At every election cycle, Nigerians look up to the National Assembly, state Houses of Assembly and the president to amend the constitution, Electoral Act and other election-related laws, to improve the quality of our elections. Declining electoral integrity has remained a major concern for Nigerians, especially the youth.
Nigerians always expect the process of amending our legal framework to strengthen our electoral process to be quick and seamless but almost always experience the opposite. The constitutional and electoral reform process sometimes begins late, experiences significant and avoidable delays and is only concluded when the next election is already around the corner. Then, after the polls, we return to the same conversation as if democracy is a wheel we keep pushing uphill only to watch it roll back.
The 10th Senate and House of Representatives both inaugurated their Constitutional Review Committees in February 2024, seven clear months after their proclamation in June 2023. Setting up these committees within three months may have shown a greater sense of purpose. In 2024, the Senate and House Constitutional Review Committees released timelines for their engagements, including schedules for public hearings to receive input from the Nigerian public. The Senate Constitutional Review Committee ended up holding their public meeting in July, nine months late from their original schedule of September 2024. The House also held theirs in July, eight months late from their original schedule of October 2024
The Youth-Electoral Reform Project (YERP-Naija), attended all 19 regional and national public hearings held by the Senate and House Constitutional Review Committees and commends both legislative houses for the open and frank discussions held. Timing however, seems to be a bottleneck once again, as a vote on the Constitutional Review Bills discussed during those public hearings is not in sight, three and a half months after those public hearings.
According to their original calendars, the Senate planned to vote on the bills between April and May, 2025, while the House scheduled their vote for April 2025. Information went out that perhaps these votes would take place in October, but they did not.
Being a process to amend the constitution, the bills will have to be transmitted to the 36 states’ Houses of Assembly for concurrence by the National Assembly, after they pass them, in line with Chapter 1, section 9 of the Constitution. Both chambers of the National Assembly had planned to transmit constitutional reform bills to the state Houses of Assembly for concurrence between May and August. There has been no new communication or updates on when all of these processes that have not been implemented will happen.
We cannot keep repeating these delays as a people. Democracy doesn’t thrive on improvisation or last-minute actions; it thrives on clarity, consistency, and sincerity of purpose. If lawmakers do not fast-track these reforms, the 2027 electoral process will be a replica of the 2019 and 2023 process; when we were unable to create awareness about, and implement the full intent of the amended laws.
We have seen this before. In 2018, President Muhammadu Buhari withheld assent to the Electoral Amendment Bill multiple times, citing the proximity to the 2019 elections. The delay led to confusion. Political parties conducted primaries without much needed clarity in the environment; court cases multiplied; and INEC was left to organize a major election under outdated legal provisions, due to the president’s refusal to sign the new law.
Nigerian youth urge the National Assembly to rescue the constitutional and electoral reform processes by passing election-related bills before the end of 2025, and transmit the same to the state Houses of Assembly for concurrence. We are gradually approaching the timelines when international protocols on the early completion of electoral reform processes will apply to us. International protocols, including some from the African Union and ECOWAS, state that late amendment of election legal framework undermines the credibility of elections. Enough of the delays. When electoral reform is late, everyone pays the price, from voters to observers, parties to candidates. The ordinary Nigerian, especially young people, who queues under the sun to vote, deserves more than legal uncertainty and technical half-measures.
History is already watching. The question is whether our leaders will make history or repeat it. When reforms come late, democracy pays the price. But when they come on time, democracy breathes. Our young people should continue to reach out to their elected representatives, to pass all electoral reform bills before the end of 2025. We call on Nigerian youth, civil society groups and professional groups to add their voices to public calls for far-reaching electoral reform through traditional and social media engagements.
•Kabulu is member, Youth Electoral Reform Project (YERP-Naija), North-East Chapter.
State Police, Council autonomy and special seats for women top the eighty-seven Constitution amendment Bills being proposed by the House of Representatives’ Committee on Constitution review.
Also being considered are “extensive electoral reforms, including proposals for independent candidacy, the establishment of an Electoral Offences Commission, and a fixed timeline for the determination of pre-election matters to ensure that the will of the people is never again subverted by legal technicalities”.
This was made known yesterday at a one-day public hearing on the amendment of the 1999 Constitution review by the panel in Abuja.
Some other issues are Electoral and Judicial reforms, devolution of powers, strengthening of public and traditional Institutions, as well as citizenship and Indigeneship.
While the bill for state and community policing seeks the establishment of state and community police systems, that of women and People Living with disabilities (PLWDs) proposes constitutionally guaranteed seats for women and persons with disabilities in the National Assembly and Houses of Assembly.
The sponsors of the bill for financial and administrative independence for local governments are seeking to enhance the autonomy of the third tier of government via a structured system of Executive and Legislative arms.
This will be in line with Supreme Court judgment granting financial autonomy to the 774 councils.
The House of Representatives, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, House Speaker Abbas Tajudeen and state Assembly Speakers said much is expected of the committee.
For the review to be meaningful, they also said that the plan should deepen democracy and ensure equity and justice.
At the forum, traditional rulers, who renewed their agitations for a constitutional role, clarified that the motive is not to hijack the function of elected leaders, but to serve as a bridge between the government and the governed.
Representatives of women group also reiterated their demand for increased representation in the parliament and executive councils across the tiers.
The Deputy Speaker and Chairman of the Constitution Review Committee, Benjamin Kalu, clarified that the bills being considered are still proposals before the National Assembly.
The public hearing held at the Congress Hall of Transcorp Hilton, which was billed to start at about 10 am did not start until about 11.30 as the organisers struggled to control the crowd.
‘We are committed to constitutional reforms’
President Tinubu, who was represented by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Senator George Akume, reiterated his commitment to the constitutional reform that would strengthen the institutions.
He described the process as a “golden opportunity” for Nigerians to advance democracy and nation-building. He urged them to actively participate in the historic opportunity to entrench good governance, inclusivity, and sustainable development.
President Tinubu commended the House for creating an inclusive platform to engage with the citizens, civil society, political parties, professional groups, and traditional institutions in the amendment process.
Abbas: There is need for increased women representation
Abbas said Nigeria cannot prosper by leaving half of its talent and energy on the sidelines, adding that a reform that is delayed is denied.
The Speaker said the review would pay attention to representation of under represented groups like women, youth and persons with disabilities in governance.
