A former Minister of Information and Culture, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, has identified the 2020 #EndSARS protests as the most challenging moment of his time as a Minister.
Mohammed also listed his toughest decision to be the suspension of Twitter, otherwise known as X.
Mohammed, who served as the longest- ever Minister of Information, disclosed this in his recently launched book, ‘Headlines and Sound Bites: Media Moments That Defined an Administration’.
He was Minister of Information and Culture under the Muhammadu Buhari Administration from 2015 to 2023.
“While the suspension of Twitter was one of the toughest decisions I took while in office, the #EndSARS saga was undoubtedly the most difficult moment of my tenure as minister,” he wrote.
He blamed fake news and disinformation for the disruptions that were witnessed during the #EndSARS saga, which was fueled by a viral video of police brutality in Delta State.
Mohammed wrote, “The way the #EndSARS protest unfolded highlighted the grave dangers of fake news, hate speech and disinformation, and how these vices, when amplified, can imperil democracy itself.
“It confirmed my worst fears about fake news and disinformation as a clear and present danger to our country. It posed a direct threat to the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari and, sadly, it dragged my family into an unwarranted crisis for no fault of theirs,” he said.
According to Mohammed, security forces faced unprecedented attacks.
“The security agencies were specifically targeted. Police personnel were hacked down in the most gruesome manner that called into question the sanity of their killers. The toll was devastating: six soldiers and 37 policemen were killed all over the country during the crisis.
“Also, 196 policemen were injured; 164 police vehicles were destroyed, and 134 police stations were burnt down. In addition, the violence left 57 civilians dead across the country, 269 private and corporate facilities burnt, looted or vandalised, 243 government facilities burnt or vandalised, and 81 government warehouses looted,” he wrote.
The situation escalated in Lagos State, leading Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu to impose a 24-hour curfew on October 20, 2020.
Soldiers deployed to the Lekki Toll Gate reportedly fired blank bullets to disperse protesters, Mohammed said.
However, the following day, media reports began to spread claims that a massacre had occurred.
“The Federal Government almost fell for the disinformation. I had gone to see the Chief of Staff on the need for the Council to observe a minute’s silence for those who were reportedly killed at the Lekki Toll Gate.
“It was when Mr President called the Governor of Lagos to commiserate with him that he learnt from the governor that no such massacre had taken place,” he added.
Mohammed described the subsequent media coverage as reckless and damaging.
He said, “Undoubtedly, the most disgraceful and irresponsible reporting of the events of October 20, 2020, was carried out by CNN.
“Its one-sided reporting breached the most basic principles of journalism — balance and fairness. How could CNN claim to do an ‘investigative report’ without speaking to any Nigerian government official?”
He also detailed the personal toll of the disinformation campaign.
“My family came under fire, almost literally. They bore the brunt. They were vilified online, their businesses boycotted, and my son labelled ‘the child of a murderer.’
My home address was circulated online, forcing me to seek security protection for my family and their businesses,” the former minister stated.
Mohammed emphasised that history should be grounded in evidence, not hysteria.
“A massacre leaves behind corpses, grieving families and undeniable evidence. None of these exist in the case of the so-called Lekki massacre.
“What we witnessed was the triumph of disinformation over truth. And as long as no families have stepped forward and no bodies have been produced, the truth remains unshaken: there can be no massacre without bodies,” he wrote.
The protests began majorly in the South West and Abuja on October 3, 2020, which later erupted across the country leading to the disbandment of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad by the police authorities, while former President Muhammadu Buhari assured the public of “extensive police reforms to ensure that the primary duty of the police and other law enforcement agencies remains the protection of lives and livelihood of our people.”
For almost two weeks from 8th to 21st October, 2020, various parts of the country were gripped by fervent protests, mostly organized and actualized by aggrieved youths, tagged #ENDSARS, which expressed the widespread fury, disillusionment and exasperation of large numbers of Nigerians at the atrocities and human rights violations routinely perpetrated by the now defunct unit of the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) known as the Federal Special Anti-Robbery Squad (FSARS). Perhaps because of the role and status of Lagos State as the country’s commercial nerve centre and industrial hub; it being a melting pot of the diverse ethno-regional components of Nigeria where people of virtually every ethnic group reside, and the understandable concentration of the highest number of youth population in the state, Lagos was the epicentre of the anti-SARS demonstrations.
