to win the elections. While Ashiru had confirmed his defection, Gomez was yet to respond to enquiries sent to her as at press time.

    Also, in spite of the unusual political ripples, APC evidently enjoys appreciable support across the state. The Federal Government’s attention to major roads in the state, including the Sagamu-Ikorodu road and Lagos-Ibadan Expressway is also swaying support for the party across the state. Also, Buhari’s decision to immortalise the late Chief MKO Abiola, an indigene of Ogun, by declaring June 12 as the nation’s Democracy Day, remains a political move well aimed.

    It has endeared the party to the elites in the state and it is expected to help garner some votes across the state for APC. Similarly, numerous artisans and traders across the state who benefitted from the Tradermoni scheme are supporting the candidates of the ruling party just as many youths now enjoying under the N-Power employment scheme in the state, are poised to reward the APC. It is for these reasons that analysts concluded that though the election will be dramatic, the APC may still win.

    Verdict: Battleground

     

    LAGOS STATE

    Although the APC in Lagos State retained its political hold on the state by winning all the three senate seats and garnering almost all the House of Representatives seats in the state, pundits say the party must be wary as the governorship election approach if it intends to stop the desire of the opposition PDP to invade the state politically. The result of the presidential contest in the state, to many, is a further confirmation that the PDP is waxing stronger in the state.

    The APC got 580, 825 votes while the PDP garnered 448, 015 votes in the presidential contest and pundits say the PDP has greatly reduced the margin when compared to 2015 when it similarly trailed the ruling party in the presidential contest. Also, the obvious reduction in the number of votes recorded by APC in Lagos, from 792, 460 in 2015 to a 580, 825 last Saturday is a source of worry to supporters of the party in the state.

    And considering the threat to “take over Lagos” by the opposition PDP, it is no longer very convenient to predict that APC will easily win the governorship election. Pundits are even of the opinion that unless the ruling party up its game before the next election in the state, the opposition PDP will perform better than it did in 2015 when it gave the ruling APC a good fight in all the elections. APC scored 811,994 to defeat the PDP which had 659,788 in the governorship race back then.

    “APC must wake up and shake off this complacency with which they seem to be approaching this year’s general election. The PDP has again put up a good fight like it did in 2015. The APC must go all out to reconnect with the people of Lagos. APC is still the party to beat in Lagos but the party must take drastic political steps to ward off the threat constantly being posed by the opposition party,” an analyst warned.

    Although the PDP and its candidates, encouraged by the outcome of the presidential election, are working hard to garner votes for the party, the personality of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, National Leader of the APC, still looms large across the state. He is one of the factors expected to work in favour of the APC next Saturday. Party sources said Tinubu has instructed that chieftains and members of the party in the state must go all out to win more votes for the APC.

    Analysts have also warned that it will be foolhardy for the PDP to conclude that the people of the state will vote in the governorship and State Assembly elections the same way they voted in the presidential election. “All politics are local. Many Lagosians voted against Buhari and not the APC. Many of them will be voting for Jide Sanwoolu, the APC guber candidate. So the two contests should be approached differently,” an observer said.

    To the party’s advantage is the fact that chieftains like Chief Mrs. Remi Adiukwu, Senator Musiliu Obanikoro, and its then state chairman, Moshood Salvador, are now in the APC. Many PDP bigwigs, including Chief Bode George, though still in the opposition party, are on a self-imposed political holidays, leaving the party without a known leader in the state.

    The PDP has also lost many of the areas it garnered votes to the APC following the defection of almost all the state and federal lawmakers that won on its platform into the APC. Thus, erstwhile strongholds of the PDP like Oshodi-Isolo, Ajeromi-Ifelodun, Ojo, Badagry and Amuwo-Odofin are now brimming with APC chieftains ready to get the votes for the ruling party.

    Also, the APC ticket will benefit from the acceptance being enjoyed in the state by Vice President Yemi Osinbajo. The choice of Osinbajo has been a hit across the Southwest and this is expected to translate into votes on Election Day for the APC. In spite of the criticisms trailing some of Governor Akinwunmi Ambode’s policies and projects, observers say the APC government in the state has performed enough to keep the voters trusting its candidates.

    However, as usual, the PDP is putting up a good fight in the state largely by targeting the votes of non-indigenes across the state. Jimi Agbaje, the party’s governorship flag-bearer, has also been promising non-indigenes better deals under a PDP administration in the state. During the week, the two parties intensified their mobilisation efforts across the state.

    But the ruling APC still look good to sweep victory as usual. Analysts say the reality on ground does not support PDP’s quest for political control of the Southwest state in spite of its unexpected performance last week. All things being equal, the APC should get majority of the total votes cast in the governorship election and also win most of the assembly seats in the state.

    Verdict: APC

     

    OYO STATE

    APC won the Presidential election in Oyo during the last presidential election when President Buhari squared up against former President Jonathan. APC scored 528, 620 while PDP got 303, 376. The state used to be the stronghold of the opposition PDP until recently. But before last weekend’s presidential election, majority of those chieftains who made the PDP thick in the state have jumped ship or gone into political oblivion, leaving the party in assumed limbo.

    The likes of former governors Rashidi Ladoja and Adebayo Alao-Akala are no longer with the party. While Ladoja now leads the Zenith Labour Party (ZLP) in the state, Alao-Akala is the gubernatorial candidate of the Action Democratic Party (ADP). Both leaders have also lost some of their chieftains to the ruling APC in recent times, especially Alao-Akala, who joined the APC briefly after dumping the PDP.

    Other erstwhile PDP top guns like former Senate Leader, Senator Teslim Folarin and former Secretary to the State Government, Chief Ayodele Adigun are now in the APC working for the success of its candidates. Observers of the politics of the state had said PDP in Oyo state was a ghost of its glorious past and cannot put up any serious challenge to the victory of the ruling APC in the general election.