Abbas said: “Today women hold less than five percent of seats in the National Assembly. That statistic is unacceptable for a country of our size and ambition”.
The Speaker said the public hearing marked a significant moment in the nation’s democratic journey and legislative process as it crowns months of deliberate, nationwide engagement designed to ensure that Nigerians themselves shape the evolution of the supreme law.
Assemblies will play their roles, says Bauchi Speaker
The Conference of Speakers of State Houses of Assembly, represented by the Speaker of the Bauchi State House of Assembly, Abubakar Suleiman, said Constitution amendment is about renewing trust and rebuilding confidence in the democratic institutions.
He added: “The Conference of Speakers is committed to playing its full role in this process. We will continue to ensure that the voices of states are heard and that the reforms agreed upon here are given the necessary ratification across our 36 Assemblies”.
Etsu Nupe: Why we deserve political role
The National Council of Traditional Rulers said political role would enable the monarchs to complement government structures at the grassroots.
The Etsu Nupe and Chairman of the Niger State Council of Traditional Rulers, Alhaji Yahaya Abubakar, said “I want to make it clear to all of the members, executive members, governors, chairmen, and everybody, that this institution is not here to usurp your authorities, no. We are here to collaborate, to complement you, so that you run this country much, much better. We don’t compete at all, no competition at all.
“We are here to complement and collaborate with all the programmes, all the policies that the government may bring. We mobilise our people, we encourage them, we make them understand because when we speak, our own mother tongue, they understand better than what I’m speaking now, English.
“You know, when a Yoruba calls his people and tells them what to do, they understand Yoruba. The same thing with the Igbo, if he calls his people and talks to them, they understand him. So that language, that barrier must be breached.”
The royal father who went down memory lane recalled before the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern protectorates and the Lagos Colony to form Nigeria in 1914, the various areas were a conglomeration of kingdoms, caliphates, chiefdoms and emirates, with various levels of traditional authorities as the basis for governance.
Kalu: Bills have not become law
Kalu explained that the bills being considered by the National Assembly are still proposals capturing the needs and desires of the people and not yet laws.
He said: “Before us is a compendium of 87 proposed amendment bills, each a response to the felt needs and expressed desires of the Nigerian people. They are organized around the central pillars of a modern, functional, and just society.
“The items and amendment proposals being considered are not yet laws, but still proposals, suggestions and ideas that have emerged through one of the most inclusive and participatory exercises in Nigeria’s constitutional history.
“Importantly, these proposals do not simply represent the agenda of the legislature; instead, they are, first and foremost, the thought-out demands, hopes, and memoranda of the Nigerian people themselves, gathered through extensive regional dialogues and topically-focused public hearings held across the nation.
‘It is, therefore, essential that the process is not misconstrued. The constitutional amendment journey is designed to be transparent, participatory, and fair.
“Yet, let us also be clear: while today represents the final stage of direct public engagement in this constitutional review process, it is, by no means, the final day of work. Rather, it marks the transition to the next phase, a return to the deliberative chambers of the parliament, where all submissions will be critically sifted, refined, and improved upon in preparation for the momentous task of voting”.
Envoys hail process
British Deputy High Commissioner to Nigeria Geo Liva said opening the doors of the constitutional amendment process for wider citizen input demonstrated a commitment to promoting democratic debate and accountability.
She said the huge turnout at the public hearing underscored the healthy and considerable desire there is in Nigeria for participatory democracy, assuring that the government of the United Kingdom is committed to its modest support for the process.
Liva said: “Our support is rooted in a shared belief that inclusive governance built on public participation, built on the need for fostering public trust, is a cornerstone of a resilient democracy.
“As your partner, the UK understands that any constitutional reform process is a complex undertaking. It needs thoughtful deliberation, the building of sufficient consensus and the creation of shared visions for future arrangements.”
The Head of the European Union delegation to Nigeria and ECOWAS, Ambassador Gautier Mignot, said the amendments posed some logistical challenges, but shows how vibrant Nigeria’s democracy is, “even more vibrant than we would think”.
He said: “For any democracy, constitutional reviews are opportunities to strengthen democracy and adjust it to the evolutions of society, technologies and the global environment.
“As international partners, the EU is following very closely this process. Of course, we are very careful not to meddle into the sovereign choices of the people. But we are here to provide technical assistance, expertise, support for consultations with stakeholders.”
The President of Network of Women with Disabilities, Lois Auta, lamented the low representation of women in governance in the country.
She said: “As it is right now, we are at a zero level of participation in governance. We are excluded and underrepresented in every sector.
“In Kenya, we have a visually impaired woman who is a senator in the Kenyan parliament. What is Nigeria doing? As it is, it is time we move from exclusion to inclusion, from inclusion to participation, and from participation to representation. We also need to move from policy to practise.”
SIR: As Nigeria continues its democratic journey, it has become increasingly clear that the nation’s political landscape is in dire need of transformation.
For decades, Nigerian voters have been constrained to choose between two dominant political parties—the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). While both parties have, at different times, governed the country with varying degrees of success and failure, the persistent recycling of candidates and ideas has left many citizens feeling politically stifled and disillusioned.
The essence of democracy lies in the freedom of the people to choose from a wide array of candidates, ideologies, and policies. However, in Nigeria, that freedom has been narrowed to a near-binary choice between two powerhouses that often appear more concerned with retaining influence than genuinely transforming the lives of the people.
This is not to suggest that capable leaders cannot emerge from either party. Still, true democracy demands a level playing field where competence, character, and vision—not party name—determine who leads.
Over the years, the APC-led government has had its share of challenges and criticisms, ranging from economic instability and rising insecurity to allegations of nepotism and mismanagement. Many Nigerians, particularly the youth and professionals, have grown weary of a governance style that appears disconnected from their daily realities. As a result, there is growing agitation for an alternative path—one that moves beyond the traditional political dichotomy and opens the door to fresh leadership and ideas.
Unfortunately, the structure of Nigeria’s electoral system makes this aspiration difficult to achieve. The electoral space is heavily skewed in favour of the two dominant parties, both in terms of financial muscle and institutional advantage. Smaller parties, no matter how visionary or competent their candidates may be, often lack the funding, visibility, and organisational support required to compete effectively at the national level.