What started as peaceful protests against brazen and rampant violations of the human rights and dignity of Nigerian citizens by the FSARS soon degenerated into mindless violence resulting in bitter harvests of blood, sorrow and tears no less gruesome than the pains and torture inflicted on mostly innocent people by a police outfit maintained by public funds and established to protect, not and tyrannize members of the Public. Unfortunately, Lagos was the worst victim of this degeneration of the protests and its hijack by hoodlums and criminals who were not actuated by the high-minded ideals of the original organisers of the protests. Thus, the level of destruction of private and public property, business and infrastructure in the state resulted in losses estimated at no less than N2 trillion. Yet, the NPF is an outfit of the federal government and not Lagos State.
The disbandment of the FSARS by the then Inspector General of Police on the 11th of October 2020, and the federal government’s acceding to the 5-point demand of the protesters did not, unfortunately, stem the tide of the protests. Rather, the intensity of the demonstrations heightened as the protesters widened the scope of their demands and thus, inadvertently, allowing those with an utterly different agenda to perpetrate arson on public property and private businesses, commit arrant criminality, and launch destructive assaults on security personnel as well as their work stations and residential barracks and inflicting grievous injuries on many while snuffing out several lives. The police were the most affected by this onslaught, and again Lagos was the site of the worst devastations and depredations in this regard.
Following the directive of the National Economic Council (NEC) to the various state governments on 14th October, 2020, to establish panels of inquiry to look into petitions of reported cases of brutality, abuse of human rights and the rule of law by the FSARS, the Lagos State government set up the Judicial Panel of Inquiry and Restitution to investigate allegations of human rights abuses by the FSARS in the state, determine degree of culpability of affected police officers with a view to recommending requisite punishment for those found guilty as well as paying compensation to victims of police brutality and oppression.
As governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu noted while swearing in members of the tribunal, “In Lagos, beyond setting up this Panel which we hope will serve as a representation of our broader interests, we have established a N200 million fund for compensation to families and individuals who have been victimised by officers of the disbanded SARS”. The 9-member Panel was headed by a retired jurist, Justice Doris Okuwobi, and had representatives of civil society, the ENDSARS protesters, the police and the National Human Rights Commission as members. Although initially billed to sit for six months from 27 October 2020, the Panel sat until 18th October 2021, given the volume of petitions and complaints brought before it.
In a new landmark publication, a well-known civil rights and pro-democracy activist, public affairs commentator and analyst on the print, electronic and social media and seasoned election observer and monitor, Mr Nelson Ekujimi, has documented in exhaustive detail an eyewitness account of the deliberations of the Judicial Panel of Inquiry and Restitution, which lasted for one year. The compendium spanning 1139 pages features reports on not less than 128 petitions and complaints brought before the Panel and the decisions reached by the Panel in several cases.
Mr Ekujimi acknowledges the support of various journalists that covered the deliberations of the Panel for the one year duration including reporters and correspondents from Television Continental (TVC), Channels Television and Lagos Television, as well as the legal team of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) and the legal team of the Nigeria Police Force “who came to our rescue when some EndSars movement members harassed and assaulted the team leader for the offence of covering and reporting the Panel ‘s work as witnessed instead of embellishing it; in line with vested interest narratives.”
Suffice it to say that this document of invaluable historical record was possible because of the fidelity of the governor Sanwo-Olu administration to its promise to ensure that the Panel did a meticulous job in probing the alleged injustices suffered by citizens at the hands of the FSARS and recommending the requisite compensation. To achieve this objective, the Panel was given a free hand to operate by the state government, which also made the necessary resources available to ensure the success of the Panel’s deliberations. Earlier, the governor had been widely commended for the composition of the Panel, which included well known civil society activists who had been known to be highly critical of government at all levels over the years, representatives of the aggrieved ENDSARS protesters, the police, the NBA and of course, the Chairman, a respected retired jurist not known for any partisan political proclivities.
The petitions and cases pleaded before the Panel, which are copiously documented in this book, vividly portray the depth of dehumanization of mostly innocent citizens by the FSARS. Many of the stories of injustices suffered by the various victims are harrowing and heart-rending. As Nelson Ekujimi states in the preface to the book, “The Lagos State Judicial Panel on Restitution for Victims of SARS Related Abuse and other matters sitting afforded the Nigerian people the opportunity to hear directly from the victims of security agencies’ abuses and brutality in an atmosphere devoid of the regular court procedures and tension. The Panel allowed indigent victims to air their petition with the assistance of pro bono services from the Nigerian Bar Association, in a record time that the workload of the regular courts will not allow for the quick dispensation of justice, as witnessed. Through the Panel sitting, one heard of the painful and bitter experiences of what some victims encountered in the hands of the disbanded notorious Nigeria Police unit, SARS, which could best be described as “man’s inhumanity to man”.
