Tag: evidence

  • A witness and evidence

    Former Minister of State for Defence Musiliu Obanikoro’s answer to a question in court prompted other questions. Obanikoro, a witness of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in the ongoing trial of former Ekiti State governor Ayo Fayose, can be described as a star witness.

    A March 20 report said: “Under cross-examination by counsel for Spotless Limited, Fayose’s co-accused, Mr Olalekan Ojo (SAN), Obanikoro said there was no documentary evidence to back up all he said in court. Ojo asked him: “Did you produce any evidence to back any of your assertions before this court?” Obanikoro answered: “No.” This happened at the Federal High Court in Lagos.

    Fayose is on trial for allegedly receiving and keeping N1.2 billion and $5 million allegedly stolen from the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA), contrary to the Money Laundering Act.  Obanikoro had allegedly delivered the money to Fayose to fund the former governor’s 2014 governorship campaign.   The EFCC listed Obanikoro as one of 22 witnesses to testify in the trial.

    Before the trial, in 2016, while Obanikoro was being questioned by the EFCC in connection with the distribution of over N4billion taken from the ONSA, he was quoted as saying: “Out of N4.685billon transferred to Sylva McNamara Limited, N3.880billion was transferred to both Ayodele Fayose and Senator Omisore through cash and bank transfers. The dollars contents were handed over to Fayose personally by me in the presence of some party leaders and he collected it and took it to the room next to where we were all seated.”

    Fayose had pleaded not guilty when he was arraigned on an 11-count charge last October. Obanikoro’s testimony was supposed to show that Fayose is guilty. The question is: Can this happen without “documentary evidence?”

    The lawyer’s question, Obanikoro’s response, and Fayose’s claim that he isn’t guilty, present an interesting picture. It suggests that this is a matter of Obanikoro’s word against Fayose’s.

    Obanikoro’s admitted failure to produce any evidence to back any of his assertions before the court could be problematic. Of course, there are other EFCC witnesses in the trial. However, it remains to be seen how Obanikoro’s non-presentation of evidence may affect the final outcome of the trial.

    From the look of things, Obanikoro never expected a day when he would be expected to provide corruption-related evidence against Fayose in court. Their corrupt collaboration, which Obanikoro testified to, will haunt them.

  • Where is the evidence?

    Two weeks into the presidential election 2019 campaign, a non-issue is still an issue. Minister of Information and Culture Lai Mohammed responded to talk of a presidential impersonator on November 29. Mohammed said to journalists in Abuja: “It is idiotic to say the President is cloned. I don’t see any serious government responding to that.” But the minister’s response amounted to a response by the federal government.

    The issue still attracts attention. President Muhammadu Buhari is said to have died and his place taken by an impersonator. This tale was reportedly triggered by a tweet by user @sam_ezeh on September 3, 2017, following Buhari’s recovery from an undisclosed illness. The president was treated abroad.

    A report said: “A video outlining the claim has since been shared more than 5,000 times on Facebook and Twitter. In it, Nnamdi Kanu, the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), tells his followers that Buhari had died. ‘The man you are looking at on the television is not Buhari… His name is Jubril, he’s from Sudan. After extensive surgery they brought him back,’ he says.”

    Repetition of falsehood doesn’t make it true. But does Nnamdi Kanu know this truth? The controversial IPOB leader had repeated the absurdity about a week before Mohammed responded.  Kanu claimed in a radio broadcast that Buhari was dead and a look-alike from Sudan, Jubril Aminu Al-Sudani, was in Aso Rock, the seat of federal power.

    Kanu’s words: “Jubril is in Aso Rock… In any reasonable country around the world, the citizens should by now commence a worldwide protest to demand the identity of their president. Why is this Sudanese impostor in Aso Rock?”

    If the citizens are not protesting as Kanu expects, it is because they don’t know what Kanu claims to know about Buhari. And what Kanu claims to know is an absurdity. His illogic: “There was once a rumour that Obasanjo was dead but he came out and said ‘I dey kampe.’ Jubril can’t do that because he is not Buhari. Nigeria must fall. It is going to collapse under the weight of this fraud and deception of Jubril. I am not going to make trouble. I want them to return Jubril from whence he came. We can no longer be part of this fraud.”

    Some thinking is needed here: If there is a Buhari double in Aso Rock, what is the point of impersonating the president if he is unable to publicly assert that he is Buhari? If the alleged impersonator is unable to declare that he is Buhari, then it is an absurd impersonation.

    Kanu deepened the absurdity by claiming that US President Donald Trump never met with the real Buhari. What he means is that the April meeting was between Trump and the said Jubril.