This imbalance is exacerbated by the weaknesses within the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the body charged with organising and overseeing elections in the country. INEC, by law, is supposed to operate as a neutral umpire—independent of political influence and committed to upholding the integrity of the electoral process. However, repeated lapses, delays in result transmission, logistical failures, and allegations of compromised personnel have cast doubts on its credibility.
If Nigeria is to truly progress, a comprehensive reform of INEC is urgently required. This reform should go beyond cosmetic changes and address the systemic flaws that hinder free and fair elections. Key reforms should include:
Technological Advancement: Full digitisation of the electoral process—from registration to result collation—should be a priority. Technology must be deployed effectively to eliminate manual errors, reduce opportunities for rigging, and ensure real-time transparency.
Institutional Independence: INEC must be insulated from executive or partisan control. Appointments into its leadership should be subject to rigorous vetting and approved by a multi-stakeholder council, not just the Presidency or National Assembly.
Campaign Finance Reform: The current system heavily favours the wealthy and entrenched political elites. Campaign financing laws should be strengthened and enforced to level the playing field and promote merit-based candidacies.
Protection of Voter Rights: Voter suppression, intimidation, and violence have no place in a democratic society. Security agencies must be held accountable for ensuring peaceful elections, while electoral offenders should be prosecuted swiftly and publicly.
Furthermore, civic education must be intensified. A politically aware and active citizenry is the bedrock of any democracy. Nigerians must be empowered to understand their rights, scrutinise candidates, and participate actively in the electoral process. The growing apathy among young voters, often caused by disappointment and mistrust in the system, must be addressed by making elections truly reflective of the people’s will.
The notion that governance must alternate only between APC and PDP is a dangerous one. It stifles innovation, entrenches patronage politics, and undermines the potential for national renewal. Around the world, countries have witnessed transformative change when fresh, competent leaders—often from outside the dominant political circles—are given the chance to serve.
Nigeria is not short of talent. Across academia, the private sector, the civil service, and the diaspora, there are thousands of Nigerians with the integrity, vision, and expertise needed to steer the country forward. What is lacking is a political environment that encourages and enables such individuals to contest and win elections without having to bend to the will of political godfathers or navigate corrupt party structures.
As the nation prepares for future elections, the call for change must grow louder. Civil society organisations, the media, religious leaders, and the electorate must demand electoral reforms and greater political inclusivity. Nigeria’s future cannot be mortgaged to the interests of a few. It must reflect the collective aspirations of its over 200 million citizens.
Democracy is not just about voting—it is about having real choices. It is about holding leaders accountable. It is about ensuring that every Nigerian, regardless of status or affiliation, can dream of a country that works for all. For that dream to become reality, the time for electoral reform and political diversification is now.
Ahead of the 2027 general election, there are plans to the reform the electoral system to create room for inclusion and restore public confidence. Since setting up the Justice Uwais Commission on Electoral Reform, Nigerians have toiled with the idea of comprehensive electoral reform. However, this has remained a dream. Correspondent TONY AKOWE examines efforts by the 10th House of Representatives to reform the system.
The House of Representatives has begun the long process of reforming the nation’s electoral system with several laws in the making, some of which seek to amend the Electoral Act or the constitution. It is no longer news that even the nation’s electoral umpire has advocated some far-reaching reform of the system for effectiveness and to restore trust and confidence of the Nigerian people. Some of the reforms being proposed by INEC include provisions that will allow political parties to replace their elected representative either in the Senate, House of Representatives or the state House of Assembly without necessarily going through another round of election.
The suggestion, which arose from a series of stakeholders’ meetings, is to cut costs and allow political parties to pick from among their members who contested the primaries to replace any legislator who either dies or resigns from their position. The commission has argued that the conduct of by-elections is more expensive than the general election, as one by-election can give rise to several by-elections in the same constituency.
While defending the 2025 budget estimate of the commission before the National Assembly, INEC Chairman, Mahmood Yakubu told the lawmakers that the nation must find a way of dealing with of issues of bye election as a way of reducing the cost of conducting elections on the part of the commission, suggesting that stakeholders should find a way of ensuring that when a legislator dies, his political party be made to nominate his replacement probably by presenting the person that came second during the party primary. Yakubu said in other democracies, like in the United States of America, the governor of the state where such a lawmaker dies nominates a candidate to complete the term.
He said further that while INEC has already conducted nine bye elections, with 12 more to follow (the number has now increased to 16), Ghana has conducted only three bye elections in four years, stressing that these bye elections which are not planned for are a drain the resources of the commission, Drawing attention to what looks like the frustration of the commission in conducting bye elections, he disclosed that in a particular state, the commission had to conduct bye election several times instead of once.
He said, “We went to conduct a senatorial by-election. When we returned from that, we had to go back because a member of the House of Representatives resigned to contest that election. So, we had to go back. When we concluded that election, a state assembly member resigned to contest that seat. We had to go back to conduct another by-election. So, what we did when we had to conduct by-elections in Ebonyi and Yobe states last year was to appeal to the political parties to nominate fresh candidates, and that was what they did. We know there are existing vacancies in the Senate and some members of the House may already be eying those seats.”
Another reform being sought by the commission, which appears to have the backing of several Nigerians, including the parliament, is the unbundling of the INEC into three different bodies. These are the Political Party Registration and Regulation Commission, the Electoral Offences Commission, the Tribunal and the electoral body itself. Incidentally, this also has the blessings of several commissions set up in the past by successive governments. The Mohammed Lawal Uwais Electoral Reforms Committee and the 2014 National Conference have made similar recommendations in the past. The idea is to ensure that INEC is relieved of several responsibilities and allowed to concentrate solely on the conduct of elections in the country.
As part of efforts at ensuring the reform of the electoral system in the country, the late President Umaru Musa Yar’adua set up the Electoral Reforms Commission headed by former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Mohammed Lawal Uwais with members drawn from diverse interest groups in the country and recommended wide spread reforms of the nation’s electoral system. One of the major recommendations in similar reports is the unbundling of INEC. The unbundling requires the creation of two different bodies from the current commission. These bodies are the Political Parties Registration and Regulatory Commission and the Electoral Offences Commission and Tribunal.
The Political Party Registration and Regulatory Commission will be saddled with the responsibility to register political parties, monitor the organisation and operation of the political parties, including their finances, monitor political campaigns and provide rules and regulations which will govern the political parties, among others. On the other hand, the Electoral Offences Commission will be saddled with the responsibility of investigation, coordination, enforcement and prosecution of all electoral offences as well as enforcement of the provisions of the Electoral Act, the constitution of registered political parties and any other Acts or enactments.