But then, there were also unsavoury sides to the proceedings, which were clearly unveiled in the verbatim reports of the proceedings as recorded in this book. Thus, the impression was created, for instance, that some members of the Panel, lawyers, civil society activists, and sections of the media were determined to reinforce and impose on the public consciousness the allegation that a massacre actually occurred at the Lekki Toll Gate where soldiers detailed to enforce the curfew imposed by the state government at the height of the degeneration of the protests to sheer anarchy allegedly fired live bullets into a crowd of protesting youths.
According to Ekujimi, “We also heard of some testimonies that on the scale of probability, could best be described as fiction or a film making session, most especially the petitions of the “Lekki Toll Gate incident, where alleged victims and even a volunteer, narrated how the Nigerian Army personnel were firing live ammunition indiscriminately at protesters and they were dodging bullets by running in a zigzag manner, dodging and escaping being shot at, while at the same time during the indiscriminate shooting period, were helping those who were shot to be ferried to the hospital for treatment. These bizarre stories are more fiction-like than reality; they can best be described as magical.”
The author notes that the thoroughness and diligence with which the Panel discharged its duties during its sittings were not reflected in its conclusions and recommendations, especially on the Lekki Toll Gate incident of 20th October, 2020. In the words of Ekujimi, the Panel “stated that there was a “Massacre in context” and even went ahead to name victims of the massacre whose deaths were never proven through police report, medical report, case notes, autopsy report and death certificate throughout the Panel’s sittings. Not one of the alleged victims’ testimony was substantiated with the critical elements of fact and evidence but shockingly, the Panel went out of its way to even affirm that a petitioner who petitioned the Panel over the death of his brother and testified before the Panel in September 2021, was listed as one of the alleged “victims of the massacre of 20th October, 2020”.
Among anomalies cited by Ekujimi included “medical experts who issued medical reports not based on case notes of victims treated, but based on a victim’s inconsistent oral statements on the cause of injury and when confronted with the contradictions in the medical report and case note, distance themselves from the report or, in some cases, were exposed as liars under oath. We also had a medical practitioner who wrote a medical report on an incident of October 2020 in June 2021, based on a phone conversation between a nurse in the hospital and the brother of the victim, after receiving the Panel summons in 2021. The Panel sittings witnessed all manner of absurdities that questioned the sincerity and integrity of some of the stakeholders.”
The good thing about this book is that it factually reports the proceedings at the Panel’s sittings without any opinionated commentaries, thus affording readers the opportunity of ascertaining the veracity or otherwise of the author’s prefatory remarks by reading the reports of the various cases before the Panel. Also listed in an appendix to the book are the names of 69 persons whose petitions were successful and who were awarded various sums in compensation ranging between N750,000 and N10 million. Significantly, the victims received their monetary awards immediately, even before the Panel formally wound up its sittings. This is no doubt a publication of tremendous importance on a momentous event in the annals of the country’s history that will facilitate productive reflections on the root causes of the protests, the benefits gained and the avoidable errors on all sides that should be useful in guiding future actions in similar circumstances.
The Lagos Police Command yesterday said all those arrested in connection with the fourth anniversary of the #ENDSARS protest had been released.
Its spokesman, Benjamin Hundeyin, a Superintendent of Police, confirmed this in his X account, saying: “All protesters in our custody have been released. CP Olanrewaju Ishola was on ground at the SCID to see to that.’’
Hundeyin, however, did not respond to queries about the reason for the assault and use of force on the peaceful protesters by policemen. He also didn’t reply to questions on why those who were arrested were taken into custody in the first place.
The release followed public criticisms over the arrest of the peaceful protesters, yesterday morning. The police operatives had allegedly fired teargas, assaulted and arrested some youths who stormed the streets of Lekki to commemorate the fourth anniversary of the October 20, 2020 #ENDSARS shooting at the Tollgate.
The protesters, who bore placards with inscriptions like “Never to forget”, “Four years after, no justice”, “We want full implementation of all the recommendations of the panel”, “The oppression continues, police brutality still happening”… said they would never forget their comrades who were killed by armed soldiers and policemen at the Tollgate for demanding a better Nigeria.