    A report said Kanu “argued that pre-2017 photographs of President Muhammadu Buhari’s left side outer ear had a deformed lobule and a straight antihelix,” adding that those features could no longer be seen in the president’s recent photographs.

    Kanu’s observation suggests that he has become an anatomist of sorts. It is absurd that he insists on the accuracy of his absurd claims. This is yet another stunt by Kanu who has moved from stunt to stunt in the course of leading the separatist group. A reasonable stuntman should know that there are limits to the stunt business. Kanu’s performance so far casts doubt on his reasonableness.

    In addition, Kanu is not a credible voice.  He had disappeared on September 14, 2017, while on bail. He was facing trial for “alleged offences of conspiracy to commit acts of treasonable felony and other related offences.”  His reappearance 13 months after was as mysterious as his disappearance. His sureties had been asked to account for his whereabouts, but they seemed not to know.

    Following Kanu’s disappearance, his lawyers had argued that the Nigerian army authorities should be made to produce him because he allegedly disappeared during an operation by soldiers. They described the operation as “a murderous raid, where live and mortar bullets were fired on unarmed and defenceless people, leaving 28 persons dead.”  When Kanu suddenly reappeared at the Wailing Wall in the Holy City of David in Jerusalem, on October 19, it highlighted his lack of credibility.

    The ridiculous claim about Buhari has been repeated by others, including Reno Omokri, a former aide to President Goodluck Jonathan, and Femi Fani- Kayode, a former minister.  But where is the evidence? It is a reflection of lack of clarity and confusion that some have called the alleged Buhari double “Jubril” while others have called him “Jibrin.”

    Mohammed’s response coincided with Buhari’s presence in Chad for a meeting of Heads of States and Governments of the Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC). Buhari, who is LCBC chairman, had called the meeting towards finding a solution to the Boko Haram insurgency.

    Mohammed’s words:  ”So, the same Jibrin that was cloned from Sudan or Chad is in Chad now? Isn’t that stupid? They even said he is from Chad. Yet, the same President is in Chad as we speak. The same Jibrin is remembering what the President did while in Petroleum Trust Fund and he is also remembering what he did when he was Head of State between 1983 and 1985.”

    The minister continued: “All the ministers do not know who is before them when they attend the Federal Executive Council meeting? The President remembers the memos he had seen or heard about in 1985 and we say he is cloned. So, Jibrin from Chad or Sudan will now remember all of these? It is too silly for the government to respond to this.  It must be ignored.”

    It is pertinent to focus on the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate campaigning for a second term as president.  Is he an impersonator?  What does Buhari need to do to finally show that those spreading this story are talking complete rubbish?

    The story is food for thought. It shows negative inventiveness.  A report said: “CrosscheckNigeria, a collaboration of newsrooms in Nigeria, comprising, among others, icirnigeria.org and The News Agency of Nigeria, has investigated this claim and found no evidence to support it.”

  • Army neutralises 2 female bombers

    The Nigerian Army says it neutralised two female suicide bombers, who attempted to infiltrate troops in Kawuri, in Konduga Local Government Area on Friday.

    Deputy Director Public Relations, Theatre Command Operation Lafiya Dole, Col. Onyema Nwachukwu, disclosed this in a statement yesterday.

    Nwachukwu said that the suicide bombers had used the cover of darkness to stalk the military camp at about 9.45 pm but were promptly detected by the vigilant troops who engaged them when they refused to comply with their order.

    He said one of the suicide vests detonated immediately killing the two suicide bombers while the second suicide vest failed to detonate.

    He explained that the Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) team had safely detonated the suicide vest.

     

  • ‘Obanikoro’s evidence has vindicated me’

    ‘Obanikoro’s evidence has vindicated me’

    The whistleblower on the alleged fraud that marred the 2014 governorship election in Ekiti State, Temitope Aluko, has said he has been vindicated by the evidence given in court by former Minister of State (Defence) Musiliu Obanikoro.

    Aluko said the court cannot be stopped from revisiting the alleged manipulation of the polls with fresh evidence of the use of arms fund, soldiers and other acts that violated the Electoral Act.

    He added that the January 24 Federal High Court judgment ,which took the control of the state PDP structure away from Governor Ayo Fayose, has saved the party and ended one-man dictatorship.

    Speaking on a special interview programme on ADABA 88.9 FM monitored by our reporter, Aluko said Fayose was afraid of his shadow, adding that the governor knew that the election violated the constitution and the Electoral Act.

    He said Obanikoro’s confessions that he gave Fayose $5.37 million while another N1.3 billion was given to his (Fayose’s) associate, Abiodun Agbele has confirmed his (Aluko’s) revelations that arms cash were diverted to ‘fraudulently’ procure victory for the governor.