As part of its work, the commission, according to the Uwais report, is to adopt measures to identify, trace and prosecute political thuggery, electoral fraud, political terrorism and other electoral offences; adoption of measures which include but are not limited to coordination, prevention and regulatory actions; introduction and maintenance of investigative and control techniques towards the prevention of electoral malpractices and fraudulent election, among other.
This recommendation received support from Nigerians. However, no concrete steps have been taken to implement it. The closest step towards its implementation was the bill seeking to establish it. However, no step has been taken towards having a separate political party registration body. While the Senate passed the bill, the House of Representatives failed to pass its version, even though a report of the Committee on Electoral Matters was laid before the House.
Justifying the need to unbundle INEC, the Uwais committee said: “A review shows that the electoral management body has been overburdened with too many responsibilities, which has affected its performance. The historical analysis shows clearly that there is a need to reform aspects of the 1999 Constitution as well as the existing electoral laws, where they are inadequate or insufficient to guarantee the conduct of free, fair, credible and acceptable elections. For INEC to function efficiently, some of the functions currently performed by it (INEC) should be assigned to other agencies.”
As a prelude to that, Babajimi Benson (APC, Lagos) and Marcus Onobun (PDP, Edo) currently have a bill before the House seeking to allow for the establishment of the Political Parties (Registration and Regulation) Commission. Although many Nigerians have alleged that the House wants to take INEC’s power to register political parties, the bill only seeks to put into practice the agitation of many Nigerians that INEC should be allowed to concentrate on administering the nation’s electoral process.
Marcus Onobun (PDP, Edo), who led the debate for the Second Reading, said the call for transparency in the electoral process in Nigeria has continued to dominate public discourse in recent years, adding that this is evidenced by the increasing number of electoral disputes at all levels.
He said: “All stakeholders in the electoral process are in tandem with the fact that no nation can elect credible leaders and experience good governance where the process of electing their leaders is marred by irregularities. People believe that electoral integrity depends on a free, fair, impartial and transparent process for registering political parties and for conducting elections. Many citizens have rightly or wrongly blamed the election umpire in Nigeria, the Independent Electoral Commission (INEC), for election irregularities. Irrespective of the divide one may find himself in, what is indisputable is the fact that our electoral process needs a surgical operation.”
Onobun said: “In a country of over 200 million people, it is suggested that INEC is overwhelmed with the onerous task of registering political parties, regulating political parties, overseeing coalition and mergers, while also conducting the presidential, National Assembly, governorship and State Houses of Assembly elections. Therefore to improve on our electoral process and the management of political parties, we must have a different authority that will be responsible for the registration and regulation of political parties activities, and also to ensure that registered political parties comply with constitutional and other statutory requirements while INEC concentrates on its primary assignment of conducting elections to ensure a more proficient, seamless and transparent democratic process in Nigeria.”
He explained that the bill removes the responsibility of registering and regulating political parties from INEC and saddles the same on an independent body or authority, the Office of the Registrar of Political Parties. Clauses 2 to 5 of the bill make provisions for registration of political parties in accordance with the provisions of the bill; the Registrar of Political Parties established under clause 29 of this bill shall oversee the registration of political parties, mergers of political parties; regulation of funding and the use of political parties’ fund.
Second, the bill seeks to establish the Political Parties Disputes Tribunal under clause 35 which shall determine disputes between members of Political Parties, disputes between a member of a Political Party and a Political Party, disputes between Political Parties, disputes between an Independent candidate and a Political Party, disputes between coalition partners and appeals from the decisions of the Registrars under this Bill. Third, the Bill, under clauses 41 and 42, prescribes penalties for offences by political parties and their members and also prescribes punishments for offenders to ensure transparency and accountability in political parties’ administration in Nigeria. The Bill, in clause 47 provides for consequential amendment of sections 75 to 81 of the Electoral Act 2022 thereby removing registration of political parties from the functions of INEC”. He argued that the credibility, health and wellbeing of every democracy are hinged on the effective regulation of the political parties, saying “to ensure a transparent and stable democracy, it cannot be business as usual for political parties and key actors where anything goes”.
A report of the 2014 national conference also recommended the unbundling of the commission to allow for the establishment of Political Parties Regulations and Electoral Offences Commission (PPREOC) with the responsibility to ensure that registered parties not only keep proper records of funds raised, but also provide annual statements to the new Political Parties Regulations and Electoral Offences Commission (PPREOC). The recommendation suggests that the Political Parties Regulations and Electoral Offences Commission should take necessary steps to implement the provisions, to ensure that the parties comply with the stipulations of the law and that campaign financing is properly monitored
The conference said unbundling INEC will allow the commission focus on its core mandate of organizing elections and delineation of constituencies, but said that in doing so, cognizance must be taken of the need to guide against further multiplication of institutions, especially against the backdrop of the legitimate apprehension of Nigerians on the increasing cost of governance in the country. When established, the commission will be solely responsible for the registration and monitoring of political parties, civic education, and accreditation of election monitors.
Also to be created as part of unbundling the commission is the Electoral Offences Commission. The conference said there was a need to create a separate entity with the necessary powers and authority to deal with all issues concerning electoral crimes and offences. Two commissions to be carved out of INEC should be vested with the enforcement and administration of the provisions of the Electoral Act; investigation of all electoral frauds and related offences; coordination, enforcement and prosecution of all electoral offences; and enforcement of the provisions of the Electoral Act.
The commissions are also to be vested with the constitution of registered political parties and any other acts or enactments; adoption of measures to identify, trace and prosecute political thuggery electoral fraud and other electoral offences; facilitation of exchange of scientific and technical information with other democracies on the conduct of joint operations and training geared towards the eradication of electoral malpractice and fraudulent elections; examination and investigation of all reported cases of electoral offences to identify electoral officers and staff of the electoral commission, individuals, corporate bodies or groups involved in the commissioning of electoral offences; collaboration with election observers within and outside Nigeria.
Also, at a review of the conduct of the 2023 general elections, stakeholders which include the political parties, Civil Society Organisations, security agencies and the media recommended that for the effective performance of the nation’s electoral body, stakeholders at the review exercise of the 2023 general election recommended the unbundling of INEC with the creation of the Electoral Offences Commission and the Political Party Registration and Regulation Commission out of the Commission.