    After a serious threat to its peace by a disagreement between Governor Abiola Ajimobi and Communications Minister, Barrister Adebayo Shitu, the APC in Oyo appeared to had repositioned itself to rout the opposition in all the elections. Buhari was expected to win the highest number of votes in the presidential election in Oyo state on the strength of the popularity of his party in the state.

    But all the above permutations were put to nought by the shocking outcome of the presidential and national assembly elections in the state. The APC lost the state gallantly to the PDP in what many observers are still calling a surprise performance by the underrated opposition PDP. Even Governor Ajimobi, who had boasted that his party will trounced the opposition across the state, lost his senatorial bid.

    Former Vice President of Nigeria and candidate of the PDP, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, won the Presidential election held across the 33 Local Government areas in Oyo state. The PDP candidate won in 18 Local Government areas while Buhari of the APC won in 15. The final result showed that Atiku Abubakar scored 366,640 to defeat Buhari who scored 365,229 votes.

    While many are putting the shocking defeat at the feet of the intra party crises that saw the likes of Alao-Akala moving out after the primary election, others are quick to blame Governor Ajimobi for the defeat. They argued that by taking on powerful individuals and groups like the Olubadan of Ibadan and other elites within the capital city, the governor costed APC its expected support from the Ibadans, who are in the majority across the state.

    To further add to APC’s problems, major opposition parties in the state are now holding alliance talks ahead of Saturday’s governorship election. Gubernatorial candidate of the PDP in the state, Seyi Makinde, disclosed that opposition parties in the state are currently meeting and have agreed to make their ambitions secondary. He assured that the alliance will bring something good for the people of the state.

    The PDP candidate, while confirming that opposition parties were ready to dislodge the APC, maintained that all the opposition parties have to come together for them to achieve the aim of unsitting the ruling party. He said, “We are working really hard to ensure that a workable coalition is able to come forward to challenge the APC in Oyo. “And I believe for the forthcoming election, we’re going to see a grand alliance in Oyo State,” he assured.

    It was also confirmed that the ruling party too, recovering from its shocking defeat by the PDP in the presidential and national assembly races, is now seeking alliance with some other parties. The Nation learnt that a serious discussion is currently ongoing between Alao-Akala’s ADP and the APC in the state. This, however, is as the ADP is also in talks with PDP and other parties.

    It was also gathered that the offer of alliances to ADP from the two leading parties, APC and PDP, became a source of disagreement among Alao-Akala’s supporters as the party sought to take a decision ahead of the governorship polls. Some of the allies of the former governor were of the opinion that any alignment with the APC amount to Alao Akala going back to his own vomit. They saw an alliance with the PDP as the best for ADP to teach Ajimobi and the APC a big lesson.

    But many others felt the politically upright thing to do is to support an alignment with the APC. Those in this school of thought held that Alao-Akala and his supporters would benefit a lot more from joining the ruling party instead of the PDP because the APC is the party at the centre. Meanwhile, there are those who wanted Alao-Akala to shun all talks of alliance and go all the way to contest the governorship election because they felt he looked good to win the contest ahead of both APC and PDP.

    However, with the Ogbomosho axis of the state firmly in the grip of Alao-Akala and his men, his latest decision to work with the APC during the gubernatorial and state assembly elections will have a major impact on the eventual outcome of the election. He gave indications that he may be returning to APC after meeting with the national leader of the party, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu.

    The ADP governorship candidate visited Tinubu in the company of his wife, Oluwakemi Alao-Akala; his son, Olamiju and the Director General of his campaign, Wale Ohu, at Bourdillon on Thursday. The former governor had asked to be given time to make a formal statement on the meeting with the APC national leader. “It is true. Both of us have been meeting and we will continue to meet. I will call you in 24 hours to let you know the state of things,” he said.

    On Friday, in a statement by the Director General, Akala Campaign Organization, Chief Wale Ohu, Alao-Akala said going by the results of the February 23 presidential and National Assembly election, not much can be achieved in isolation. “We have felt the pulse of the people whose support has brought us this far: it is important that we dance when they play the tunes.To this effect, the Oyo state ADP and the Akala Campaign Organisation hereby call on all our members, teeming supporters and well-wishers across the state to come on board in this move towards positioning our state for better national interest,” he said.

    Coming on day when the former governor shunned the ongoing alliance meeting of opposition parties in the state on Friday, many observers have concluded that Alao-Akala’s new port of call is the APC, his former party. While governorship candidates of other parties attended the meeting at Sen. Rashidi Ladoja’s Bodija, Ibadan home, Akala, who was the brain behind the alliance, was absent. Similarly, a chieftain of the ADC in the state, Chief Michael Koleosho, has reportedly joined the APC team. Koleosho’s coming is expected to boost APC’s chances in his native Saki and other Oke-Ogun towns.

    Meanwhile, The Nation gathered that alliance talks and meetings among the political parties are still ongoing across the state even as the national leaderships of both the APC and the PDP may have intervened into efforts to get other parties into their kitty. With all the going-on in the politics of the state ahead of next Saturday’s gubernatorial elections, the eventual outcome of the election in Oyo state still remains too close to call.

    Verdict: Battleground

  • Elections: We operated within legal boundary – Army

    The Nigerian Army says  its activities during  the just-concluded Presidential and National Assembly polls were within the ambit of the law and rules of engagement.

    Reacting to allegations of partisanship, coercion and shooting of voters in some areas across the country during the elections, it said that soldiers deployed on election duty were professional and proactive in their conduct.

    Spokesman for the army, Col. Sagir Musa said:  “we acted within the requirements of the law, rules of engagement and code of conduct.”

    During the elections, there were widespread allegations of partisanship, brutality of soldiers on some electorate and Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) officials, and partisanship in the process.

