Tag: enemies

  • Are Igbos their own worst enemies?

    SIR: The statement credited to former Abia State governor, Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu which appeared on some major newspapers that Igbos are their worst own enemies is not only misleading but self-serving. It is quite unfortunate that those who had the opportunity of placing the Igbo race on the world map of good governance but failed to achieve anything are now the ones trading blames and explaining why and when the rain began to beat us.

    For the records, Babatunde Fashola was not imposed on Lagosians to serve the selfish desires of his godfather and family members. Rather, he was chosen by the people to continue with the blue prints of his predecessor. Both godfather and son were in a race to achieve a common goal, and so are in no competition but in a race to take Lagos State to greater height. And today, Lagos State is better off for it.

    In the case of Orji Uzor Kalu and his erstwhile godson TA Orji, both were never in same race for good governance; rather they were in competition for who would be in charge of the Augean stables in the state and the power tussle contributed more to under-developing Abia State. The Augean of mess both of them left is still haunting the state.

    Their misunderstandings were more of individual differences and I see no reason why such show of shame should be used to judge South-east politicians; their fallout had nothing to do with how politics is played in the South-east. The only problem is that South-east has not had good godfathers like we have in the South-west.

    Asiwaju Bola Tinubu is one of the most respected elder statesmen and political figures not just in the South-west but the whole of Nigeria because he invests in the future today and waits for tomorrow to call on it. Apart from Fashola, most top politicians, governors and ministers from the South-west were products of Tinubu’s political dynasty and they are doing very well in their respective states and at the national level. That is what qualifies one as a leader; a leader thinks of the future not his immediate returns. That is one major difference between Asiwaju Ahmed Tinubu and Orji Uzor Kalu.

    Orji Uzor Kalu had the opportunity to discover a young, intelligent technocrat who would have placed Abia State in world map in terms of good governance just like Tinubu did in Lagos State with Fashola but he chose a geriatric who he thinks he could control. Within the space of two years, they fell out. Meanwhile, his party lost two state governors, Abia and Imo states. Today his party, Progressive Peoples Alliance (PPA) is struggling to stay afloat while that of Tinubu has transformed and metamorphosed over the years into a mega party – the All Progressive Congress (APC) currently the ruling Nigeria.

    Those who sleep in and out of EFCC custody for acts bordering on money laundering and financial misappropriation when they were in position of authority do not have what it takes to represent or speak for the Igbo nation on whatever platform.

     

    • Joe Onwukeme,

    unjoeratedjoe@gmail.com.

  • The anti-corruption war and the enemies within

    The anti-corruption war and the enemies within

    Text of a lecture delivered by activist-lawyer and FEMI FALANA, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), at the investiture of Dele Ojogbede as President, Rotary Club, Ikoyi, Lagos  on July 24. 

    As a leading philanthropic organisation the Rotary Club in Nigeria has been associated with providing services to the needy. While the efforts of the Rotary Club and similar bodies are appreciated, I am of the strong view that no private establishment or voluntary society can replace the government in the provision of social amenities to the people. Even in capitalist societies, the provision of welfare services has reduced the activities of philanthropic organisations. The Rotary Club is therefore urged to mobilise poor and disadvantaged citizens to demand for popular participation in the government.

    To achieve the objective of meeting the basic demands of the poor, the Rotary Club should be fully involved in the campaign against corruption with a view to ending the criminal diversion of the commonwealth by a few public officers.

    The 4-way tests of the Rotary Club cannot be realised in our society in so far as the nation’s resources are cornered by a few picnic officers. As the government cannot succeed in the fight against corruption without the involvement of the people, we shall examine the duty of citizens in the promotion of accountability and transparency in the public affairs of the nation. In our analysis, we shall acknowledge the political will and the limitation of the government in the prosecution of the war against corruption. We shall conclude by asking the Nigerian people to take over the war from the Federal Government and prosecute it in the public interest.

     Mismanagement of funds earmarked for the provision of relief materials

    Owing to the criminal diversion of funds donated to the government to provide relief materials to victims of natural disasters in Nigeria, the lives of many vulnerable citizens are now in danger. Just recently, President Buhari was compelled to direct the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to investigate a petition received from an international donor agency which had alleged that the Federal Ministry of Health could not account for the millions of dollars donated to fight HIV/AIDS in Nigeria.

    It is common knowledge that the EFCC is currently prosecuting two ex-governors for the criminal diversion of ecological funds collected from the Federal Government to fight the menace of erosion in their states. Some other officials are under investigation for stealing the funds contributed by the federal and state governments as well as private agencies and individuals to provide relief materials to the victims of flood which occurred in many parts of the country in 2012.

    In the same vein, the fund donated by international relief agencies to take care of the internally displaced people in the Northeast has been cornered by a few National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) officials. As we are gathered here, the humanitarian disaster caused by the criminal elements has claimed the lives of thousands of children in the Internally Displaced Persons’ (IDPs’) camps. Indeed, the humanitarian crisis in the Northeast is traceable to the criminal diversion of the sum of $15 billion earmarked by the Federal Government for the purchase of military hardware for the armed forces from 2007-2015. Consequently, the ragtag army of the Boko Haram sect defeated the ill-equipped Nigerian Army. Although the Buhari administration has motivated the armed forces to turn the tide against the insurgents, the war against terror is not yet over.

    Citizens’ vigilance in the fight against corruption

    The fight against corruption has come a long way in Nigeria. To prevent Nigerians from exposing corruption and the crude exploitation of the resources of the nation, the British colonial regime imposed the Official Secrets Ordinance which prescribed 14 years imprisonment for anyone who leaked official information without authorisation. The Criminal Code criminalised seditious publications and statements. The leaders of the Zikist movement were jailed for asking Nigerians to reject imperialist exploitation and embrace socialism. Many other Nigerians were jailed for exposing corruption by the alien regime.

    The indigenous regime which took over power from the colonial regime in 1960 retained the repressive laws for the same purpose. In Chike Obi v DPP (1961) All N.L.R., the Supreme Court held that the pamphlet issued by the defendant wherein he had described the government as corrupt was capable of inciting the people. However, in Nwankwo v the State, the Court of Appeal, it was held that the provisions of the criminal code relating to sedition were illegal and unconstitutional for violating the right to freedom of expression.  It was the view of the court that public officers who feel offended by any publications should not use the machinery of government to protect themselves but sue for libel and put their reputation in issue.

    But the military dictators who ruled the country for close to three decades, closed down media houses and jailed journalists or detained anti-corruption crusaders.  Apart from ordering the release of those who were illegally detained, the court kicked against the closure of media houses. In Tarka v Daily Sketch, the plaintiff, a serving minister under the Gowon-led junta, was accused of corruption by a businessman. In dismissing the libel suit, the court urged the media to publish and be dammed. Notwithstanding that the Babangida junta expelled a foreign journalist, closed down media houses, detained journalists and parcel-bombed a prominent journalist Dele Giwa. Nigerians were not deterred from exposing corruption. The Olusegun Obasanjo administration which established the EFCC and ICPC (Independent Corrupt Practices and Miscellaneous Offences Commission, was accused of using both anti-graft agencies to settle scores. Both the Yar’ Adua and Jonathan administrations did not pretend to fight corruption. All the same, President Jonathan was pressured by civil society organisations to sack the then Aviation Minister, Mrs. Stella Oduah.