They believe that unbundling the Commission will allow it to focus more on the conduct of elections. The stakeholders believed that areas such as registration and regulation of political parties and prosecution of electoral offenders should be left for other agencies. They want the National Assembly to complete work on the Electoral Offences Commission (Establishment) Bill to enhance the prosecution of electoral offenders, considering the enormous responsibilities of election management on INEC.
During the 9th Assembly, the Senate passed the Electoral Offences Commission, but the House of Representatives failed to pass the same bill, even though the House Committee on Electoral Matters concluded work on the bill and submitted a report. When the report came up for consideration, it was returned to the committee due to errors detected in the report. But the report was never returned for consideration before the expiration of the life span of the Assembly. A similar bill sponsored by Bamidele Salam has been scheduled for second reading on two occasions, but he stepped down. It is not certain when the bill will be relisted for second reading.
At the last count, about 20 constitutional amendment bills were pending before the House of Representatives Committee on Constitution review, seeking to reform the electoral system. While some of the provisions appear controversial, some others appear to be what the Nigerian people have been agitating for. For example, Solomon Bob’s bill on the removal of immunity for the Vice President, governors and deputy governors had to be withdrawn from further debate after its initial passage because of the sensitive nature.
There is also the bill that seeks to reform the system to allow for the creation of the Office of the Prime Minister, which will be the head of government, separate from the office of the President, who will be the head of state. This would amount to a return to the parliamentary system of government. They are also seeking to alter the constitution to tamper with the current simple majority for the winner of the presidential and governorship elections.
The amendment or reform sought will ensure that for anybody to be declared the winner of the presidential election, they must score more than half of the total votes cast. Awaji-Inombek Abiante (PDP, Rivers) who sponsored the legislation referenced the last presidential election which he said revealed a major weakness in the electoral process, saying the constitution did not envisage the emergence of a third force, adding that as a result of that, “the country was thrown into a kind of democratic crossroad where for the first time, the winner did not score above 50 per cent of the total votes cast.”
He argued that the “amendment seeks to correct this lacuna in our present system of election where a run off would be conducted to ensure that the winner in the presidential and governorship election score more than half of the total votes cast to ensure a more legitimate outcome of elections, a more popular candidate emerges, majority wish prevails leading to consensus building”.
Other reforms being sought include allowing Nigerians in the diaspora the opportunity to be part of the electoral process by casting their votes during elections in the country, and early voting for those involved in election duties, such as reporters, security agents and inmates in correctional centres.
The commission is also planning to approach the National Assembly to amend the laws to allow Nigerians in the diaspora and other designated categories of eligible Nigerians to cast their votes during elections.
In less than four months, the Bola Tinubu administration will mark its second anniversary in office. It has some significance in the political calendar, as the ruling party and those in opposition are expected to commence preparations for the next general election. Against this background, stakeholders have begun to suggest how to improve the process in future elections. Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI reports
The Electoral Act 2022 remains a game changer because it introduces technology in the electoral process. The optimism that greeted the signing of the Electoral Act 2022 into law propelled almost 10 million new voters, mostly young Nigerians, to register during the continuous voter registration exercise before the election. This increased the number of registered voters in the country to about 94 million.
However, on February 25 when the presidential and National Assembly elections took place, only 24.9 million Nigerians participated. This is not new; since the introduction of the Card Reader in 2015, the turnout of voters has been dwindling progressively. The slow and cumbersome voting procedure and collation of election results constitute part of the problem. There was also a lack of confidence in the election conflict management processes and institutions. Local and international observers agree that the major culprits are politicians who will stop at nothing to beat the system. So, there is a need to review enabling laws and processes.
Observers believe that the challenges witnessed during the last general election and subsequent off-cycle elections could be attributed to weak institutions, including but not limited to weak legal frameworks. They could also be attributed to the prevailing poor political culture among voters and politicians, lack of respect for rules and excessive use of money, especially to bribe voters and electoral agencies. Vote-buying has become an integral part of elections in recent times.
Paul James, the Election Manager of Yiaga Africa attributes the resort to vote buying in recent times to the lazy attitude of wanting to take a shortcut for everything in life. He said: “If we look at the engagements before the recent election in Ondo State, it did not begin until the middle of October, which is barely a month before the election. They believe it is easier to wait until a week before the election, buy votes and move on. For me, it is a wrong approach to public engagement. There is a moral question to this. It makes a mockery of democracy and a mockery of other stakeholders. For instance, Yiaga Africa was on the ground in Ondo State from September 18. Other stakeholders were also on the ground. However, politicians do whatever they like because they have the war chest to buy votes. There is a moral question here that everybody needs to answer; both the person offering the money and those collecting it. I am worried that it is becoming a permanent feature of our electoral democracy. This sort of electoral corruption should not be entertained at any level.”
Efforts to reform electoral laws in the past have always been undermined by the politics of the critical stakeholders—the executive and legislative arms of governments. The dawdles between both arms of government over the amendment of the electoral law, basically on account of partisan politics, have always threatened the passage of the electoral amendment bill.
As the country inches closer to the next election cycle, there is a need for continuous fine-tuning of the process to make it attain global standards, because reforms should not be a one-off activity. Will the Tinubu administration give Nigerians the kind of reforms that would make a difference?
Most of the recommendations being proposed would require an amendment of relevant sections of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) and a comprehensive review of the Electoral Act 2022. They could be achieved through continuous engagement with relevant stakeholders, including political parties, civil society organisations, media practitioners and citizens. The following are some of the recommendations that have been identified.
Strengthening INEC’s independence
The first step is to strengthen the independence of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). The commission is tied to the apron strings of the executive arm of government, which appoints its key officials, including its chairman and other national commissioners. The executive also approves and allocates the commission’s operational funds. According to civil society groups, many of the complaints in the last general election were about INEC’s competence, credibility and transparency of its procedures and processes. Following the criticisms and condemnations that followed the 2023 general election, there is a groundswell of opinion that the first step towards evolving a more robust and reliable electoral system is by strengthening the commission’s independence, to ensure it is free from political interference.
To achieve the above objective, there is a need to review the processes and procedures for appointing the INEC chairman, Resident Electoral Commissioners (RECs) and other national commissioners. Section 154 (1) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) and Section 6 of the Electoral Act (2022) vests the powers of the appointment of the INEC chairman, RECs and other national commissioners on the President. They are appointed for a term of five years each, subject to the confirmation of the Senate.