  • Alleged smear campaign: Buhari’s wife demands evidence from online medium

    Alleged smear campaign: Buhari’s wife demands evidence from online medium

    The President’s wife, Aisha Buhari, has demanded evidence of deliberate fraud or abuse of privileges to back up allegations in stories published by Sahara Reporters.

    Otherwise, she said the online platform should be bold enough to own up and apologise for such hazy and unsubstantiated report.

    A statement by the Special Assistant on Media to Mrs. Buhari, Adebisi Olumide Ajayi, said the continuous publication of such unfounded stories against the President’s wife was becoming a great concern.

    The statement said: “After our last rejoinder, we expected the paper to come out with concrete evidence of deliberate fraud or abuse of privileges, or be bold enough to own up and apologise for such hazy and unsubstantiated report.

    “Alas, what Sahara Reporters came up with was another conjecture of a purported internal memo within the consulate, which has no direct link to her excellency.

    “The new accusation, however, has still not been able to substantiate, where Aisha Buhari made any direct contact with the mission for anything.”

  • MMM, evidence of no confidence in economy

    Their celebrations were notoriously short-lived. The streets of Banjul have gone quiet now and citizens of The Gambia, who had erupted in spontaneous jubilation three weeks ago when their despotic ruler was overrun in an election, have retreated into their shells in mournful silence. With Yahya Jammeh’s recant of his concession of defeat to real estate developer, Adama Barrow, the West African country is effectively staring into the abyss.

    Barrow is the Gambian president-in-waiting, while the global community prospects for ways to egg Jammeh out of power. The opposition candidate’s victory in the recent poll in that country makes his ultimate coronation assured, and has invariably drawn the terminal line on Jammeh’s 22-year authoritarian run in power. But Jammeh has lately doubled down on clinging to the reins and won’t let go easily.

    Indications at the weekend were that the Gambian crisis was approaching a head. Barrow was reported revving up to enact the country’s version of ‘Epetedo declaration,’ whereby he would unilaterally pronounce himself substantive president. Nigeria once travelled that troubled road with democracy hero and uninstalled winner of the June 12, 1993 presidential election, the late Chief Moshood Abiola; and it was a five-year odyssey punctuated with the martyrdom of Abiola and some others, plus the exile and imprisonment of many more through diktats by hardened military strongman, Gen. Sani Abacha. You could say the portents in The Gambia are indeed more dire, because Jammeh is notoriously loathsome of political challenge, disdainful of human rights and free expression, and hot fingered on gun triggers.

    It has been one long journey down democracy road for The Gambia, making the citizens exultant with the promise of a new dawn when Jammeh was handed a shock defeat in the country’s December 1 presidential election. By official scoreline, Barrow won with 263,515 votes to Jammeh’s 212,099 votes. “Having received 263,515 votes of the total votes cast in the election, I hereby declare Adama Barrow duly elected to serve as president of the Republic of Gambia,” Alieu Momarr Njie, chairman of the country’s Independent Electoral Commission had pronounced in Banjul, the capital, penultimate Friday.

    For a country where the recent election offered opportunity for the first change of leadership since a military coup led by Jammeh ousted pioneer president Dawda Jawara in 1994, and the first time that power would change hands by popular election since Independence from Britain in 1965, the news of Barrow’s victory had prompted thousands of Gambians to take to the streets of Banjul in celebration – some on foot and others riding in cars, trucks and on motorbikes – leaving soldiers cultured in Jammeh’s repressive ways palpably confused as they stood by. Many Gambians were reported to have stayed up all night, listening to radio and tallying the vote count by themselves as the figures were being announced at constituency levels. That way, they had a headstart on the likely outcome even before the electoral commission made its call.

    The outcome eventually disproved Jammeh who had exuded confidence, saying his victory was all but assured by God and predicting “the biggest landslide in the history of the country” after he voted on Election Day. But the Gambian ruler had nonetheless aided the public’s euphoria on the heels of the ballot count with his early concession of defeat. Speaking on state television before the electoral commission called the final tally, he acknowledged that the people “have decided that I should take the back seat,” and congratulated Barrow for his “clear victory,” adding: “I wish him all the best and I wish all Gambians the best.”

    Affirming that he would not contest the result because “as a true Muslim who believes in the almighty Allah, I will never question Allah’s decision,” Jammeh had said: “If he (Barrow) wants to work with us, I have no problem with that. I will help him work towards the transition.” Following his pronouncements, the Gambian military leadership congratulated Barrow and pledged the institution’s allegiance to him.