     Time to fight the enemies within

    Since the Buhari administration commenced the war against corruption last year, it has enjoyed the support of the Nigerian people. However, corruption is fighting back on two fronts.  From outside the battlefront, the beneficiaries of corruption have accused the government of selectively targeting its political opponents in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).  The allegation has been dismissed by Nigerians as all the suspects arrested by the EFCC have not denied their involvement in the mega looting of the treasury. Apart from the fact that majority of those who have been arrested are military officers and government contractors, a number of the suspects who are members of the PDP have actually refunded part of the loot.

    From the home front, it is evidently clear that some highly-placed public officers, who have been linked with corruption, are trying desperately to discredit and sabotage the war. Disturbed by the clamour for the removal and prosecution of such individuals, the government has urged Nigerians to stop making baseless allegations against serving public officers. In spite of the clarification by the government, the online media have continued to substantiate the allegations of corruption against the Chief of Army Staff (COAS) and the Minister of Interior.

    Instead of attacking the imaginary enemies of the government, the anti-corruption war calls for an urgent review of strategies. For instance, it was recently reported in the media that three ex-COAS had been indicted by the arms procurement panel.  But when the report was eventually released, the name of one of the three security chiefs, who is a serving minister, was missing. Not unexpectedly, allegations of cover-up were raised in the media. Embarrassed by the development, the government reacted by denying any cover-up and explained that the panel had not investigated the arms procurement from 2007-2010 when the minister served as the COAS.

    Before the release of the controversial report, a group had alleged that the COAS Gen. Tukur Buratai had purchased some properties worth $1.5 million in Dubai, United Arab Emirates (UAE). In defending the allegation, the Nigerian Army claimed that the general bought the properties from his legitimate earnings.  In confirming that the properties were declared, the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB) claimed that the army chief had declared them in the name of his wife. Aside the statement, the CCB should proceed to investigate and confirm that the properties were legitimately acquired from the income of the general.  This investigation should be speedily and transparently conducted to assure Nigerians that there are no sacred cows in the prosecution of the war against corruption.

    Another official, whose conduct ought to be investigated by the government, is the Comptroller-General of Prisons, Mr. Jafaru (Ahmed). According to media reports which have not been denied the prison boss is alleged to have reduced his age by two years. Since two judges were recently dismissed for reducing their ages and ordered to refund the money they had illegally collected the Comptroller-General of prisons ought to be removed from office without any further delay. Similarly, having identified the top civil servants in the Presidency who padded the 2016 Budget, the Federal Government should hand them over to the EFCC for prosecution.

    It is particularly disturbing to note that both chambers of the National Assembly dominated by the ruling All Progressive Congress (APC) are frustrating the anti-corruption war. For instance, contrary to the anti-corruption policy of the Federal Government, and in utter violation of Section 81 of the Constitution, some unscrupulous legislators are said to have padded the 2016 Budget. The chairman of the Appropriation Committee in the House of Representatives, Abdulmumin Jibril has just stepped down over allegations that he single-handedly allocated N4 billion to his constituency. In reaction to the allegation, Jibril has accused the House leadership of padding the budget to the tune of N40 billion. These serious allegations should not be swept under the carpet or treated as an internal affair of the House. The claims and counter-claims should be investigated by the EFCC without any delay and all the legislators and civil servants who are indicted should be prosecuted.

    The APC-led National Assembly has also engaged in collecting jumbo emoluments for services not rendered to the nation. Whereas Section 63 of the Constitution provides that the Senate and the House of Representatives shall each sit for not less than 181 days in a year, Section 68 thereof states that any legislator who fails to attend the proceedings of the Senate for less than one third of the required number of days shall automatically lose his or her seat. For the first legislative year which ended on June 9, the Seventh session of the National Assembly did not meet the constitutional requirement. Specifically, due to incessant recesses, the House of Representatives sat for only 104 days while the Senate sat for 96 days. This means that the Senate sat for barely 50 per cent of the required sitting period. Indeed, some of the senators who had to attend criminal courts where they are standing trial for corrupt practices did not seat for up to 70 days throughout the legislative year.

    The Senate was actually shut down on a number of occasions to enable the Senate President, Dr Bukola Saraki to attend the proceedings of the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT) where he is standing trial for false declaration of assets. And in solidarity with him, a number of senators abandoned their duties to accompany him to the tribunal. Since the labour policy of “no work no pay” is applicable to all public officers the legislators ought not to have been paid when they did not perform any legislative duty. In other words, having failed to sit for the mandatory period of 181 days the legislators were not entitled to payment of full salaries and allowances for the whole legislative year. Having been paid full emoluments when they failed to sit for the required number of days, the legislators ought to refund some money to the treasury. In the circumstance, the Accountant-General of the Federation should ensure that the legislators are made to refund the money collected for the number of days they failed to sit in the National Assembly. Furthermore, it is high time the Federal Government stopped the payment of salaries and allowances to former governors who are in the senate. Since they are on pension for life, it is illegal to continue to pay them salaries and allowances at the same time.

    Conclusion

    In view of the commitment of the Federal Government not to compromise the prosecution of the war against corruption, President Buhari should sack all public officers who cannot explain their sources of stupendous wealth. At the same time, to address the problems of poverty in the society, the Buhari administration has to invest in the welfare of Nigerians and proceed to mobilise them to fight against corruption. The Rotary Club and other civil society organisations should ensure that the activities of government are closely monitored with a view to exposing corrupt practices in the government.  Finally, the Federal Government should ensure that all the civil servants and legislators who padded the budget together with those who have diverted money donated by international agencies are prosecuted.

  • ‘Ojezua making enemies for Obaseki’

    ‘Ojezua making enemies for Obaseki’

    The Publicity Secretary of the Edo State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Comrade Godwin Erhahon, yesterday urged the national leadership of the party to look into the allegation that its chairman, Anselm Ojezua, is misleading the governorship flag bearer, Dr. Godwin Obaseki, because it is capable of making enemies for him within the party.

    Erhahon, who spoke at a press conference in Benin City, the state capital, noted that Ojezua had in a recent publication attempted to disparage and discredit the National Chairman and the first governor of Edo State, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun, through the false information.

    He said rather than championing genuine reconciliation in the fold, ahead of the September 10 election, the Chairman made disparaging remarks about former aspirants, including Chris Ogiemwonyi and Ken Imansuagbon, disparagingly.

    The Publicity Secretary said: “Let me quickly observe that for a State Chairman, who claims to be seeking reconciliations of aggrieved parties with the party to refer to Engineer Chris Ogiemwonyi and Barrister Ken Imasuangbon, the two aspirants who are seeking redress though due process, as mischievous, is in itself a wild demonstration of mischief and it rubbished the purported bid for reconciliation. Above all, it exposed the immaturity and bias of the State Chairman.