    Electoral officers in some states, including Rivers, Lagos and Delta, accused the military of interfering in the elections.

    The soldiers were fingered in shootings that resulted in deaths of many people, and other unwholesome acts allegedly recorded in some states during the polls.

    But, Musa told the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) that the army made its position clear before, during and after the elections.

    He pointed out that monitors of the elections had commended the army for its role while the exercise lasted.

    “Our position stands on the verdict given by local and foreign election monitors that commended the Nigerian Army for being professional, proactive, responsive and unbiased,” the spokesman said.

     

  • The great, confounding gaps between what is open and what is hidden and what is and isn’t in the elections

    There was violence, there was mayhem, there were ballot-box snatchers and there was loss of many lives during the first round of our 2019 general elections last weekend. But compared with other elections in our recent past, nothing came close to the worst that we expected, that we prayed not to happen. If you expect your child not to do well at all in school and he or she does little above average, you give thanks and hope that next time around, the results will be even better. That is exactly how many Nigerians feel about the elections – with the possible exception of the aggrieved and bitter PDP leadership. In this piece, I start with the admission that like most Nigerians, I am relieved that things did not go as horrifically bad as they could have gone, as, indeed, we all feared they would. But beyond this, beyond the provisional and restrained hallelujah of my feelings, I wish to point out and discuss certain things that the elections revealed that we ought to worry about. As we shall see, these are things about which both the victorious APC and the defeated PDP are in almost complete agreement. Collectively, I call these things the gaps between what is open and what is hidden, and what is and what isn’t.

    Before delving into the subject of this piece, I deem it necessary to provide a short framework of explanations concerning my assumptions in the following discussion. Forgive me if it sounds too “professorial”. I will make it very short and then go directly to the topic of the essay. Thus, in the sub-field of logic in the academic discipline of philosophy, you can say that wherever you go, there you are; you cannot be anywhere else in the country, let alone the planet. This is a version of the well-known English adage that states that you cannot eat your cake and still have it. However, in philosophy, there are more fields in addition to logic. For instance, there are the sub-fields of ethics and metaphysics. In ethics, questions will be raised beyond your being where you go and nowhere else on the planet. Questions like what you might have done or not done while you were there to affect your life and the lives of others. And in metaphysics, issues might be raised as to the possibility that while you are logically and physically where you go, in spirit, psyche and imagination, you might be somewhere else as distant as possible on our planet, perhaps even in our entire solar system. If there is a lesson, a moral to this framework of assumptions, it is this: take seriously the logical limitations and consequences of where you are, of life and its realities; but know that beyond logic, there are hidden and perhaps even illogical dimensions to what we do and don’t do as human beings in general and members of a national community in particular. Having made this clarification, let us now go the issues.

    Perhaps the most startling and consequential gap between what is open and what is hidden and what is and isn’t in the election last week is the gap between, on the one hand, what transpired during the announcement of the results of the presidential election at the National Collation Centre at Abuja and, on the other hand, the things that either barely happened or did not happen at all at the other collation centers in the country at the local government and state levels. Permit me to present this as carefully as possible. At the National Collation Centre, the INEC Chairman and the State Collation Officers, Presidential Election (SCOPE) were impressively meticulous, patient, diligent and thorough in their presentations. The intention, the calculation was to appear as unimpeachably professional, accountable and impartial as possible. To a large degree, it worked, so much so that one could be forgiven if one thought that what happened during the two days of the announcements of the results at Abuja could serve as a model of how to conduct official business against the background of the endlessly dysfunctional ways in which the country and the people are served by state bureaucracies and bureaucrats in Nigeria. Obviously, it was all a carefully choreographed and brilliantly executed SHOW. One could even say that it was all a RITUAL, the performance of which was to lend legitimacy and dignity to the process and, especially, to whoever was eventually declared the winner at the end of the ritual process – which happened, in this instance, to be Muhammadu Buhari.

    INEC did nothing to show, to display or to theatricalize its collation operations at the local government and state collation centres as it did at Abuja. In most of the democratic nations of the world, the announcement and public legitimation of election results are at their most open, concentrated and publicized at the local and state levels. As a matter of fact, many nations do not have formal collation at the national level; the national winners are extrapolated from the results declared at the local and state levels. Against this general global trend, INEC went out of its way to browbeat all news outlets, all media organizations not to publish results that did not come from it. Understandably, this was to prevent fake and misleading “results” from taking the place of genuine results. But this should not have prevented INEC from publishing the results at all the collations centers at the local government and state levels, long before getting to collation of all results at Abuja; indeed, it should have served as an incentive for INEC to publish results where and when they were first collated. Thus, in my judgment, anything could have happened during and after the collations at the local and state levels before the final one at the National Collation Centre. Indeed, I go one step further, since I know my country and its politicians: I strongly suspect that both APC and PDP “worked” on the results at those lower collation levels before the national, depending on which areas of the country and their bureaucracies each party controls. I go even one step further and draw attention to the fact that Buhari refused to sign the new electoral law passed last year; if he had done so, among many other things, INEC would have had no choice but to clearly display election results at every level of collation in the country.

    In my mind, the great SHOW, the RITUAL process at the National Collation Centre at Abuja will long remain the outstanding image of the 2019 elections. I have said that to me, it was a show intended to lend credibility, impartiality and legitimacy to the elections. More generally, I now add that the SHOW was also intended to legitimate the overwhelming electoral and political dominance of the APC and the PDP, both of which, on nearly all grounds, are mirror images of each other. This conclusion is not based on strict logic, since INEC can in no way be validly accused of being institutionally committed to the dominance of the APC and the PDP. For this reason, our critique of INEC must be based on the law(s) that set up the body, together with its overemphasis on ritual over substance and theatrics over real democratic accountability. To do this, we must move beyond the place where INEC is to places where it isn’t and won’t go if it is not nudged to do so. This in effect means that we must go to the other great gaps between what is and what isn’t in our present political order.