The protest, which started around 8am was, however, stopped by armed policemen who prevented the protesters from getting to the Tollgate.
From videos posted on social media, the anti-riot policemen were seen approaching the protesters who were advancing towards the Tollgate and telling them they were not allowed to protest at the venue.
The protesters, who reminded the policemen that they were staging a peaceful march to remember their slain compatriots, also told them that it was their right to protest peacefully.
The engagements, according to eyewitnesses, became heated as the protesters insisted they would conclude their memorial march.
The police were said to have descended on them, firing teargas to disperse the crowd, assaulting and allegedly injuring some of them.
Justice B.O. Osunsanmi of a Lagos Magistrates’ court, Ogba, Lagos State has discharged seven suspects on trial for causing breach of peace.
The defendants, Daniel Joyinbo, Adigun Sodiq, Kehinde Shola, Salaudeen Kamilu, Sodiq Usseni, Azeez Isiaka were arrested during the #EndSARS protest in 2020.
Magistrate Osunsanmi cautioned and discharged the defendants of a one-count amended charge dated August 22, 2024 brought against them by the Commissioner of Police.
The defendants had pleaded guilty to a one-count charge read to them during resumed trial yesterday.
The charge stated: “That you Daniel Joyinbo Joigbo, Adigun Sodiq, Kehinde Shola, Salaudeen Kamilu, Sodiq Usseni, Azeez Isiaka on the 23rd day of November 2020 of about 12 hours at Ebutte Metta, Lagos in the Lagos Magisterial district did conduct yourself in a manner likely to cause breach of peace and thereby committed an offense punishable under section 168(d) of the law of Lagos State of Nigeria 2015.”
The magistrate asked the defendants whether they understood the content of their guilty plea and obligation of the court to give out the maximum sentence on the charge. They answered in the affirmative.
The prosecution counsel and Director Public Prosecutions (DPP), Dr. Babajide Martins, had urged the court to sentence the defendants according to their guilty plea dated August 22.
The defendants’ counsel T. D. Ojeshino pleaded with the court to temper justice with mercy. “My lord, I plead with the court to temper justice with mercy as the defendants are first time offenders.’’
He stated further that some are bread winners of their families and still young, they have spent more time in prison for over four years, since 2020 that they have been in custody.
A public affairs analyst, Oluwatosin Francis Shoga, writes on the economic disruption protests may cause but stresses the need to address the issues, engage in meaningful dialogue and better educate citizens on the Tinubu Administration’s programmes and policies.
Those calling for the “End Bad Government” protest should reconsider, as it will only lead to further economic devastation and undermine the government’s current efforts to address youth concerns. The government has made significant strides in addressing these concerns, including disbanding SARS and establishing judicial panels of inquiry to investigate incidents of police brutality.
Furthermore, the government has implemented various economic policies and initiatives to address the economic disaffection of young people. These include establishing the National Youth Investment Fund, the Creative Industry Initiative, and the Nigeria Youth Employment Action Plan.
Participating in the “End Bad Government” protest will undermine these efforts and create economic uncertainty and instability. It will discourage foreign investors and hinder the country’s economic growth and development. Moreover, it will further harm Nigerians businesses, many of which are still struggling to recover from the devastating effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and the previous EndSARS protest. Recovery will be very difficult for many of them, and some may not survive.
Therefore, it is essential to work with the government to address our concerns and support reforms and initiatives that promote economic growth and development. We must engage in dialogue with the government and find constructive solutions to our problems rather than resorting to destructive protests that will only set us back. While the EndSARS protest has highlighted the challenges facing Nigerian youth, it is crucial to approach the situation with caution and consider the potential consequences of our actions. We must work together to build a better future for ourselves and future generations.
Impact of #EndSARS protest
The protests were sparked by the disregard with which the Nigerian governments treat the lives of youths, attracting attention from both local and international communities. This essay is divided into two main parts. The first part argues that the economic disaffection of young people is due to the failure of government interventions designed ostensibly to empower them. The second part contends that the EndSARS protests were a great disservice to Nigeria, as a country capable of becoming a pivotal force in global economics.