    “Mr. Ojezua accused the National Working Committee of our great party of isolating the state government and the State Executive Committee from the process leading to the primary. He grumbled that forms were sold at the National Secretariat, instead of the State Secretariat.

    He said: “At the beginning of the process, the hostilities of the State Chairman and his group were so vicious that, till date, they still keep malice with those who visited the Deputy Governor, Dr. Pius Odubu; then the leading governorship aspirant, after some sponsored gunmen attacked his campaign rally at Auchi and shot six persons.

    “Mr. Ojezua lied when he alleged that Chief Oyegun mutilated the delegates register for the primary. The national headquarters, headed by Chief Oyegun, only resisted the attempt by the Chairman to engage in some irregularities.

    “I decided to bare my mind on these issues today because they threaten the chances of the APC in the September 10 governorship election and I believe that the public deserves to hear the truth. I see the vicious outburst of Mr. Ojezua on Chief Oyegun as part of the attempt to discredit him. “

  • Our children and their enemies

    It was on June 16, that the world marked the 40th anniversary of the brutal killing of many schoolchildren at Soweto, South Africa, in 1976. The schoolchildren poured into the street to protest the use of Africaans as the language of instruction in schools and the miserably non-functional education they were given under the apartheid system. But rather than give ears to their complaints, the decidedly remorselessly violent authorities unleashed lethal, excessive force on them, killing a disproportionate number of the young protesters. More commonly known as ‘the Day of the African Child’ since 1991 when the Organisation of African Unity (now African Union) initiated it in honour of the exterminated pupils and other citizens in the Soweto uprising, the day raises awareness of the unending need for structured improvement of the education given to African children.

    In that connection, that anniversary gave governments, NGOs, and stakeholders on the continent and across the globe another opportunity to re-examine their commitments to the all-round well-being of the most vulnerable members of the human race – children. The day served to inspire adults everywhere to rededicate themselves to the protection, happiness, and wholesome development of children. That commemoration was signally remarkable for its lesson on the need for adults to devote themselves more heartily to working for a safe and positive present and future for children.

    Alas, for many adults in Nigeria, Oyo and Osun states particularly, that day in June was a day like any other. They neither bothered themselves with its significance, nor did they reflect on the roles they make children with or around them undertake. Rather, most of the adults in those states were (and are) busy misleading children and imbuing their minds with the most dangerous forms of indoctrinations, shaping them in their (adults’) own images and in the process making the children play roles that are totally unsuitable for their age.

    Specifically, I speak of the stories in the news about the last three weeks in regard to the decision of the Oyo State government to, in the words of Governor IsiakaAjimobi, ‘partner willing members of the society like alumni associations, mission bodies and corporate organisations to rejuvenate [the state public] education system’; and the Justice JideFalola June 3 judgement that affirmed the right of female Muslim students in Osun public schools to complement their school uniform with hijab without being humiliated, harassed, or punished.

    As reports had it, secondary school students in Oyo debouched into the streets and wrecked unimaginable destruction to public utilities as a way of protesting against the decision of the state government. In Osun State, what emerged as a form of protest by students against the hijab was no less a discomfortingly bizarre situation in which Christian students came to school in uniforms supplemented by varied religious garments like choir robes, cassocks, etc., creating in the process an offensive and reprehensible ecumenical gathering of schoolchildren. What cannot be gainsaid about the two perturbing cases is that adults were the inspiration behind them. In other words, while the fact subsists that children have their own agency, the motivation to destroy property and show up in school in unapproved apparels in the name of protesting certain decisions was largely engineered by some kidultswho delude themselves that they are adults. Whatever their justification for egging those children on, those adults are clearly the enemies of children.

    The enemies of children in Oyo and Osun are those who wickedly enlist children as soldiers in their crazy, superfluous religious wars. They are those who poison the minds of ‘God’s bits of wood’ (apologies to OsmaneSembene) with the toxic brew of myopia, hate, and intolerance. They are those who encourage children to express their displeasure through violence.

    Adults and parents need to understand that it is not in the place of children to teach. Theirs is to learn. Whether a school should be privatised or not does not concern children. It is sound, functional, all-round education that adults in their society owe them. It is the adults who must do all the talk and take decisions on how to ensure good education and proper upbringing for the children. To then ask children to go to town and fight a bad policy by destroying public property as was the case in Oyo (and Osun some months ago) was an indubitable anathema. It was the wrong way to teach children about resolving social problems.

    Likewise, it is not the duty of children to protect or defend any religious ideology. At their age, it is children that require protection. They are to go to school and learn and not to defend the cause of any religion. The minds of children should be cultivated to tolerate and respect the other and not to develop spiritual contempt for fellow beings. Those who inspired the Osun schoolchildren to go to school in church habiliments and protect Christianity, and the militant mullahs who are picketing schools and enforcing the hijab in the name of Islam are evilly religious soldiers whose minds are bereft of the grace of tolerance, egalitarian ethos, and the humanitarian imperative which enjoys every responsible adult to do no harm in their quest to resolve issues. Like some of their Muslim counterparts, these bigoted soldiers of the Lord Army in Osun are oddly dangerous to children and society as a whole.

    These graceless adults use children to accomplish their evil agenda by exploiting their manipulability, idealism, and narrow life experiences. If the energies and passions demonstrated in the matters of hijab and partnering private groups to run schools had been shown in complementing governments’ efforts in those two states, perhaps the public school systems there would be far better than they currently are. Ajimobi might have handled the partnership policy messily; the solution to it is not for some adults to destroy children by encouraging them to engage in acts of violence. And if a High Court judge in Osun says female students can complement their uniforms with hijab, the response from the Christian fold is not to arm Christian children with the message of hate and misplaced confrontation. If they consider Governor Aregbesola’s response to the judgement to be supportive of Muslims, the soldiers in Osun are still very wrong to think that encouraging children to do their battle is the appropriate response.

    Let parents and adults of our society note, as the child protection practitioner, Michael Wessells, argues, that any war that children are enlisted to fight will undergo ‘a multi-generational process that reproduces itself and visits untold suffering on following generations’. When adults mobilise children to fight their wars like it is in Oyo and Osun, such conflicts will be difficult to end and peace will become scarce in the society concerned.

    Religion warriors must understand, as a character in Khaled Hosseini’s The Kite Runner exhorts, that ‘children aren’t colouring books. You don’t get to fill them with your favourite colours’. Adults everywhere owe children the duty of not allowing them to goose-step behind any evil that can poison their minds. Children must be exposed to the wholesome principle of resolving differences through peaceful means. They must be taught the virtues of tolerance through adults’ demonstration of it. They must be made to understand that matters revolving round school uniforms are neither more important than their education, nor are they determiners of who to relate with in school. The two religious groups in Osun must think more about solutions to problems without enlisting children to misbehave.