    I have some very sobering facts and observations to make on this issue, compatriots. For instance, to most commentators and pundits, the greatest gap of all is the one between registered voters and actual voters – in every state and every regional zone in the country. This year, in most cases, it is said to be well below 50%. I beg to differ from this consensus. More precisely, I wish to state that for us to get an accurate sense of potential voters that are routinely excluded from electoral participation in our country, we must first get the gap between the actual percentage of citizens of voting age and of registered voters before fixating on the gap between registered voters and actual voters. The cases of Lagos and Kano, the two most populous states in the federation are very revealing on this issue.

    Let us take Lagos first. With a population of about 21 million, it has only about 6.6 million registered voters. Since the voting age is now 18 and the national median age is also 18, this means that there are close to 11 million people of voting age in the state. This gives us two great gaps. The first is between people of voting age (around 11 million) and registered voters (about 6.6 million), giving us a difference of 5.4 million. The second gap is the well-known one between registered voters (6.6 million) and actual voters (slightly under 2 million) which is around 4 million This in effect means that those excluded from participation in electoral democracy in Lagos State are close to 11 million people, much larger than the current fixation on around 4 million as the number of the excluded.

    The pattern in Kano State is similar to that of Lagos State, though not as dramatic. The state has a population of about 16 million of which we can say about 8 million are of voting age. The number of registered voters is about 5.4 million. This leaves us the figure of about 2.6 million of people of voting age that are unregistered. If we add that figure to the gap between registered voters and actual voters (3.4 million), we get a grand total around 6 million. Thus, although Kano has consistently had the largest number of actual voters among the 36 states of the federation, it too presents us with a great, seemingly unbridgeable gap between those who could be active participants in our democracy and those that actually do participate in it. In effect, this goes well beyond the phenomenon of voter apathy which, normatively, is the gap between registered voters and actual voters. In other words, what we have here is apathy plus exclusion plus social invisibility; and it pertains to very large segments of our population.

    Compatriots, here are some summative figures to ponder as we take stock of the aftermath, in years and decades, of the elections. We have a population of about 180 million. In January this year, the INEC Chairman announced the figure of 84 million as the total number of registered voters. This is not just a huge gap; it is a crushingly huge gap. Is it illiteracy that is responsible for so high a number of unregistered adults of voting age in our country? Is it poverty? Is it despair and imposed nihilism? Or is it, as I believe, a combination of all the above? Whatever any of us can say in response to these questions, of one thing we can be sure: neither the APC nor the PDP cares a jot about the significance of these gaps between what is and what isn’t and what is open and what is hidden in the culture of politics dominant in our country under the diarchy of the APC and the PDP. This leads me to the concluding paragraph of this piece that I wish to devote to the open and hidden aspects of the announced results of the presidential elections.

    Here are the open aspects. With a few exceptions, the South voted massively against Buhari, especially in the South-east and the South-south. And in the South-west that had voted hugely for Buhari in 2015, the PDP and Atiku gave APC and the President a run for their money, scoring victories in unexpected places and coming close to the APC in places where they lost. The reverse is true, in general, in the North where Buhari won big in many of the places he expected to win and lost narrowly in places where he was expected to lose heavily. APGA, which used to hold sway in the South-east, has been wiped out – at least for now. Thus, the coalition that brought Buhari to power in 2015 is gone – or has been largely reconstituted. These are the open aspects. What of the hidden aspects? Remember, compatriots, that only a small percentage of our citizenry actually participate in our elections, in our “democracy”. If I am asked to put a number to this, I would say about 25%. Which kind of INEC, which kind of electoral practices can bring these hidden aspects to our consciousness and a truly progressive intervention throughout the country?

    • Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • Nigeria’s electoral theatrics

    Democracy …is a charming form of government, full of variety and disorder; and dispensing a sort of equality to equals and unequals alike—Plato

    If the recent announcement about emergence of 73 presidential candidates does not jolt fans of deliberative democracy about election fever in the country, nothing else can. More than ever before in the history of elections in the country, interest in presidential elections by political parties has never been this enthusiastic, just as the number of presidential and legislative offices has never been this astronomical.

    Nikolas Rose once theorised in an essay titled, “Governing by Numbers: Figuring out Democracy” that democratic power is calculated power, calculating power, and requiring citizens who calculate about power.” Though Rose’s emphasis was on the sociology of the linkage between manipulation of numbers: census, statistics, polls, etc., and the struggle for and exercise of power, my interest today is about the relationship between citizens who calculate about power, even before elections.

    Premium Times’ revelation that the Independent Electoral Commission (INEC) had announced nominations of 73 presidential candidates from over 90 political parties to contest for the presidency in 2019; 1,803 individuals to contest for 109 senate seats; and 4,548 candidates to jostle for 350 legislative seats ought to raise concerns about efficient management of the electoral process and sensitivity to voters’ needs. Without depriving citizens of their right of association, such staggering number of candidates calls for ideas on how to strengthen disciplined subjectivity of individuals, if conducting efficient and stress-free elections is to be part of the country’s electoral culture.

    If the meteoric rise in number of presidential candidates is caused by feelings by political parties that had been in the margins for years that they can take advantage of the perception that APC and PDP look more alike in 2019 than they did in 2015, they may have some point. But that 73 parties have such feeling is rather unusual for Nigeria’s electoral history from 1959 till 2015. Even in the context of elections in Africa, 73 presidential candidates from Nigeria is still bizarre.  For example, 23 candidates ran against Emmerson Mnangagwa, 20 against Ellen Sirleaf before that. The highest until now is 32 in Benin Republic. Other countries on the continent that have taken the concept of multi-party democracy to mean proliferation of parties include Niger with 30, Central African Republic with 30, Mali with 24, Somalia with 24 and Sierra Leone with 16. But Nigeria has made good its claim of being the leader of Africa with 90 political parties and 73 presidential candidates for the 2019 elections.