James believes giving the president the power to appoint key INEC officials is not in sync with democracy and fair play. His words: “The president, as an interested party, is not stupid; he would always go for people that would do the bidding of his political party.”
Aside from the appointment of officials of INEC, the commission also relies on the executive arm of government for its funding. The Uwais panel had recommended constitutional amendments to transfer the power to appoint the INEC board from the president to the National Judicial Council (NJC), while its funding was to be a first-line charge on the Consolidated Revenue of the Federation.
However, Austin Aigbe, the Regional Advocacy Officer of the West African Democracy Solidarity Network (WADEMOS), a civil society organization, does not subscribe to the notion that the appointment of the INEC chairman by the National Judicial Commission (NJC) would solve the problem of executive interference; given that NJC members are also appointed by the executive. He said regardless of who nominates the next INEC chairman, the system should guarantee free and fair elections.
Aigbe insists the only way to guarantee the independence of INEC is by an amendment of the Electoral Act to make it mandatory for the commission to transmit results electronically. He told our reporter: “Going by the current laws, the constitution gives INEC the power it does not have. Though the constitution empowers INEC to make laws for the good governance of elections, it does not give it the wherewithal to do the work. For instance, when there is a disparity between INEC rules and the Electoral Act, INEC rules become useless. In contrast, the Electoral Act supersedes anything related to INEC laws. Between the constitution and the Electoral Act, we need to address the independence of INEC. INEC should be able to do anything it tells the public it will do.
“As it is, INEC is hiding under some loopholes in the law to shirk its responsibility. INEC must be mandated by the law to transmit results electronically. Sceptics often say it would subject it to hacking, but electronic voting is not internet voting. Voting can be done electronically and transmitted at the end of the process.”
Another recommendation on the table is to unbundle INEC to make it more effective in its core function of organising elections.
Unbundling of INEC
The consensus of stakeholders is that INEC, as it is presently constituted, is overburdened. It is saddled with conducting elections, carrying out voter registration, preparing logistics for the elections, and political party registration, among other functions. The Uwais panel report addressed this challenge by recommending the unbundling of INEC into the following special commissions: The Political Parties Registration and Regulation Commission, the Electoral Offenses Commission, a Constituency Delineation Commission, and the Centre for Democratic Studies. This was primarily to get INEC to focus strictly on conducting general elections, while the new bodies would be saddled with pre- and post-election matters. Sadly, the recommendation was not incorporated into the Electoral Act of 2010 and the Electoral Act 2022. Given INEC’s continued dismal performance, it is imperative to reconsider breaking INEC into several bodies recommended by the Uwais panel. The unbundling of the commission, it is said, would help address some of its inefficiencies.
Prof Attahiru Jega who presided over the affairs of INEC for five years from June 2010 to June 2015 is someone in a position to understand the challenges facing the commission. The former INEC chairman endorsed the unbundling of the commission during a town hall meeting organised by Yiaga to promote electoral integrity in November 2023. Jega said the commission has been saddled with too many responsibilities to the detriment of its core mandate. He said: “I will recommend the unbundling of INEC because the commission has a lot to deal with, a situation which has made it struggle to meet its core mandate. Some functions that INEC is currently performing should be given to another body entirely to handle if we want to make progress on our electoral journey.”
Mark Amaza, Senior Communication Officer, Yiaga Africa, agrees that INEC has too many responsibilities. He said: “It needs to be unbundled. INEC as a body is expected to register and regulate political parties, organise elections and prosecute electoral offenders. These are too many responsibilities for one body; we need to unbundle it. The recommendations were made in 2008 by the Justice Muhammed Uwais-led panel on electoral reforms.”
Phasing out use of PVC
James said one of the administrative reforms required to enhance INEC’s election management is phasing out the use of PVCs in elections. He said: “This is because it has disenfranchised many Nigerians in the past, owing to how the commission manages PVC collection or access to the venues where it is distributed. Besides, we have other means of identity verification, like the national identity card. With the introduction of biometrics into the electoral system, it is no longer necessary to present the PVC before one can vote. The moment a prospective voter puts his fingerprint on the voting device (BVAS), the record, including the facials of the voter pops up. That should be enough to allow the person to vote. As we talk of reforms ahead of the next general elections, those are the things we want to see institutionalized.
“During an election, we often hear complaints from stakeholders that borders on the character or integrity of people who manage the process. Interestingly, once the election is over you will not hear anything afterwards. We want to see the place of sanctions in our elections. Nigerians are demanding more of such sanctions and I believe they deserve it because of some of the ugly experiences during past elections. INEC need to purge itself of some of these issues.
“More importantly, we want to see a change in the recruitment process of INEC national commissioners, by introducing an open and transparent process that does not give whosoever is the president a free hand to choose anyone he desires. We also want the leadership of Nigeria to be open and transparent about the person that would succeed Prof. Mahmood Yakubu as INEC chairman.”
Establishment of an electoral offences tribunal
Of all the special commissions recommended by the Uwais panel on electoral reforms, as part of the unbundling of INEC, it is the electoral offences tribunal that the election management body and civil society groups have been advocating for.
INEC, with the backing of civil society organisations, have been persistently calling for the establishment of the tribunal to no avail. Its Chairman, Prof Yakubu reiterated the call for the tribunal when he made presentations at Chatham House in London before the 2023 general election. He said the commission is helpless when it comes to prosecuting electoral offences because, as Prof Yakubu pointed out, it is not responsible for arresting suspects who engage in electoral offences. It also does not have the power to investigate electoral offences.
They insist that there is a need to establish an electoral offences commission or tribunal, in line with the recommendation of the Uwais panel on electoral reforms, to deal with those who violate the country’s electoral laws. As a result, individuals who engage in electoral malpractices, such as voter intimidation, vote buying or ballot manipulation, are held accountable for their actions. It would also help to deter future electoral misconduct and promote a culture of fair and transparent elections.
As a dedicated forum for electoral dispute resolution, this specialized tribunal would be more efficient in handling cases related to electoral offences. This would result in quicker resolutions of such cases and prevent delays in justice. In the long run, it would help protect the integrity of the electoral process and restore confidence in the judiciary.