    If the enemies of children will not win in Oyo and Osun, and of course in the country as a whole, the governments in those states must avoid sloppy policies and get the people more involved in decision-making processes. In Osun, let the governor find a way to ensure that ‘uniforms’ do not become ‘duaforms’ in the public schools and learning takes centre stage than these noises about hijab and whatnot. The Oyo governor in his case must seek to involve all stakeholders in seeking to resolve the so-called problems of running the public schools. If leaders want progress and peace in their domains, they cannot afford to insult the people with horrible policies and the dowel of alienation. That way, the enemies of children will gain ascendancy and flourish.

     

    • Ademola writes from Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife.
  • Pipeline vandalism: We are our own enemies

    The rising incidence of pipeline vandalism in the South-south by some Niger Delta militant groups should be a source of worry to not only the federal government but also all well-meaning Nigerians who are concerned about the economic survival of the nation.

    It is in a way, akin to self-immolation when people, take up arms against their nation and the environment and the well-being of their own people, for whatever reason, anticipated gain, or even provocation, especially as such acts often lead to collateral damages that offer no meaningful benefit, but inflict collective pain on all.

    It is on the basis of such unconscionable engagements that many draw the conclusion that Nigerians are their own worst enemies. Of course, there is no doubt that some of us hurt ourselves, hurt our environment and the economy more than any foreigner could have done.

    Records, for instance, indicate that since Nigeria’s independence in 1960, most conflicts and the horrendous human and economic devastations the nation had grappled with were all self-inflicted, as a result of internal crises. In the particular case of the Niger Delta, the weird ideology of these elements in going about their odious mission, has so far failed to convince many, whether in the region, or even in their immediate communities and elsewhere, on the propriety of their actions.

    Such collective disgust also trails their criminal activities, hence they have not been able to elicit any genuine sympathy or support from any part of the country. What has been their lot rather, has been an outpour of condemnation from the region and across the nation.

    Also of importance here is that while the government loses billions of dollars in revenue as a result of these vandalisms, the integrity of the already degraded region’s environment is further compromised due to the spillages from the damaged pipelines. The actual impact of this self-inflicted pollution and the overall damage to the health of the people is often hard to be quantified in tangible forms.

    These destructive tendencies also play out in every facet of our nation in variant degrees, with different shades of devastation. It is particularly disturbing that rise in the despicable exercise comes at a time the nation’s economy is at a precarious situation, as a result of global collapse of oil price, which has led to serious economic crunch, with the country’s current Gross Domestic Product (GDP) crashing to a 25-year low of -0.36 per cent from 3.96 per cent same period the previous year, according to a recent document released by the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics.

    It is thus, disheartening that it is this time that the country is suffocating that the deviants in the already environmentally degraded Niger Delta, are choosing to blow up oil pipelines in the region.

    Their nefarious actions have led to a further slide in the nation’s revenue, thus, adding to the collective hardship on Nigerians that have had to bear the brunt of the nation’s dependence on oil mono-economy.

    Apparently miffed by the sheer brigandage and the far-reaching negative impact of the actions of the vandals on both the economy and the already devastated Niger Delta environment, Brig-General Paul Boro (rtd), Special Adviser to the President on Niger Delta and Coordinator, Presidential Amnesty Programme (PAP), rightly stated that “pipeline vandalism is an avoidable self-inflicted agony. It is unreasonable to engage in such criminal activity not only because of the resultant economic effect on the country but particularly as it also negatively affects the Niger Delta environment”, adding that those involved in the nefarious activities “are economic and environmental saboteurs”.

    Also, Governor Seriake Dickson of Beyelsa State, while addressing traditional rulers in the state over the vandalism issue, brought the message further home emphasising that “every pipeline that is blown up in the state is a direct attack on the revenue base of Bayelsa”. Who else would understand the adverse effect of dwindling revenue than the governor who has not been able to pay salaries of his state’s workers for several months?

    While the impact of long years of neglect by successive governments has reduced the region to grave environmental decay, abject poverty and psychological injury, some positive steps have also been taken by the federal government, since the return of democracy in 1999, to address the genuine agitation of the region.

    These included setting up the Niger Delta Development Agency (NNDC), Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs and the Presidential Amnesty Programme, by the administrations of former President Olusegun Obasanjo and Umaru Yar’Adua, respectively. These agencies were designed to address the poor state of the region by fast-tracking development and ultimately bringing succour to the impoverished region.

    But have these interventionist agencies been able to meet their mandate of physical and human capital development of the region? Or has the oppressive system that services the interest of the few elite in the region eroded the overall interest of the people?

    Several indices indicate a systemic decay that bothers on the character and integrity of successive drivers of the interventionist agencies. In fact, the alleged poor work ethics and the lackadaisical attitude of the contractors handling projects for these agencies and apparent lack of willpower by the heads of these agencies and the organs of government that oversight their activities are in the public domain.

    For instance, there was a recent disclosure about the discovery of tons of expired drugs in an NDDC warehouse. These multimillion naira drugs, procured with government resources, which were supposed to be delivered to various health facilities in the region, never left the warehouse until they expired.

    That amounted to loss to the people and waste of government resources. The only persons that benefit from such wastes are the dubious indigenous contractors and their insider-friends that ensured they got the contract. When things like these happen, they reinforce the argument that we are our own enemies.

  • Fuel subsidy: The real enemies

    Buffeted from all sides by vicious vultures, the government last week finally caved in to the demand of advocates of deregulation by increasing   pump price of petroleum from N87 to N145. The increase, according to Lai Mohammed, Minister of Information was inevitable, citing as reasons the dwindling foreign reserve, the reduction in crude production from 2.2m bpd to 1.65 bpd because of vandalisation of oil pipelines by sponsored elements and the fact that the N16.4b needed monthly for subsidy was just not available. We can add the sabotage by independent oil marketers who openly declared that importation of over 70% of oil consumption requirement by a government that refused to give their members foreign exchange will not bring an end to long queues at filling stations because NNPC is dependent on their storage facilities.

    The government has other off-shore detractors starting with Forbes and Bloomberg magazines that described Buhari as ‘obstinate’ for refusing to devalue the naira and take IMF loan, their principals including the IMF itself and other western leaders like David Cameron who survives on proceeds of stolen funds warehoused in their countries and of course those who stand to lose from government’s ban on 21 items gulping $12b of our foreign exchange every four months. Unfortunately, Buhari and his cash-strapped government need cash from even his detractors to finance a deficit budget of N2 trillion. Hence instead of apology, he appealed to Cameron to return our cash. His efforts at making beneficiaries of funds illegally taken out of the CBN vault with boxes, vomit what they all admitted was shared, is not receiving the support of some judges and some unpatriotic senior members of the bench. The Arab world he turned to for cash to implement his N2b budget deficit, have said, as players in the global financial market,  access to their loans is also tied to IMF ‘conditionalities’.  China of course was not ready to give cash but projects.  And reparation of stolen funds creatively deployed by some western countries to solve problems of social dislocations in their societies is a slow process.

    Unfortunately, in what is nothing but an act of misplaced aggression, those of us,  whose battle Buhari is fighting at his old age, are being misguided by  Labour that looked the other way while salaries of civil servants including doctors were unpaid for six  months by 26 states of the federation while the current lawmakers engaged in profligacy. Meanwhile our real enemies, the political elite and their trader-capitalists who have since 1999 waged war against the impoverished poor earning between N10,000–N18,000 and the middle class have continued to behave as if they are doing us a favour by serving us.