    What is likely to be the implications of Nigeria’s multitude of presidential candidates and of political parties, most of whom citizens do not hear of until a few months to election? First, there is an advantage: obvious respect by governments for citizens’ freedom of association. It is the disadvantages that are legion. Although INEC enthusiastically claims that it is in full control of handling the high number of parties, there is no doubt that something will give on election days, if not in relation to logistics, it may be in respect of stress of voters that would need to read 73 names or scrutinise over 70 party symbols in the process of identifying their preferred candidates. Equally will voters experience stress while voting for candidates for the Senate and the House of Representatives where they will have to contend with choosing from many names on the ballot paper with multitudes of party symbols. The stress will be worse for the illiterate millions of voters who rely on party symbols as means of identifying their candidates of choice. The implications for fielding hordes of candidates on election day may not end with voters’ stress. Counting of votes is another factor capable of causing delay of results for days after casting of votes, with potential problems of computation and verification of votes.

    In some respect, the advent of multitudes of parties and candidates on the country’s electoral landscape may make choice difficult for voters. How many voters are likely to have the presence of mind to read through 73 manifestoes, most of them partial clones of each other? What percentage of voters will have the time to assess legions of promises by 73 presidential candidates? Fielding 73 presidential candidates smacks of mocking the electoral process, rather than growing opportunities for adequate analysis of the candidates by the electorate. In addition, in a truly free and fair election a situation of 73 presidential candidates increases the chance of getting a president who may be elected by a negligible minority of voters, simply because he or she has obtained majority of votes among 73 candidates. It is common knowledge that choosing may become meaningless if the field of choice is limitless.

    It is not only INEC that is the facilitator of electoral theatrics in respect of the 2019 elections. Owners or creators of political parties since the transition from military dictatorship to electoral politics have not helped matters. Why, for example, is it difficult for manufacturers of political parties to align their ideological missions to a few parties as has been the practice since the 1960s when the total number of politic parties were under ten? In a presidential system designed to throw up a candidate that can get the endorsement of majority of voters in a diverse polity so that the winner in a presidential election may be a unifier of the nation, it may be counterproductive to saddle voters with 73 candidates. Although the country may not have accomplished the intention of the framers of the constitution in respect of giving the country a president that is necessarily a nation’s unifier, establishing an electoral process that can promote this value is crucial to sustain the country’s unity. And fielding 73 presidential candidates is not likely to achieve this political goal.

    Political parties are means of unifying a country through organising citizens around ideologies and policies for governance, and not a means of further dividing the country into too many political parties to confound the electorate. Nigeria is already famous for having the largest number of churches, all in the name of freedom of association. The country should not extend the proclivity to manufacture hundreds of churches to political parties. Citizens that are desirous of becoming leaders need to realize that 90 political parties and 73 presidential candidates may divide the country more than they can unify it for proper governance.

    Since the election of last week in which only two parties; APC and PDP came out as candidates of choice, a few of the spokespersons for over 70 parties have been congratulating themselves for their efforts. Of course, this should be expected. Younger party leaders have come up to show that they too can compete for votes under the Not too Young to Run Legislation. But there are better ways for the new comers to presidential politics to make their decision to spend money and time more effective. If many of the presidential candidates have been more realistic, they would have realised that pooling resources—financial, intellectual, and organisational—could have given the country a viable third force owned by millennials. Some of the candidates who are already congratulating themselves for participating in the 2019 elections ought to know that it is not the number of political parties that matters, it is the strength of the parties in the field of play. No country needs hundreds of political parties to allow democratic governance to function. All that is needed is two or three parties for voters to choose from, as it is with most advanced democracies. Having political parties that score less than ten votes indicates that such parties are family projects that trivialise the right to be voted for. Of the many matters arising from the 2019 presidential elections, determination of how many political parties the INEC wishes to saddle citizens with at election times should be on the agenda for electoral reforms.

    The first part of this article first appeared three months before the 2019 presidential election.

    Roposek@msn.com

     

  • Elections: IPOB’s statement condemned

    THE Oodua People’s Congress (OPC New Era) has condemned the statement of the Independent People of Biafra (IPOB) on the presidential and National Assembly elections in Lagos State making the rounds on social media platforms.

    The IPOB’s statement signed by one Emma Powerful was described as “not only offensive and insulting, but ill-advised and portrays the author and the body he claims to represent as lacking in reflections.”

    The OPC expressed its condemnation of the statement in a press release signed by the President of the organization, Rasaq Arogundade.

    The statement reads in part: “Igbo have lived peacefully in Lagos and other parts of the Yoruba land for ages. They carry out their businesses unmolested. Igbo are allowed to own properties and as a matter of fact, own sizeable portions of lands throughout Lagos State.

    “Similarly, the Igbo have been politically assimilated and have been represented at the highest level of governance in Lagos State since 1999 with some elected as members of the Lagos State House of Assembly (LAHA) and others appointed into the State Executive Council.

    “It is no coincidence that the Yoruba land (South West Nigeria) has been the most peaceful part in Nigeria. The peace is not because of fear, but a deliberate policy of our ancestors who, after fighting many battles and wars, have resolved to make peaceful and communal living the way of life of the Yoruba people.

    “That we are accommodating and friendly should not be misconstrued as a weakness or sign of timidity as the OPC is fully ready to repel any attack on the Yoruba territory from any quarters.”

    The OPC called on all Nigerians to live in peace and attach much importance to the unity of the country.

  • Tackling insecurity in schools during elections

    Violence is common during elections. To avoid being caught in its web, many schools have beefed up security on their premises. Parents are also keeping their eyes on their wards. In this report, ADEGUNLE OLUGBAMILA, JANE CHIJIOKE, ZAINAB LAWAL and BUSOLA SEBIOTIMO look at the various security measures schools have adopted to ensure that their pupils are safe during the elections.