As young people continue to notice a dichotomy between the resources dedicated to building industries and investment in their employment, the recurrence of the protest cannot be ruled out. The immediate trigger of the protests is bad governance, failure of the state to meaningfully address youth unemployment, and official lawlessness. The protests grew even more extensive as they received endorsements from various interest groups from different regions, where this biological category of the Nigerian state once countenanced incessant demand for secession. The international community followed up on the protests and gave it attention because of the commercial concentration on the Nigerian market of so much capital.
This essay takes a non-conformist standpoint by questioning the assumptions that the Nigerian youth are poor. It contends that the failure of interventions such as Nigerdelta, Youwin, Sure-p, Bank of industry, Bank of agriculture, and CBN programs to produce middle-class business people years after their launch represents an empirical direction to youth dissatisfaction.
Nigerian is characterized by a volatile security situation and high levels of political and economic inequality, creating social divisions between the ruling elite and ordinary citizens. This has fueled protests and social movements. In recent history, only a few demonstrations have mobilized as broad a coalition of support as the EndSARS protest, which started on October 8, 2020, in response to widespread outcry about the highhandedness and brutality of the Nigerian Police Force’s Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS). SARS was a unit of the Nigerian Police Force created in 1992 to address the spate of organized and violent crimes committed by armed bandits, popularly referred to as “armed robbers”.
The Nigerian police saw SARS as an opportunity to legally violate the human rights of ordinary citizens because, in the eyes of the police, the social status of every ordinary Nigerian automatically made them a suspect and, therefore, fair game. Over time, SARS degenerated to become no different from the criminals they were designed to deter and apprehend. However, the story of SARS was just the catalyst for a citizens’ revolt against government inaction at all levels to tackle a wide range of issues making Nigerian life hazardous.
Triggers of the protest
The #EndSARS protests did not just start unceremoniously. It is essential to situate these protests within the historical wrangling, agitations, and dissension that have bedeviled the Nigerian polity since its inception. Several events led to the #EndSARS protest.
Nigeria operates a carceral democracy where security outfits are used as instruments of coercion or repression. The trust, respect, and satisfaction with citizen services by the Nigeria Police Force have deteriorated for decades. According to Amnesty International, between January 2017 and 2020, the Federal Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) was involved in torturing or other ill-treatment of over 82 persons. This and other maladministration carried out by the police and other security agencies riled the anger of Nigerian people on social media, culminating in a paradigm change in 2020 regarding citizens’ cohesion and bravery.
To worsen the situation, the #EndSARS protest occurred when schools had been closed for several months in lieu of the COVID-19 pandemic. Businesses, recreation, events, aviation, hotels, restaurants, had not fully recovered when the protest began. The blockade led to an inability to access time-bound levies, which resulted in demurrage for imported goods and services while production became unprofitable. In retrospect, without quantifiable proofs, it is generally believed that the demonstration, caused gross income loss for all sectors and further plunged the Nigerian economy into recession.
Economic impact of the protest
There are several ways to measure the loss and damage suffered by the Nigerian economy during the EndSARS protest. In the services sector, including trade, banking, insurance, and pension, an assessment of direct and indirect losses is required. The tourism sector needs to determine the decrease in tourist visits and the sum of unused hotel accommodation. This should be in addition to foregone revenues associated with present and future projects by the Nigerian Investment Promotion Commission (NIPC).
In the finance sector, assets and liabilities are expected to show the value of time deposits, unearned interests, debts not paid at maturity, etc. State governments may also need to assess their situation in all these sectors as the EndSARS protest has been reported in all 36 states. It is not possible to measure the loss in the destruction process or calculate psychological damages. However, these areas should be used to size the wasted development that only freedom and innovation development can offer. It is essential to determine the direct and indirect impact of the EndSARS protest to have a complete picture of the effects of state violence in Nigeria. The consequences are expected to reverberate in other economies when Nigerian traders and students in neighbouring African countries cannot return to Nigeria.
Economic disruption
The disruption of the normal business conduct, especially in badly hit cities and states, had dire consequences for the economy. Businesses and all trade and commerce activities were drastically reduced in Lagos, Lekki, and other rallying points of protest. Business owners and workers involved in legal commercial activities deserted their workplaces due to threats by the protesters. The situation worsened during the once peaceful protests, leading to hoodlums attacking and burning down businesses. The same situation prevailed in a couple of other states and cities across the country. This development resulted in business insecurity and low business and ethical confidence.