    While the lowest paid workers may now have to spend their take home pay on transportation, going by the Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC), each of the of the 109 senators earns N19.26m. His House of Reps counterpart earns a little less. This is apart from quarterly office running cost put at N192million per senator per quarter while their House of Representatives counterparts received N140 million (2009 figures). They also get about N500,000 as wardrobe allowance, N202, 640 as newspapers/periodicals allowance, recess allowance of over N200, 000. They collect interest-free car loans. They have official cars fuelled by taxpayers. In the past they executed multi-million constituency projects. They take severance package which is in millions after four years while pensioners are unable to collect their pension years after retirement. About 21 of them are ex-governors who after mouth-watering severance packages of houses, cars and cash still collect pension as well as scandalously high salaries.

    It was these self-serving lawmakers that started our nightmare shortly after Obasanjo’s inauguration in 1999. The inauguration was followed by long queues in filling stations as a result of artificial scarcity created by cash-strapped politicians who claimed they sold houses to fight the 1999 election. Obasanjo’ s award of contract to refurbish the refineries was sabotaged by the politicians who failed to deliver after collecting contract payment. Then a self-serving bill for the establishment of PPPRA was promptly  passed into law and quickly assented to by Obasanjo within three months, February to May 2003. Its mandate was to ‘liberalise the downstream sector of the petroleum industry, privatise the refineries, deregulate and liberalise the imports of petroleum products and, generally, make the products available at reasonable prices.

    But PPPRA became tool for political patronage. The body then went on to increase the number of fuel importers from less than a dozen to over 148 made up of PDP stalwarts and their siblings. In 2011, it inflated consumption of imported petroleum products by N1trillion. A House probe was to show later that these PDP stalwarts and their siblings allegedly stole about N1.7 trillion through fraudulent practices including forging of government documents to receive subsidy without ‘importing a bottle of fuel’. Thirteen years down the line, PPPRA with staff strength of 249, and a 22-man strong board, earning salaries and allowances of N57.9 billion per annum, serves only the interest of those that set it up. It is not a surprise that one of their former board members has been linked with the Panama scandal.

    Sadly, by the time Buhari was throwing in the towel last week, some of their other baleful legacies include dysfunctional refineries, the collapse of the  over 4,000 kilometres of oil pipeline commissioned by Obasanjo in 1979, as well as  government-owned fuel tank farms with PPPRA now dependent on the storage facilities of members of Depot Petroleum Products Marketers Association (DAPPMA) with some boasting of the largest and most modern storage facilities in the world and the Independent Marketers Company (NIPCO) that has invested billions in storage facilities.

    While the nation frittered away about $30b on fuel subsidy between 2011 and 2012, an amount enough to build several refineries, at the time, Dangote’s $14b refinery which will come on stream in 2018, will not only meet the nations demand for fuel consumption but also put an end to 100% importation of fertilizer. “Today, Nigeria imports 100 percent of its fertilizer, but when we finish, Nigeria will be the largest exporter of Urea and Ammonia in Africa, and it will meet our total domestic requirement and save foreign exchange”, Dangote recently declared. His director has also confirmed “The refinery is the largest single line in Africa’, with refining capacity of 650,000 barrels per day (bpd), production of 750,000 metric tons of polypropylene per year and 2.8 million tones of fertilizer per annum,” Adding his own voice, Emefiele  the CBN Governor said “it will fetch Dangote about $6b foreign exchange earning which will bring relief to a nation that until Buhari’s courageous moves last week  was spending about 38% of its reserve on subsidy.”

    Labour has a duty to let those it represents know that Buhari is not the enemy but David Mark, Ekweremadu, Saraki, Gbajabiamila who awarded themselves generous pay for oversight function they performed in default, their colleagues who engaged in on what Obasanjo once called ‘theatrics on the floor of the National Assembly’ over subsidy removal when there was no subsidy appropriation. We can add subsidy cartels that stole N1.7t,  those who according to ex-Governor Peter Obi “were paid for vessels that were not anywhere near the Nigerian waters”, the  25 marketers who were  ordered to pay back N382 billion to the government following the findings of the presidential committee that looked into the disbursement of the fuel subsidy fund, vandals engaged in vandalisation of oil pipelines and their patrons  and finally some of those unskilled or dubious Nigeria- trader capitalists  who are richer than Nigeria and now threaten the system with the idle $20b kept in domiciliary account.

  • Saraki’s real enemies

    For Bukola Saraki, who like his illustrious father, is a successful trader and peddler of influence, nothing is impossible. He has never experienced failure.  But now buffeted by one misfortune after the other, it seems his first taste of failure is not too far away. Unfortunately, instead of looking at himself on the mirror to see how his past has come to haunt him, he has continued to attribute his current travails to his political detractors especially his party leaders and elected colleagues who publicly disapproved of the underhand tactics he employed to emerge as Senate President.

    His trial after his controversial emergence as Senate President started with observation by his colleagues in the Senate that the Senate amended rules employed for his election  was forged, a claim confirmed by the police after investigation. That was quickly followed by the invitation of Toyin, his wife for questioning by EFCC over her handling of some contracts while her husband held sway in Kwara as governor. But this didn’t appear to have anything to do with Saraki’s aggrieved colleagues as the invitation according to EFCC was on the strength of a petition by Kwara PDP alleging unwholesome practices. And  Saraki  himself was soon to be dragged before the Code Of Conduct Tribunal for prosecution over ‘13 counts of false and anticipatory asset declaration which he made at the beginning and at the end of each of his two terms as governor’. Here again, as the commission has pointed out, the action was on the strength of ‘several petitions from various groups including  ‘Kwara Freedom Network’, all bordering on abuse of office, misappropriation of public funds and money laundering’.

    And when the case finally opened last week, the commission disclosed it found document from Saka Tinubu Saraki’s office containing the list of properties he allegedly “purchased from Presidential Implementation Committee on Government Properties and some that were bought from the Central Bank of Nigeria”. Michael Wetkas, a detective with EFCC told the tribunal how Saraki as governor diverted Kwara State government funds to pay loans he took to buy the properties. The commission also claimed Saraki paid back the loans with Kwara State government’s fund through his aides, one of whom lodged between N600,000 and N900,000 in the former governor’s account 50 times on a particular day. And when Saraki, a veteran deal maker finally takes the defence seat, it will be interesting to see the weight he will attach to ‘political detractors.’

    Wetkas last Wednesday also told the tribunal that ‘Saraki collected salary as the governor of Kwara State for about four years after completing his second term in 2011’, a charge the Secretary to the Kwara State Government, Alhaji Isiaka Gold, has denied insisting Saraki was only collecting a pension of N578, 188.00 which increased to N1, 239,493.94 monthly from October, 2014 as other past governors in the country.” Until the tribunal says otherwise, we have no reason to doubt Mr. Gold’s claim.  But if it is insensitive for a former governor-turned-senator to collect N1.2m as pension along with a senator’s huge salaries said to be highest in the world, Saraki alone bears the moral burden.