    How secure are schools during general elections? How do schools protect their  pupils from election violence?

    Security in schools is given priority attention during elections.

    Similarly, this year, school owners have adopted measures to ensure that their pupils are safe.

    Before last weekend’s general elections, there was fear in the land, especially with the postponement of the presidential and national elections by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), from February 16 to February 23, a development that led to some examination bodies to readjust their timetable. Also, schools adjusted their curricular, even though they were not affected.

    According to the new timetable released by INEC, the Governorship and State Houses of Assembly elections earlier slated for Saturday, March 2, have been rescheduled to March 9.

    Following this development, the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) also postponed its Mock Unified Tertiary matriculation Examination (UTME) to a yet-to-be-decided date.

    Last week, the board’s Public Relations Officer (PRO), Fabian Benjamin, hinted of the possibility of a new date for the UTME should the election drag to between March 16 and 23, the dates of the UTME.

    In view of the postponement, the Lagos State Government directed all schools in the state to resume academic activities last Monday instead of Tuesday.

    The information was contained in a statement by the Director-General, Education Quality Assurance, Mrs Ronke Soyombo.

    It read in part: “The state government has been compelled by the change in election dates to further review the 2018/19 school academic calendar as stated below:

    “All schools resume Monday, 18th February, 2019. All schools in Lagos State are expected to close on the following dates: Friday, 22nd of February and to resume on Monday, 25th February.

    “The schools will also close on Friday, 8th March 2019 and to resume on Monday, 11th March. All public and private schools, school leaders and school associations should take note and adhere strictly.”

    Remarkably, concerns were already being raised on the need to beef up security in schools to safeguard pupils as well as school properties.

    For instance, the National Association of Proprietors of Private Schools (NAPPS), an umbrella body of private schools operators, had ordered its members to vacate by Thursday (elections are held on Saturdays) and resume on Monday for the Presidential and National Assembly elections. They are also to repeat same ahead of gubernatorial and state houses of assembly elections.

    A statement by NAPPS National President, Dr Sally Adukwu-Bolujoko, noted that while the association is mindful of the forthcoming West African Senior School Certificate Examination (WASSCE) and JAMB, it would not hesitate to take caution amid likely uprisings that usually characterise elections.

    The statement read in part: “All proprietors are to monitor the security situation in their neighbourhoods and alert security agencies, while informing parents to evacuate children as soon as possible.

    “While we continue to pray and work with relevant authorities to ensure peaceful elections, we urge all participants to see politics as a game not worth killing or dying for.”

    Following pockets of skirmishes in some states during the Presidential and National Assembly elections at the weekend, the Association of Nursery and Primary Education Instructor s of Nigeria (ANPEIN), in a statement, warned its members to be careful before they resume this week in view of the skirmishes that rocked some states during last weekend’s election.

    “It was found that some states were crisis-ridden, with some pockets of demonstrations and skirmishes (during the election),” said in a statement signed by its National President Fowowe Simeon Sunday on Sunday.

    The statement continued: “In view of this, our members are advised to study their environment with a view to ascertaining if their schools can resume tomorrow (Monday).

    “Schools can resume tomorrow (Monday), if their environment is conducive for such and is crisis-free, while resumption may be shifted till Tuesday if the environment is seemingly peaceful.”

    Some states are spoiling for a showdown, following allegations of sharp practices during the election, raising fears such development could affect schools, if not timely checked.

    The Nation went around some schools in Lagos State to know what security structures they have put in place for the elections.

    Mr Adedeji A. O., vice principal of  Comprehensive Senior High School, Alapere, said: “There is no much change in the curriculum. Basically, we were  holiday supposed to have mid-term upper week, which we have had. When the election was postponed, the school resumed again last Monday, so nothing has changed really in terms of our curriculum or teaching activities. Everything has been covered.”

    On security, he noted that pupils were informed about the vacation

    “This is a day school, not a boarding school; so we don’t have many problems. All we need to do today (Thursday) is that all teaching staff and principal will wait and ensure that all the pupils leave the school. We’ll inform them on the assembly ground that there won’t be school on Friday. When the school closes, we will ensure the security personnel march the pupils out of the school compound. From there, they would leave for their homes and the responsibility is now on the parents.

    “We have security guards manning the school. During the election, they are not going for public holiday like others, because it’s their job. They’re in charge of the school security and protection during weekends and public holidays.”

    Mrs Shade Williams, Head Teacher, Little Eagles Montessori, Mafoluku, said the school would not resume until after the gubernatorial elections.

    She said: “We vacated on Thursday, February 21 and will resume on Monday, March 11,  after the state election. We just want to ensure maximum security of pupils during this election period.They are little kids and we want them to be with their parents till the election is over”.

    Mrs Grace Majekodunmi, Head Teacher of Excel Land Private School, Ajao Estate, said: “We vacated on (last) Thursday because of the election. The school is always secured even during school hours, let alone when it is not being used.”

    Mrs O. l. Ajibade, supervisor at Charis Fountain Academy, Shomolu, said the school complied with the government’s directive to vacate early enough, adding that the election did not affect the school’s curriculum.

    She said: “The election didn’t affect our curriculum so much, although there were some things we had to postpone. We also work more on our curriculum, so it won’t affect the kids. We had a meeting with our teachers to shift some topics till next term for the pupils not to be affected.

    “We’re observant with our environment, too, to see if there’s any outbreak of violence. We ensure that the pupils are protected with the help of our teachers and the security around.”

    She further explained that the school had deployed the assistance of the pan Yoruba cultural group, Oodua People’s Congress (OPC), as well as community leaders in security matters.