The disruption of regular commercial activities increased unemployment and underemployment. Many businesses almost collapsed during the protest, while some folded up completely. Businesses and shops were looted and their sales ruined. According to a recent PMI report, October manufacturing PMI fell to 48.1 below the benchmark 50 due to the turbulent operating climate from continuation of destructive #EndSARS protest and uncertainty over the Lekki Tollgate incident. Finally, a report from the NIPC shows that Nigeria was in conflict and lost directly invested funds amounting to $15 billion in its economy due to the #EndSARS protest by hoodlums.
Small and medium enterprises (SMEs) experienced unique challenges during the protest. Many stores remained completely unopened, and activities gradually decreased as makeshift markets resumed. Some stores were stopped due to uncertainty associated with the inconsistent intensity of the protest throughout major hubs. Markets that remained closed were those situated along the protest routes. The collapse of law and order led to the repeated burglary of these targeted stores, such as the SPAR and stores at the Adeniran Ogunsanya shopping center.
Many SMEs were directly involved in the manufacturing, display, and sale of products made in Lagos and were subject to daily disruptions in raw materials and finished product and human supply chains to arouse production and commercial activities in the state, in particular. The Central Business Districts and adjacent highways were effectively cordoned off daily by the protesters from October 12, and as such, until November 3, no free movement (and by extension the sale of goods) was possible on Lagos Island. Fashion designers, tailors, established and localized clothing brands, footwear traders, and bespoke materials manufacturers faced adverse impacts due to convoluted or excessive stock inventory as this significantly influences take up and sales of new inventory. Manufacturing activities in Lagos recorded the lowest output in the previous two quarters according to the Q4-2020 Lagos Business Outlook Survey (Lagos BOS).
Investor confidence
The impact of the protest reverberated in foreign direct investment (FDI) and portfolio investment. By the end of 2020, Nigeria had only attracted a mere $2.6bn in FDI, whereas the net portfolio investment outflow by the end of September 2020 stood at $175m. Before the protest, net portfolio investment inflow into Nigeria was as high as $4.4bn in the first eight months of the year. However, both indices started to improve from November 2020. The country realized $2.7bn in FDI in 2021, marking a rebound in global investors’ interest in Nigeria. Investors began to be positive about Nigeria once again.
The protest affected investors’ sentiment towards Nigeria. Investors became more cautious and preferred to stay on the sidelines, uncertain about the direction of the protest and its economic implications. The unfortunate Lekki Toll Gate shootings, and the loss of lives that followe d, also raised concerns among investors. However, Nigeria’s economic fundamentals remained relatively strong during the protest. The disruption in economic activities was temporary, and the informal economy, driven largely by trade in goods continued to play a significant role in the Nigerian economy.
Government response
In response to the EndSARS protest, the Nigerian government implemented measures to end the unrest and stabilize the economy. Curfews were imposed in Lagos, Ogun, and Ekiti states, and the Nigeria Immigration Service halted passport processing in some offices. The protests effectively ended on October 20, 2020, with the release of some arrested protesters.
To mitigate the economic impact, the government introduced immediate and long-term economic policies and committed to police reforms. The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) took measures to resume commercial activities, and the Federal Ministry of Youths and Sports provided support for affected youths.
Judicial panels of inquiry were established to investigate police brutality. The Vice President highlighted the government’s swift response to protesters’ concerns and revealed that the President visited victims of the protest in late November 2020. The Federal Ministry of Youths and Sports Development also created post-EndSARS empowerment, employment, and social security systems.
Rebuilding initiatives
These ideas have formed the foundation of the actions taken to address the violence and unrest following the protests. The Inspector-General of Police toured the southwestern states of Nigeria most affected by the protest, leading dialogue sessions with key stakeholders affected by police brutalities and the protest, also serving as condolence visits. Initiatives are underway to help rebuild projects and infrastructures (like the police stations and the iconic Lekki tollgate) destroyed during the violent paroxysm triggered by the shooting incident at the Lekki toll.
The Lagos State Governor, Sanwo-Olu, initiated the establishment of a door-to-door healing intergovernmental engagement that involves the federal government and make personal and empathetic gestures to residents affected by the destruction, such as those in the burnt mall at the heart of the protests where dozens of businesses were razed. Many of these business owners were beneficiaries of the previously implemented federal stimulus regime. The government is also beginning efforts to rebuild markets, warehouses, stores, and residential houses that were directly torched.