    But Saraki’s long and harrowing Wednesday did not come to an end until Wetkas had presented documentary evidence showing that “First offer letter by the Presidential Implementation Committee to buy  the  property at 15A and B McDonald Road, Ikoyi, which Saraki claimed to have  bought through Carlie Investments Limited in March, 2000, was dated November 23, 2006.’ And if the tribunal eventually finds that to be true, how can APC and some of its elected senators who were themselves victims of Saraki’s most audacious deal of his political career-trading away his party’s victory, be held accountable for a deal Saraki struck 15 years earlier?

    But Saraki’s witch-doctors are at liberty to say anything no matter how asinine in order to earn their pay. If they insist Buhari, Oyegun, Tinubu and the Unity Forum senators are behind Saraki’s travails, an offshore dimension was introduced last week.  A German newspaper, Süddeutsche Zeitung, identified  four assets ; Sandon Development Limited, a vehicle used in acquiring a property on 8 Whittaker Street, Belgravia, London, in 2012;  Girol Properties Ltd, which was registered on August 25, 2004 (a year after Mrs. Saraki’s husband became governor of Kwara) in the British Virgin Island (BVI); Landfield International Developments Ltd., registered in the British Virgin Islands on April 8, 2014, with  Mrs. Saraki as sole shareholder; and Longmeadow Holdings Limited,  which Saraki claimed belonged to  his wife’s rich and famous family, were actually his and were only held in trust for him by his wife.

    And now for those who talk of witch-hunting, our people have said if there are no cracks on the wall, there will be no hiding place for a lizard. A witch has always been suspected to be on the prowl since 1990 when Saraki allegedly got involved in an N9b deal which eventually led to the collapse of Societe Generale, a bank in which his father held controlling shares, and in 2009 when Erasmus Akingbola alleged that Saraki’s multi-billion naira deals contributed to the collapse of his bank.

    I am not persuaded anyone should weep for Saraki because God Himself decreed we must reap what we sow. Saraki sowed the wind and he is now reaping the whirlwind. That he is haunted by his past is the truth he and some other fortune-seekers in the Senate have tried to reject. It is not an accident that the petition against Saraki, like the one against his wife, emanated from Kwara long before Saraki’s June 2015 deal. Authors of the petitions have owned up and in fact thanked EFCC for acting in the interest of the exploited people of Kwara. That he had to be whisked away by the police from stone-throwing juveniles in Ilorin praying ground during the last SALLAH celebration was enough evidence to show that the exploited citizens of Ilorin who assemble every year and made to struggle for a few naira notes thrown at them have become disillusioned. Kwara is an area Oloye Saraki, Bukola’s father had treated like a personal fiefdom for over 50 years before his son, a more vicious business man who bulldozes everything on his way, forcefully seized it, sending his father to untimely retirement, and some will say death.

    If I am therefore asked, I will say Saraki’s enemies are not his political distracters. Saraki’s first enemy is Saraki himself. We can then proceed to add others like his friends who argue from both sides of the mouth claiming, ‘Dr. Saraki will not allow any distraction to take him away from Presidency of the Senate since an accused person is presumed innocent until he is found guilty’ while insisting Danladi Umar, the chairman of the Code of Conduct Tribunal cannot try Saraki because he has petitions filed against him at the House of Representatives and the Senate. Others include his unpatriotic ‘like mind senators’ who because of their greed wanted to make Nigeria ungovernable for Buhari by ‘stealing’ the deputy senate presidency which by convention belongs to the ruling party.

    And finally we can add those who accuse a section of the media of being anti-Saraki and of helping Buhari to fight his anti corruption war ignoring the fact that there is no society where the press is neutral on social issues. They conveniently forget that not too long ago, another section of the press celebrated economic vampires, substituted Shettima’s truth with Okupes lies about the state preparedness of the military and for a price, provided platform for criminals and also justified Saraki’s perfidy with specious argument that he was protecting Buhari from the overweening influence of Tinubu and the Yoruba.

  • Fayose’s detractors, enemies of democracy

    SIR: I wish to disabuse the mind of the general public of the erroneous and maligning comments being made about the governor of Ekiti State, Ayodele Fayose. Every student of political history knows that there is no democracy where there is no opposition. It appears that the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) is bent on stifling the voice of the Ekiti governor, who, undoubtedly, is the remaining voice of opposition in the country.

    Since the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) lost the general election last year, even the vocal publicity secretary of the party, Olisa Metuh, appears to have been cowed to silence. But Governor Fayose has remained undaunted in criticizing perceived anti-people policies of the Muhammadu Buhari-led APC government. There still are many PDP leaders whose voices should be heard as active opposition to the APC government. But lull is the word within the rank of the party leaders. I personally believe that Fayose has remained unbending in the face of harassment by federal government agencies, perhaps, because he has no skeleton in his cupboard.

    Moreover, despite his visible contribution to national politics, paucity of funds and federal government harassment, Fayose is doing a yeoman’s job in the state he was elected to govern. The dual-carriage way he constructed from Ado-Ekiti, the state capital, to Ikere-Ekiti during his first stint as governor had been left by successive governments to deteriorate. Fayose is back on the site of the road now, reconstructing the road and even extending it further. He has completed the dualisation of the Awedele – Textile road with street lights. This is apart from a new road from Pathfinder area to Police headquarters. All these were done within his first one year in office.

    Fayose has demolished the old Erekesan (oja oba) market. Construction of an ultramodern market has since begun at the site. He recently flagged off the construction of a flyover starting from High Court to Okeyinmi area. All these are testimonies that despite his participation in national politics, governance in his state has not suffered neglect.

    It is evident that Fayose’s detractors are merely playing to the gallery. Theirs is not politics of objectivity and development. They seem at best to be federal government’s paid agents whose sole aim is to stifle the remaining voice of opposition. If they are not stopped immediately, Nigeria might be heading towards autocracy in a supposedly democratic environment.

     

    • Adeola Oloko,

     Ado-Ekiti, Ekiti State.

  • El-Rufai sees us as enemies -Shi’ite sect

    El-Rufai sees us as enemies -Shi’ite sect

    Islamic Movement in Nigeria, otherwise known as the Shi’ite sect, has described the Kaduna State Governor, Malam Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai as their enemy and anti-Shi’ite governor.

    The sect in reaction to the Thursday night state broadcast by the governor on the recent clash between members of the sect and men of the Nigerian army stated categorically that, “It is clear that the governor is more like an extremist anti-Shi’ite governor and not a state governor.”

    Shi’ite in a rejoinder by the President of its media forum, Malam Ibrahim Musa said, “Going by the concept and tone of the state broadcast on the extra-judicial killing of thousands of members of the Islamic Movement in Nigeria by the Nigerian Army, delivered by the Kaduna State Governor, Nasir Ahmed el-Rufai, it is clear that the governor is more like an extremist anti-Shi’ite governor and not a state governor.

    “Although the governor took his time in his speech to elaborate on rights to religion and social association, but he chose to deny only the Shi’ites such rights who he sees as his enemies.