    “The community has OPC that protects the area; we’ve contacted them to inform us in case of any violence. Our gate is always locked. We’ve communicated with the community leaders to ensure the environment is well-protected because we always pay them at the end of the month for security and I think they are doing a very good job.”

    Mrs Nduku Busayo Mercy, proprietress of Winners Treasure School, Kosofe, said due to the elections, the school was able to plan  for the school’s work.

    “We actually make sure we follow the government’s order as we were asked to close on Wednesday, last week,” Mrs Nduku said.

    “I learnt some people were still asking their pupils to stay in school; that’s dangerous. Now, there would be another holiday tomorrow (Friday) and we were supposed to allow the pupils go; so we’ve given them a letter already to that effect. We also make sure the gate is locked during this period. We make sure we cross the pupils to the appropriate places when school closes. Someone must stay around to ensure everybody has moved out before the place is locked. We only work on the community’s security instruction. We don’t have any additional security for that. God is our security,” she added.

    Miss Florence Ojesanmi, a staff member of Chislon Breed School,    lamented the effect of the election’s postponement on their curriculum.

    “The election slightly altered our curriculum as we had to shift some topics, but we have also tried to work according to schedule as these pupils have paid to be taught appropriately,” she said.

    She continued: “On security, we  follow the government’s orders. Also, we have a security man in the school and we encourage parents to pick their wards as soon as the school is over. When the school is on holiday, we leave the security of the school in the Lord’s hands.”

    To complement security in the neighbiourhood, Kristobell Academy Secondary School, Iba, has to set up a special security office, all because of the election.

    “Talking about security measures, we have an office ensures that nothing goes wrong,” said the school Principal, Mr Bright Odion.

    “We have security measures in place; we are also adjusting to the curriculum by making sure pupils are given some extra work via extension of the time. Though the government had adjusted the curriculum, the pupils need to be given some time. The time is what we are looking at. Though it will affect the pupils on the long run, we will do our best to ensure that whatever time is lost will be recovered. The students are reacting in their own little way; it is an extra cost on our side. As it is, it is telling on them. They are not finding it easy, but they need to find their way around it to ensure that they cope,’’ he said.

    Headmistress of Holy City Nursery and Primary School, Agboroko, Iba, Lagos, Pastor Precious Ramani  decried the effect of the holiday.

    ‘’It is really difficult to cope with the change in curriculum, but we just have to comply with what is going on. We have given the children enough home work. They, too, have to cope with what is going on. They are reacting well and we are praying to God to give us a good government that will lead us well. In terms of security, there is peace in this area compared to other states,’’ he said

    A teacher  at Army Cantonment Girls Junior Secondary School, Ojo Barracks, who identified himself as Mr Adeniyi, said the school has already devised means of meeting up with the curriculum

    ‘’We are adjusting to the change in curriculum. For instance, whenever the children are having a free period, we teach them. Also, a topic that is meant to last for two weeks, we compressed it into a week and give the pupils enough class work and assignments to take home. In terms of security, we are doing our best to protect the children.’’

    Mrs Victoria Williams, headmistress of Victory Schools, Agboroko, Iba, Lagos, said: ‘’The change in curriculum is short. We will have to follow up with what we were given and make sure we manage. We are managing the environment. God is securing us. We have no problem with security because we are being guided by God and the management. There is no reaction from the kids concerning the change in curriculum.They will be able to cope’’

    Mrs Blessing Onyeka, headmistress, Emro Children Schools, Igboelerin, Iba, believes any school worth its salt can still work around the change in curriculum.

    ‘’The change in curriculum is not really bad because we have 14 weeks in the term,” Mrs Onyeka said, adding: “Had it been we had 12 weeks (for the term), it would have affected us badly. Although it affected the week for tests, it was shifted to the next week. We have people that are protecting the lives of the pupils and the school property. They come around 9am and leave when the school closes.

    ‘’It (curriculum) is beyond our control. We just have to adjust to the change in curriculum. We pray to God for guidance in protecting the lives of the children and the school property,’’ said Headmistress Fathia Crown Nursery and Primary School, Agboroko, Iba, Mrs Ugochuwu Ubakewelu.

    Despite these assurances by the school owners ad teachers, a parent, who identified herself as Mrs Iselobhor, said until the election  is concluded, her wards won’t set foot in school.

    “The atmosphere the election has created is unsafe for me to send my children to school. Even though they were told the day they should resume, I am not ready to let them leave my sight until after the election,” she said.

    Another parent from Agege, Mr  Habeeb Adekoya, lamented the extra cost he incurred to cater for his wards due to the postponement of the election.

    ‘’It (postponement) affected my finance, Adekoya lamented.

    “My ward is a boarder, and he’s supposed to have gone back to school, but is still home. Now the cost of staying at home and also taking her back to school has tripled.’’

    Another parent, Ariyo Taiwo, a fashion designer, praised the Federal Government for priortising security of the children ahead of elections.

    ‘’Let’s commend the Federal Government for taking the initiative (postponement), which now gives the children a break and ensure they are under the watch of their parents, instead of staying in school where violence can occur.”

  • Observers rate Sokoto elections free, fair

    Domestic Election Observers that monitored Saturday’s Presidential and National Assembly elections in Sokoto state have rated the elections as free and fair.

    Addressing a news conference on Wednesday in Sokoto, Leader of the observer groups, Mrs Grace Okonkwo, commended the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) on its efforts.

    Okonkwo from Youth Initiative for Better Nigeria, said in spite of the challenges on card reader inefficiency, security breaches and others, INEC’s performance was remarkably well.

    She however, stressed that the law allowed participating organs to express their grievances.

    She mentioned that disturbances occurred in Dange Shuni, Wurno, Tureta, Rabah, Wamakko, Goronyo and Sabonbirni local government areas.

    The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) reports that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state had rejected the election results won by the All Progressive Congress (APC) across the state.