The bill to establish an Electoral Offences Tribunal was passed by the 9th Senate. Unfortunately, it was not passed by the House of Representatives. Stakeholders have enjoined the current National Assembly to revisit the bill.
Concluding litigations before swearing in
Given the potential distractions election petition cases constitute for elected officials, there is a growing call for the amendment of the relevant laws to ensure that election petitions are dispensed with before those elected into various offices are sworn in; so that they can have their full legitimacy while in office. Others also insist that the election should be conducted well in advance to enable the judicial processes to be concluded before swearing-in. In other words, there is a need for election petitions to be concluded before elected officials are sworn in. Once all stakeholders agree in principle, legal experts can be called upon to devise a way to implement it.
Constitutional lawyer, Muhammed Mustapha Belgore said sorting out all petitions before the president is inaugurated would be a better option. The Abuja-based legal practitioner said a scenario where a president, for instance, is sworn in, he goes ahead to appoint ministers and special advisers, sign bills into law and attend international engagements as the chief executive officer of the country but only to be kicked out by judicial pronouncement after spending some time on the saddle is not the very best.
Aigbe said electoral disputes can be settled up to the Supreme Court if the time frame for litigation is reduced. He said: “It might be necessary to reduce the time frame for electoral disputes to be settled up to the Supreme Court, particularly for the presidential election. We could adjust the schedule to nominate candidates; this could happen six months before an election. Swearing-in should also take place six months later. This would provide ample time for post-election disputes to be settled before the winners are sworn in.”
Interestingly, this is one of the recommendations of the Uwais panel that was rejected by the National Assembly when the report was submitted. But it resurfaced in the wake of the last general election. The panel had stipulated that no elected person should assume office until the election petition against him/her in the tribunal or court is disposed of. In this regard, the panel had sought an amendment of the constitution for the presidential and governorship elections to be held at least six months before the expiration of the term of the current holders of the offices. This will create room for all the cases challenging the elections to be determined before the elected person is sworn in to assume office.
Cleaning up of the voter register
Another important reform that should be carried out is the cleaning up of the voter register to eliminate double registrations and to expunge the names of dead persons, as well as those of ineligible registrants on the list. In other words, the current voter register does not reflect the true state of affairs, when it comes to those eligible to vote.
Since 2011 when INEC began compiling the current voters’ register, it has only been adding more names whenever an election is around the corner. According to experts, INEC must come up with a reliable civil registration and vital statistics (CRVS) system to ensure a strong auditing mechanism for the electoral database.
Of the 94 million registered voters, only 24.9 million or 25.7 per cent participated in the process during the last presidential election — the lowest since the return to civil rule in 1999; despite being the most expensive. According to observers, this suggests something is wrong with the current voters’ register and should be cleaned up. In the era before the introduction of technology in 2015, the turnout in elections was high – between 50 million and 60 million. But, since 2011, it has declined steadily. In 1999, turnout was 30 million (52.3 per cent). It grew to 42 million (69 per cent) in 2003. In 2007, it dropped to 35.3 million (57.5 per cent), despite the increase in registered voters to 61.5 million. The turnout reduced to 53.7 per cent in 2011 and 43.7 per cent in 2015, despite the increase in registered voters during the two election cycles.
Similarly, voter turnout dropped to 34.75 per cent during the 2019 general election and 25.7 per cent in 2023. Only 24.9 million voters participated in the 2023 presidential election, despite more than half of the country’s population being within the voting age range. However, the low turnout in the last general election was attributed to several factors aside from problems associated with the voter register.
Experts believe the register should be constantly updated and subjected to an external audit, to make it as accurate as possible. Others have even suggested the harmonisation of all the various sources of data such as the national identity scheme managed by the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC), the National Driver’s Licence scheme of the Federal Road Safety Commission (FRSC), the Bank Verification Number (BVN) scheme and the INEC Permanent Voter’s Card (PVC).
James said the register must be subjected to an external audit. His words: “As it is done in other countries, including Kenya, the register should be subjected to an external audit. KPMG conducts the audit for Kenya. That would reveal a lot about the current electoral register. This is necessary, given that all the logistics surrounding the elections are based on the number of people on the list. For instance, the 94 million being bandied about as the number of eligible voters may not be realistic. Conducting elections with an inaccurate voter register creates room for corruption, particularly for a commission that is not open or does not listen to the public like INEC. If we want to move forward, the first step should be to clean up the register.
Prof Jega highlighted the need for Nigeria to thoroughly clean up its voter registration database to fight electoral fraud. He said having a clean electoral database is important in improving electoral integrity. He said for Nigeria to have a voter database that can lead to credible polls, deliberate efforts must be made to review the existing voter register. He said when he headed INEC, he oversaw efforts, which included the use of technology, to ensure that INEC kept a clean register, but “there are still challenges”. Cleaning the register, he noted, includes expunging the names of dead persons and those who have permanently changed location.
The former INEC chairman said the reforms required to improve the integrity of the country’s elections are policy, legal and administrative in nature. In line with the recommendations of the Uwais panel report, INEC has introduced a continuous voter registration system to allow for more inclusive participation in the electoral process. However, the way it is implemented suggests that voter registration is still a periodic one. The commission’s staff has also been accused of systematically disenfranchising many eligible voters in many parts of the country under one guise or the other.
Fully digitalising electoral process
Many stakeholders have advocated fully digitalising the electoral process to improve transparency, integrity and trust in the system. Unlike previous electoral laws, the Electoral Act 2022 gave INEC broad powers to deploy election technology. The introduction of BVAS and IReV) have been heralded as guarantors of enhanced transparency and accessibility of election results and an end to electoral fraud. The BVAS is an electronic device designed to read Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs) and authenticate voters, then upload images of the results to the IReV, an online platform publishing results for the public.
The introduction of technology into the electoral process by the Electoral Act 2022 is in line with the Uwais panel report, which emphasised the need for electronic voting to enhance transparency, accuracy, and efficiency. However, critics of the current system say Nigeria operates a semi-electronic voting system. Registration of voters is done electronically but voting and collation of results are done manually. Observers say the introduction of technology has not significantly improved the process as expected. The present method of voting, according to experts, is the Open Secret Ballot System (OSBS) in which the prospective voter goes through a process of accreditation, receives a ballot paper from the appropriate poll official and thereafter makes the confidential thumb impression in favour of the political party of his or her choice in a secret voting compartment before dropping the ballot in the box positioned in the open, in the full glare of officials, security and party agents.