    “Clearly, he spent considerable time collecting propaganda details indicting the movement, which further buttresses the point that the state governor has his hands soiled by the blood spilled in the mass extra-judicial killings perpetrated by the Army.

    “In that circumstance, no justice should be expected from a speech made up with details only provided by the antagonistic culprits without hearing from the other party who are the victims in this case.

    “During the one-sided speech, he brought up a number of allegations that he said they discovered. We will take up these one after the other:

    “He alleged that our centre had no building permit and such other allegations. One wonders why if the Kaduna state government felt the Hussainiyah was wrongly erected or breached planning permits, they did not resort to legal action rather than use of brutal force. Why not get a court order to effect an eviction? Or does the government mean there are no magistrates or Alkali left in Zaria anymore? For Governor El-Rufai to claim that there is no valid paper on the land on which Husainiyya was built as the basis for this military attack, only further proves that the attack was premeditated.

    “We are equally astonished when the Governor in his broadcast claimed that “they had tried to forcibly acquire the property of their neighbours; this is apart from subjecting residents to an illegal curfew.” We challenge the governor to cite one particular case where we forcibly acquired a property, let alone a time when we imposed curfew.

    “The governor also claimed that “There had been tension in parts of Zaria since Thursday, 10 December 2015, when members of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria were alleged to have attacked Gabari, a community on the outskirts of Zaria, in continuation of a dispute over a mosque.”

    “We would like to ask Mr. Governor how many disputes over mosques have been reported in the 37 years that the IMN have been there in Zaria? The idea that Shiites will go and take over a Salafi mosque is as laughable as the idea that Christian evangelicals will raid a Catholic cathedral and tell the adherents to get out. This big lie cannot stand any scrutiny. What happened in Gabari is not “Mosque snatching” as the governor claims. It was a case of some Salafist bent on attacking the Shiites in the neighbourhood. In the process they killed one person the week before and a further three Shiites on Thursday. The governor cleverly stated this in his speech as if to show that we were not the victims but the assailants.

    “The Governor made mention of the Arbaeen symbolic trek as an instance where we blocked roads for four days when he stated, “In the last two weeks, the Islamic Movement of Nigeria has also illegally occupied federal roads. Over a period of four days, they took over one side of the federal expressway between Kaduna and Zaria, and the roads to Kano and Katsina.” Clearly, this is a deliberate attempt to twist the facts. During the Arbaeen symbolic treks, we block only limited part of the road, and this is to protect persons from traffic accidents, control mass movement and avoid chaos on the roads. The governor here was trying to give the impression of a complete occupation of a lane for four days. That was not the case. Blocks were only from junction to junction on the roads. The public was informed about these little inconveniences with apologies on public radio and television stations throughout the trek. Road users during the period would be surprised by the governor’s statement.

    “How does this compare with similar road blocks by others such as the Military itself that blocks from Jaji to Zaria, and at times from Kaduna to Zaria or within Zaria metropolis during their parades? Citing road block as the reason for this brutal attack is just laughable. Where in the law books is it written that those who block the roads should be massacred without trials?”

    The sect also accused the governor of fiddling with the truth by saying in his broadcast, “In addition, members of the movement are alleged to openly carry and use offensive weapons.” They challenged the governor to mention those weapons they found when security agents razed Husainiyya to the ground or Sheikh Zakzaky’s residence. While the military involved in this operation said in its press conference that they did not find any weapons after all the mass killings they did in Zaria, the governor in his desperate attempt to blacklist the movement, still talked of offensive weapons. From the speech of the governor one can deduce that he did all he can to portray the movement as assailants.

    “After leveling all allegations against the movement, the governor went ahead to talk of setting up a Judicial Board of inquiry. One wonders why he didn’t leave the inquiry to determine who are the assailants and who are the victims. Definitely the scope and mission of the inquiry could be problematic. The army is a federal institution. It would be difficult enough for a state judge to inquire into what they have done when they are not answerable to state officials. How will such a judge now also overturn conclusions already reached by the governor?”

     

  • The liberal tradition and its enemies

    The death of Stanley Macebuh last weekend robs Nigeria of one of its greatest minds ever; a man of outstanding intellect and great cultivation.  He was cut in the finest tradition of the liberal intellectual. He was refined, humane and tolerant of dissenting opinion. He was also generous and compulsively selfless. In a brutal and uncaring society, these endearing traits cannot be part of a survivalist kit or a manual for manumission from economic slavery. But exceptional nobility of spirit is not a crime. It is a monument in itself.

    Stanley Macebuh was the quintessential man of ideas, an intellectuals’ intellectual and a pundit among pundits. He was unarguably the doyen of intellectual journalism in Nigeria. To make this claim is of course to do grievous injustice to those “old thunderers” of early Nigerian journalism; anti-colonial men of letters and pan-African patriots who took the colonialists to the cleaners in their own game of fiery polemics. In his grave, Lord Lugard still winces in pain at the rowdy effrontery of “these seditious niggers”.

    But when we are talking of intellectual journalism, we are talking of a deliberate and systematic infusion of ideas and conceptual rigour into the practice of journalism and the transposition of the principles of standard scholarship into its modus operandi. On this, the scholarly and urbane Macebuh was the dean and doyen. He was the driving motivator and master of connectivity.

    It is to be noted that before Macebuh arrived on these shores from America, he was already a tenured Associate Professor and author of two acclaimed scholarly works particularly a memorable treatise on James Baldwin, the celebrated African American writer. Had he chosen to stay on in America, the sky would have been the limit. But America’s loss is Nigeria’s inestimable gain.

    It is to this fortuitous development in conjunction with certain beneficial economic and political circumstances that we owe the intellectual transformation that has taken root in Nigerian journalism. A few prominent Nigerian journalists might have become a corrupt and unethical lot, but there can be no doubting the keenness of their mind or the soundness of their education. If in the process they have become a more menacing danger to the society, this is a subject for another day.

    Before its dramatic transformation, journalism in Nigeria was in danger of becoming a veritable haven of “the flotsam and jetsam” of the society as Jeremiah Obafemi Awolowo once memorably put it. The typical column was an impressionistic rollercoaster lacking intellectual depth or rigorous engagement; full of sound and fury; brimming with petty sulking and nasty name-calling. Conceptual thinking was persona non grata and litigious writs flew in all directions from Agbadagbudu to Kakawa Street.

    Macebuh and his colleagues seized all this intemperate nonsense by the scruff of the neck. Apart from Macebuh with his cherubic insouciance and professorial mien, there was the courtly, cigar-chomping Patrick Dele Cole with his donnish imperiousness and Oxbridge bravura. And then there was Oladele Sunmonu Giwa, he of the film star good looks and Great Gatsby sartorial aplomb, who pioneered a new tradition of feature writing based on American New Journalism with its combination of creative flair and political pizzazz.

    It must be said at this point that certain favourable developments anticipated and complemented this new intellectual crusade in journalism. First, was Alhaji Jose’s visionary policy of recruiting fresh graduates into Journalism. This singular policy was so transformative that it led to a paradigm shift and an explosion of talents. Next was the arrival on our campuses from various graduate schools a new generation of university teachers who were bent on having a say in how the nation was run. Finally, the economic and political climate was quite good. Nigeria was awash with petrodollars, and having survived a Civil War, the country was also steadily and solidly transiting to democratic rule.