There are expectations that the battery market area in the Nostrum Bukka-Iponri axis of Mainland local government could be rebuilt with assistance from the multimillion Naira appeals and corrections fund Government set up by the government following the protest outbreak. The wealth of residents is tied to this burnt shopping zone and the warehouses that constitute Nigeria’s last-century duty-free market and bargain memorial; most do not have insurance coverage and are vulnerabele to further economic instability. Additionally, private initiatives are being undertaken to repair the headquarters of the Nigerian Ports Authority, which was targeted by hooligans. Gradually, Nigeria is returning to economic normalcy. However, the densely populated slums of Southwestern Nigeria face rapidly deteriorating support systems. Schools that supply consummate workers to industries have rapaciously bilged; few convene with the rubrics of quality education. Many factories are plagued with child labour. In the darkest days, from Lokoja in today’s Kogi State to Badagry and Epe, citizens live in fear of unidentified groups causing destruction. Property worth billions of Naira was lost: 30 Kings and High Chiefs who gathered in the Osun Osogbo grove with the royal franchise goad of the Ooni estimated the damge to be N55 billion, affecting the political economy of the region. Economists argue that it is early days of recovery of the Nigerian economy. Although there is some optimism about the recovery, financial analysts agreed that the damage to the Nigerian economy is extensive and will take significant time and effort to address.
Therefore, parents, employers, pastors, imams must appeal to their wards/members not to be used by those who want to set us back. We must be mindful of the potential consequences of our actions and work towards finding constructive solutions to our problems. We must engage in dialogue with the government and support reforms and initiatives aimed at promoting economic growth and development.
Conclusion
The EndSARS protest significantly impacted the Nigerian economy. The disruption of economic activities, damage to infrastructure, and loss of investor confidence contributed to the economic downturn. Moving forward, it is crucial to address the underlying issues that may lead to future protests. By doing so, Nigeria can create a more inclusive and sustainable economic environment that benefits all its citizens.
However, Nigeria cannot afford to participate in the “End Bad Government” protest as it will seriously damage the efforts of the current government, especially President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s reforms and initiatives. The government is taking steps to address the concerns of Nigerian youth by reforming existing initiatives and introducing new economic policies and programs. Some of these initiatives include:
Restructuring the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) to make it more relevant and beneficial to modern-day Nigeria.
• Implementing programs to support youth entrepreneurship, innovation, and job creation.
• Introducing economic policies to address unemployment, poverty, and inequality.
• Providing access to funding, mentorship, and training for young entrepreneurs and innovators.
•Encouraging public-private partnerships to create opportunities for youth employment and empowerment.
These efforts demonstrate the government’s commitment to addressing young people’s economic disaffection and creating a more inclusive and supportive environment for them to thrive. Initiatives such as the National Youth Investment Fund, the Creative Industry Initiative, and the Nigeria Youth Employment Action Plan are part of these efforts.
Participating in the “End Bad Government” protest would undermine President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s reforms and initiatives, damaging efforts to address youth concerns. The government is introducing economic policies and programs to support youth entrepreneurship, innovation, and job creation. However, there is a need for a National Youth Conference to educate and engage Nigerian youth on these reforms and initiatives, ensuring they understand the government’s commitment to their development. Participating in the protest would create economic uncertainty, discourage foreign investors, and hinder economic growth, leading to severe consequences. Instead, Nigerians should engage in dialogue with the government, support reforms, and work towards constructive solutions to build a better future.
A National Youth Conference would provide a platform for youth to:
• Understand the government’s vision and initiatives.
• Provide feedback and suggestions.
•Engage in meaningful dialogue.
•Foster collaboration and cooperation.
This conference would promote inclusivity, transparency, and collective progress, empowering Nigerian youth to contribute to the country’s development.
Scores of Nigerians yesterday gathered at the Lekki Toll gate in Lagos to commemorate the third anniversary of #EndSARS.
Highlight of the commemoration was a walk by the participants amidst heavy security by the police and the operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS).
In a statement, human rights group –Amnesty International said in a that three years after the protests to draw attention to police brutality against Nigerians, no fewer than 15 protesters arrested during the period are still being detained at the Kirikiri Medium Correctional Centre and the Ikoyi Medium Security Correctional Centre both in Lagos.
The group in an update on the protest on its website yesterday said:
“The Nigerian authorities have filed trumped-up charges including theft, arson, possession of unlawful firearms, and murder against many of the protesters. Some of those detained allege that they have been subjected to torture.