Observers have decried the fact that the collation of election results is done manually. It is incrementally done at polling booths, electoral wards, local governments, states, and the federal level for the presidential election. This process is ridiculously slow and cumbersome and has not taken advantage of the introduction of IReV. This platform allows voters and other interested parties to monitor the electoral process and view pictures of the election results from each polling unit, including the number of votes cast for each candidate and the percentage of total votes cast. Its introduction was to have made the collation process transparent. Unfortunately, it was abandoned or poorly managed by INEC during the last general elections. For instance, it took INEC four days to conclude voting and collation during the 2023 presidential election. This created tension and anxiety. There is an urgent need to modernise the voting and collation process by transitioning fully to electronic voting and collation of results.
Many observers believe electronic voting and collation will drastically reduce the time it takes to vote, collate and release election results because it will, to a certain level, limit the involvement of persons from accreditation to the collation of results. This will lead to an early release of results and increase voter participation. A voter can register in one part of the country and vote in another. The Uwais panel report recommended a gradual introduction of electronic voting. The report was submitted in 2008. Today, after about 17 years, Nigeria is still not ready for electronic voting, as far as the Electoral Act 2022 is concerned. Though the new law has paved the way for technology in the electoral process, it does not provide for electronic voting and collation. Rather, Section 50 (2) of the Electoral Act 2022 gives INEC the discretion to determine the procedure for voting and results transmission. Ironically, it was based on Section 50 (2) of the Electoral Act 2022 that INEC introduced the BVAS and IReV.
Aigbe wants a blend of manual and electronic voting systems. He told our reporter: “In this regard, I would suggest electronic voting backed by a paper trail. We don’t need to waste scarce resources printing ballot papers. When an electorate votes using the electronic voting machine, he gets a printout in the form of a POS receipt, which indicates the party he voted for. The voter then proceeds to the ballot box to drop the paper from the voting machine, which would serve as a backup to settle disputes. At the end of the election, the paper trail would be counted openly as it is usually done and the results would be written on Form EC8A and transmitted as a photo. Similarly, the electronic votes would be transmitted to the INEC result portal. Otherwise, we will continue to experience glitches in future elections.”
Introduction of early voting
Given the nature of politics in Nigeria, there is a belief that technology alone cannot guarantee that the process would be credible, because there are also fears that it would open a new frontier for election fraud through vulnerabilities to hacking and manipulation. Many stakeholders say if electronic voting cannot be achieved in the short and medium term, other means such as early voting could be exploited to harness the votes of security personnel, media practitioners and other eligible voters who are usually on duty during elections.
Amaza believes early voting can increase the turnout during the next general election cycle. He said: “Every election, we have hundreds of thousands of security officials who cannot vote because they are on duty; we have election officials who cannot equally vote for the same reason; there are also election observers who fall into the same category. Early elections can take care of the above set of people who may have the desire to participate in the electoral process.”
Prohibiting indiscriminate defections
Nigeria is not lagging when it comes to legal instruments or laws to regulate the conduct of the people to ensure that there is order and harmony in the society. However, the problem has always been in the implementation of such laws. Most political parties have laws to regulate the conduct of their activities and that of their members. But, the experience over the years, including the recent general election, suggests that they do not always abide by such laws.
As it is often said, a chain is only as strong as its weakest link. Similarly, a country’s democracy is only as strong as the virility and seriousness of its opposition parties. All over the world, political parties are propelled by ideologies. It is the lack of ideologies in the present political dispensation in Nigeria that has made party membership so fluid and encourages party chieftains to move from one platform to another for selfish reasons.
Despite the law prohibiting indiscriminate defection from one party to another, politicians have routinely flouted it without any repercussions. This has eroded public trust in the political process. The law insists that votes cast during elections are for political parties and not for the candidates representing the parties. The corollary from the above is that when elected officials leave the political platforms they were elected, they ought to vacate their seats. However, this has not been the case because such defections mostly favour the ruling party.
Aigbe said most of the challenges militating against the country’s democracy stem from its weak political party system. To address this anomaly, he said the Electoral Act should make it explicit that once a politician leaves the party on whose platform they were elected they automatically lose their seats or positions. The person who came second during the primary will be expected to take over. “If we do that, it would help to strengthen the political party system in the country,” he said.
He added, however, that it is ironic that the same federal lawmakers who benefit from moving indiscriminately from one party to another are expected to make laws to prohibit such because the existing law on defections provides a loophole for the political class to shortchange Nigerians.
Secondly, he said the idea of a consensus candidate ought to be expunged from Section 84 of the Electoral Act because it is deliberately smuggled into the document by the political class despite the objections of civil society groups. He added: “Even though there is a caveat that where there is a disagreement it would not stand; the political parties have found a way to by-pass that proviso by insisting that aspirants for party tickets should sign an undated letter accepting the consensus arrangement. So, the law guiding primaries should stipulate that political parties must adopt either direct or indirect primaries.”
Prof Jega has also called for stricter laws to prohibit indiscriminate defections. He said jumping from one party to another has destroyed discipline and democratic ethos and must be discouraged to restore sanity in the country’s democracy. He said: “If we (Nigerians) truly want to improve our electoral process, cross-carpeting by political actors should be proscribed. The frequency of defections from one party to another has become a big source of worry. A candidate will be elected on the Party A platform, get to the office and join Party B without first resigning and relinquishing the position he or she holds in trust for the electorate. This has destroyed the essence of our democratic ethos.”
Enhancing transparency of campaign financing
Against the backdrop of what amounts to the hijacking of the political space by moneybags, observers have called for a strengthening of the legal framework by reviewing and updating the electoral laws to plug any loopholes and inadequacies in the existing legislation, adding that it would help to ensure a more effective and accountable electoral system.
Since the enthronement of a just and transparent electoral system is a collective responsibility of all citizens, the relevant authorities must also implement existing regulations and mechanisms to track and disclose campaign contributions and expenditures. This would help to reduce the influence of money in politics and promote a level playing field for all participants.
There is also the issue of nomination fees. The law does not limit what parties are allowed to charge as nomination fees. At the moment, it is at the parties’ discretion and the major parties are charging exorbitant fees that are closing up the political space. To promote equity and fairness in leadership recruitment, there is a need to put a limit on what parties are allowed to charge as nomination fees.