    But something was afoot in journalism. Something truly new was coming out of Africa. The old order took it all in the chin, shocked and awed by the daring of it all and the breezy confidence of the shamans of the new order. Ruing the momentous developments one afternoon on the corridor of the Daily Times at Kakawa with a friend, the late Chief Olu Akaraogun, himself a notable journalist with considerable intellectual firepower, was shocked out of wits when Stanley Macebuh, the subject matter, suddenly materialised. But rather than join an animated but futile discussion, Macebuh romped through the duo as if they were nonexistent. Macebuh took both praise and damnation in his stride.

    Stanley Macebuh always took things in his stride. He was not a temperamental genius. He was gifted with calm fortitude and equanimity. He was courteous, courtly and unfailingly polite, but he knew his onions. He could be roused to occasional fury by ungentlemanly conduct. But till the end, there was something about him which reminded one of a star professor in a notable American campus. Perhaps it was his mien and comportment.

    But the professorial mantra cuts both ways. While it connotes a cool sobriety and calm detachment, it also suggests a certain degree of naiveté and idealistic hubris. In the real world to be dismissed as an intellectual is to be deemed to be on sabbatical from grim reality. In the brutal world of post-colonial politics it is almost always fatal to be demonised as an intellectual.

    Yet only a visionary idealist could have conceived The Guardian on such magnitude and magnificence. The Guardian remains a magnificent tribute to visionary idealism and the ineluctable power of brilliant ideas and to the fact that no monument is ever left behind by the incurable cynic. But The Guardian is also a telling reminder of how lofty idealism can come unstuck under the relentless hammer of dogged reality.

    The typical Macebuh project always came unstuck as recalcitrant reality came into violent and potentially fatal contradiction with posturing idealism. To have imagined that the liberal tradition as it is known in the west can be transplanted to a post-colonial culture without first transforming its illiberal economy and politics is a classic instance of daydreaming that is particularly touching in its idyllic innocence.

    To think that the tenets of New Journalism as it is practised in America can be grafted overnight on a culture nurtured by Fleet Street and the wizards of Wapping is to fail to distinguish between harsh reality and elevated reverie. Finally, to begin to imagine that intellectual capital, however solid and sterling, will be equated to real capital when the blue chips are down is to substitute fiction and fantasy for the real world. But as Paul de Man has taught us in Literary Theory, the moment of great insight is often accompanied by great blindness.

    The illiberal culture has a way of taking care of the liberal tradition. No organic liberal tradition can emerge from a society steeped in authoritarian and feudal mores. As we are currently learning with the drama unfolding in Nigeria, the more you try to humour such a malignant tradition, the more severe and exorbitant its price becomes.

    Stanley Macebuh ought to have learnt the lesson very early enough. Shortly after the military retreated to the barracks, Dr Patrick Dele Cole, his bosom friend and confidant, was eased out of office. Most politicians have no time for freewheeling intellectuals. For Macebuh, the final straw and the moment of radical epiphany came not long after. By his own admission, he had gone back to Umaru Dikko’s office to retrieve a document only to find the great man of letters and Admiral of the rice armada, red biro in hand, poring over an editorial he (Macebuh) had just passed for publication. It doesn’t get more liberal than that.

    Still, it must be conceded that it takes a certain audacity of hope to have conceived The Guardian on such a scale, and so soon after The Daily Times fiasco. The Guardian at its inception was the greatest constellation of intellectual luminaries to have graced any newspaper stable in the history of Nigeria. It was brimful of the best and the brightest and boasted of all kinds of ideological tendencies from the far left to the far right. Almost three decades later, one still marvels at how anybody could have pulled off such a stupendous coup. It was a starry-eyed venture by a starry-eyed intellectual.

    As a completely detribalised Nigerian who believed in the aristocracy of intellect, one of the unintended consequences of the arrival of The Guardian was that it opened the door for many Nigerians who were technically Macebuh’s intellectual adversaries to be heard. Snooper owes Macebuh  and Dele Giwa a personal debt of gratitude for this development. But as usual, reality came knocking very fast. The strange but understandable reversal of The Guardian’s “simply Mr” policy was a sickening blow to its credibility but it was a pointer to a coming katakata. It showcases the immense capacity of a rooted and organic illiberal culture to upend a disembodied liberal tradition. From this point, things began to read like the chronicle of a liberal collapse foretold.

    After the great electoral robbery of 1983 by the Shagari administration, The Guardian for a long time maintained a studied and significant silence. It was a case of hear no evil and see no evil. It took a blistering and damning rejoinder from a don in one of our universities to rouse the flagship from its millennial stupor. The article was published on 1st November, 1983 after The Guardian Nomenklatura sat on it for over five weeks. As the author, yours sincerely should know.

    As a direct response to the article and a rebuttal of its argumentative thrust, Stanley Macebuh penned a classic famously titled, The liberal Tradition and its Enemies. It was Macebuh at his most brilliantly persuasive and at the summit of his stylistic sublimity. But the article was also seething with glaring contradictions and unintended ironies. Rather than calming frayed nerves, it brought a gale of intellectual recriminations which only subsided with the military take over a few weeks after. The Guardian and Macebuh had been badly mauled.

    After this, it was only a question of time before the contradiction between real capital and intellectual capital would arrive at the flashing point of fatality. In the contest between brutish, illiberal power and effete liberality the outcome is certain. The end came not long thereafter. In a night of the long knife, Stanley Macebuh was summarily cashiered from The Guardian. He was also reportedly slammed with an oath of silence as part of the settlement.

    By this time, Dele Giwa had been physically accounted for. SAP was also taking care of those rowdy professors who were disturbing the peace of the nation by writing what they were not paid to write. Surely, if they do not eat, they cannot philosophize; and if they are made to become pedestrians all over again, their thinking will also become pedestrian. By which time they will know the true husband of their mothers. And so it came to pass. All became quiet on the intellectual front. It is called the pacification of professors.

    But Stanley has paid his dues and paid the price. Hurt by the abominable discourtesy with which he had been treated by the capital class, Macebuh also made a bid to acquire real capital through the business of sugar importation. This did not go far either. Impishly hilarious as usual, MKO Abiola was known to have accosted Macebuh at a public function. “Ah Stanley, sugar is sweet ooo!!!”, MKO bellowed. “Chief, but money sweet pass”, Macebuh was said to have shot back.

    Sugar is sweet, money is sweeter but power is the sweetest. In his bid to understudy power, Stanley Macebuh was rewarded with serial dismissal by his friend, General Olusegun Obasanjo. Perhaps we can now conclude. The greatest enemies of the trader in intellectual commodity are not the other traders in ideas however adversarial but the trader in power as a commodity. The greatest enemy of the liberal tradition is the illiberal tradition and its champions and collaborators. Let this great Nigerian now rest in peace.

     

    • First published in 2009