“Our investigation shows the Nigerian authorities’ utter disdain for human rights. Three years in detention without trial is a travesty of justice. This shows the authorities’ contempt for due process of law. The protesters must be immediately and unconditionally released,” said Isa Sanusi Director Amnesty International Nigeria.
“Seven #EndSARS protesters – Daniel Joy-Igbo, Sodiq Adigun, Sunday Okoro, Olumide Fatai, Oluwole Isa, Shehu Anas, and Akiniran Oyetakin – arrested in Lagos in 2020, are being arbitrarily held in Kirikiri Medium Correctional Centre.
“Daniel Joy-Igbo, a Beninois #EndSARS protester arrested in Lagos in October 2020, who has also been detained at the Bar Beach Police Station, the State Criminal Investigation Department in Panti, and at a SARS facility in Ikeja, told Amnesty International:
‘Since my arraignment in December 2020, I have been locked up in the prison without trial. Since then, there is no adjourned date for my case. I have not been taken to court since December 2020.
Daniel Joy-Igbo, a Beninois #EndSARS protester
Sodiq Adigun, also arrested in October 2020, who was previously detained at the State Criminal Investigation Department in Panti, told Amnesty International:
“Let the government release me. I have been detained since 2020 without trial. I am innocent. My life has been shattered. I need my liberty.”
Eight #EndSARS protesters – Segun Adeniyi, Onuorah Odih, Jeremiah Lucky, Gideon Ikwujomah, Irinyemi Olorunwanbe, Quadri Azeez, Olamide Lekan and Sadiq Riliwan – have been detained without trial in Ikoyi Medium Security Correctional Centre in Lagos since 2020.
“All those detained solely for taking part in peaceful #EndSARS protests must be released immediately and unconditionally,” said Isa Sanusi
Popular comedian and activist, Adebowale Adedayo aka Mr. Macaroni, has called for the release of #EndSARS protesters who have been held in detention for three years.
He made the appeal in Lagos on Friday, October 20, while leading a peace walk to commemorate the third anniversary of the Lekki shooting, the tragic event that led to the end of the #EndSARS protests.
He said: “The peace walk is to honour all those that lost their lives on October 20, 2020. We’ve done that. We want to walk back but the police don’t want us to walk back.
“We don’t want to give them a reason or an excuse to fire at us. We’ve been on this for three years now and we know what they are capable of doing.
“I want to use this opportunity to call for the unconditional release of all those protesters that are still in prisons. There are still some protesters who have been in prison since 2020. Lawyers have been on the cases, different shouts every day but till now they are still there.
“We are using this walk to once again call on all those concerned to grant the unconditional release of all protesters that are still in prison.”
Some victims of police brutality in Ondo State have threatened to drag Governor Oluwarotimi Akeredolu and the Ondo Government to court over delay in the implementation of the 2020 ENDSARS panel report.
The Ondo ENDSARS Panel headed by Justice Adesola Sidiq (rtd) received 77 petitions and in its report recommended payment of N755m compensation to victims, publication of apologies in national dailies in deserving cases and discontinuation of cases instituted against persons arrested during the ENDSARS protest.
The panel also recommended a review of Section 84 of the Sheriffs and Civil Processes Act to smoothen the process of judgment execution against police and other public officers where victims of human rights breaches have approached the court and got favourable judgment.
Lawyer to some of the victims, Tope Temokun, in a statement in Akure, said it was sad that the panel report has not been released nor has it been implemented three years after it was submitted.
Temokun said the duty imposed on the Governor by the law does not include keeping away or hiding such report from the public.
“In this case, public fund was dissipated into that exercise and the poor victims, embracing hopes and trusting in the government, travelled distances from the various communities of the state to come and present their complaints. The panel had completed its historical and statutory role and had submitted report.
“This country bled for long under the disbanded SARS and the victims need the government to heal their wounds. So the purpose of that exercise was to ensure that justice was done to victims of police brutality, extra-judicial killings and infringement of the fundamental human rights of the people.
“Holding on to such panel report is illegal, immoral and it is an unpardonable sin against humanity. It is against good conscience to deny victims of hopes.
“We call on the government of Ondo Sate to purge itself of this sinful act and release the report to the public and implement same. We shall approach the court to enforce this if the government fails to heed,” he asserted.
Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, Sir Charles Titiloye, said the present administration has implemented some aspect of the panel report and was still studying the area of payment of compensation to victims.