    The state PDP Chairman, Alhaji Ibrahim Milgoma, told the newsmen that the party would challenge the election outcome in court.

  • Elections well-executed, say observer groups

    Two observer groups yesterday rated the conduct of Saturday’s  presidential and National Assembly elections above average.

    They said that the poll conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) was “relatively well-executed.”

    Besides, they also urged likely losers to shun violence and follow the Rule of Law in seeking redress.

    The missions – Transition Monitoring Group (TMG) and Human and Environmental Development Agenda (HEDA) – made their position known in a preliminary report on the elections.

    The report was signed by TMG Chairperson, Dr. Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi and HEDA Chairman Suraju Olanrewaju.

    The preliminary report said: “Voter turnout was generally encouraging, though it was low in some polling units observed by our field observers.

    “According to INEC guidelines, accreditation and voting should be done simultaneously. Accreditation of voters apparently proceeded generally smoothly. There were incidents of accreditation difficulties. The secrecy of voting was guaranteed in most of the polling units. However, there were cases where secrecy was compromised.

    “Voters were observed to have arrived at many polling units well ahead of opening time. This was witnessed all over the country including: Lagos, Ogun, Jigawa, FCT, Abia, Taraba, Kebbi, Kano, Adamawa, Edo, and Kwara, among others.

    “Vote counting and result declaration processes generally proceeded without many incidents.

    “Reports from our observers indicate that counting and sorting of ballots were done openly in the presence of the party agents, security personnel and election observers in most cases.

    “Observers reported that results were announced and displayed in conspicuous places for people to see.”

    Although the observers said security was adequate, they decried massive deployment of personnel in Ganaja, Ajaokuta Local Government Area of Kogi State.

    The report added: “Security was generally adequate with paramilitary and security forces deployed to provide security during the period of election.

    “Female officers also reportedly played important roles in ensuring peace. In most places,  these security personnel were civil, coordinated and displayed high level of professionalism.

    “Nevertheless, voters expressed apprehension over massive deployment of security personnel in Ganaja, Ajaokuta Local Government Area of Kogi State.”

    The observers claimed there were cases of violence in some parts of the country.

    The report said: “Our field observers reported violence in the following places:

    A nursing mother reportedly sustained injury from stray bullet in Bonny LGA of Rivers State.

    A TMG observer was arrested and taken away at Community School, Izombe in Oguta Local Government Area, Abia State on the instruction of a former IG.

    High level of violence in Abbonema, Ogbakiri ward 1, Emohua LGA and Asari Toru Local Government Area, resulting in the killing of a soldier and six assailants in Abbonema.

    “In conclusion, the Election Observation Platform is of the preliminary opinion that the election was relatively well-executed. The lapses observed were consistent with our experiences in previous elections.

    “We urge all stakeholders not satisfied with the outcomes of the elections to refrain from violence but follow due process in seeking redress.

    ”Our final report, which will be issued later, will expand on some other issues observed.”

  • Elections: We are tired of violence – FCT community

    Gishiri residents in the FCT at Unit 024B, Estate 11 Gishiri village, who voted peacefully at the Presidential and National Assembly elections, said they heeded advice to vote in spite of challenges because they were tired of violence.

    The challenges range from absence of INEC staff to some people with voter cards not finding their names on the register.

    Mr Umaru Ibrahim, a voter, said he was told to go to Gwarimpa or Jabi, few kilometres, to check his name.

    “There’s no movement so how can I go to Gwarimpa or Jabi? I voted here in 2015 how come the name disappeared today,” he queried?

    Elizabeth Joseph had the same story to tell.

    “How can they say my name is not on their register when I voted in this same place in 2015?

    “No INEC staff is here to talk to but only NYSC ad-hoc staff who can not help us. If they say we should not vote we will peacefully go home and rest.”

    When NAN spoke with the ad-hoc staff, they said that they did not receive any response from all their calls to INEC.

    They said that they were instructed not to allow anyone whose name was not found on the register to vote.

    The residents who spoke with the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN), said that they endured the long queue and the scorching sun, simply to vote for candidates of their choice.

    Two party agents from the PDP and APC who pleaded anonymity, said they encouraged their party faithful to remain calm even in the face of the challenges.

    NAN reports that the turn out of voters was massive, with heavily armed police presence.

    The INEC ad hoc staff arrived at 8.02am and accreditation and voting started 9 at a.m. for the 1698 accredited voters with PDP winning at the two units.

    At unit 024B for the Presidential result, PDP had 217 while APC got 42.
    For Senate:
    PDP 228
    APC 43 while for the House of Representatives, PDP got 219 against APC’s 47 at Unit 024D
    For President, PDP got 392 while APC had 51

  • I have no plans to resign, says Yakubu

    The Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof. Mahmood Yakubu has declared he is not contemplating resigning from his position.

    “I see no reason why I should resign,” he stated.

    He was reacting to calls for his resignation following postponement of the Presidential and National Assembly elections last Saturday.

    Yakubu stressed the idea of resigning has not in any way crossed his mind.

    Ahead of the Saturday polls, he said over 72 million Permanent Voters Cards(PVCs) have been collected so far.

    There are over 84 million registered voters in the country.

    Read Also: INEC begins distribution of sensitive materials in Edo

    Updating the media and observers ahead of Saturday’s polls, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu also said 19 states have fully deployed electoral materials to all their Local Government Areas.

    Yakubu also assured that before the end of Thursday, all the states would have done the same except Bayelsa state, which will deploy on Friday.

    He assured that there will be no more postponement of elections, saying last Saturday’s incident would never happen again.

    On participation of Rivers and Zamfara All Progressives Congress (APC) candidates in the polls, he said INEC stands by its earlier position on their disqualification for not emerging from primaries within the stipulated time.

    He stressed that the commission as a law abiding institution will always obey court orders.

    Details shortly…