    But the Gambian ruler, only a few days later, lived up to his mercuric reputation by rejecting the same poll results he had unreservedly endorsed. “After a thorough investigation, I have decided to reject the outcome of the recent election. I lament serious and unacceptable abnormalities which reportedly transpired during the electoral process,” he returned to say on state television. Suggesting that the present electoral commission was beholden to the influence of unnamed foreign powers, he added: “I recommend fresh and transparent elections which will be officiated by a God-fearing and independent electoral commission.”

    Meanwhile the military appear to have withdrawn their pledge of allegiance to a Barrow government and have reverted to being tools of repression in Jammeh’s hands. The electoral commission rooted for the scoreline it had declared in Barrow’s favour and soon came under Jammeh’s sleigh of hand – with soldiers taking over its offices last Tuesday. “The military came to my office and said I am not to touch anything and told me to leave,” the electoral commission’s chair, Njie, told reporters, adding: “I am worried for my safety.” Among others, outgoing United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon described the occupation of the commission’s offices as an “outrageous act of disrespect of the will of the Gambian people and defiance towards the international community.”

    Either by design or by coincidence, the soldiers’ raid on the electoral commission took place as some Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) leaders were arriving in Banjul to press Jammeh on relinquishing power. The delegation, headed by chairperson of the Authority of Heads of State of ECOWAS and Liberian President, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, also included Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari, his Sierra Leone counterpart, Ernest Bai Koroma, and outgoing Ghanaian President John Mahama. But it seemed like they made little headway with their mission: “We come to help Gambians find their way through a transition. That’s not something that can happen in one day,” Johnson-Sirleaf was reported telling journalists.

    Under The Gambia’s laws, Jammeh has until January 18 to conclude the transition processes and hand over power to the winner of the December 1 election. But Jammeh’s party, the ruling Alliance for Patriotic Reconciliation and Construction (APRC), has lodged a challenge against Barrow’s victory at the country’s Supreme Court; only that the legal challenge is unworkable as things are, because that court has been dormant since May 2015 when Jammeh sacked its justices.

    Opposition politicians voiced a concern that Jammeh could insist on clinging to power while the legal challenge pends before the Supreme Court. To meet the January 18 deadline, he would need to appoint as many as six judges to the court; but the Bar Association has warned that any appointment of judges by Jammeh to adjudicate a case involving him would be fundamentally unjust.

    Without the judiciary’s intervention, the electoral commission has the last word in Barrow’s favour on the presidential poll. The chairman, Njie, underscored this last week by saying: “The only way they can pursue the commission is through the court, and there is no court.”

    By all accounts, the time is effectively up for Jammeh in the Gambian presidency and he must leave power at once. Even before the latest poll, his claim on the presidency from four previous elections he purportedly won had been dubious, and he had only steered his country and himself deeper into international isolation. But Barrow’s victory in the recent election puts a final nail on all that.

    There have been suggestions that Jammeh might have backtracked on his concession of defeat out of a dread of what awaits him at the hands of the opposition government when it takes power. If that were so, the Charles Taylor abdication model could be helpful in easing him out of Banjul.

    Barrow (is) revving up to enact the country’s version of ‘Epetedo declaration,’ whereby he would unilaterally prono IR: I woke up recently to a call from a friend, asking me to join a Ponzi scheme which will enable me have my money multiplied without stressý. Fortunately, his explanation wasn’t convincing enough; more than that, I realised that ours is a country whose financial system is so weak that no citizen has 100% confidence in the system.

    MMM, like other Ponzi schemes, only took advantage of a weak system where lending rate is more that interest rate. Many customers complain everyday about illegal charges from banks, but like in a typical capitalist system, only minority decides and enforces its decision on the poor majority. Nothing is so disappointing as seeing a bank post N1:06k as interest rate on one’s account while deducting N4:00k as charge for sending the message which means that you pay back for an interest rate that adds nothing to your personal account. As if this is enough, we also have the maintenance “this and that” charges, ATM card charges for using other banks, VAT and all other deductions, which are just unbearable.

    Recently, we saw a discord between the minister of finance, Mrs. Kemi Adeosun and Central Bank of Nigeria Governor, Emefiele, over the lending rate. The latter obviously favoured banks more than their customers  even at the risk of discouraging manufacturers and entrepreneurs. The question is how can you convince Nigerians to believe in you than the Ponzi schemes?

    The Bank of Industry (BOI) has been battling with a proposed scrapping by the legislators and you think Nigerians won’t rather face the darkness that may bring light at the end of the tunnel rather than a light that leads to nowhere?

    Most countries where these Ponzi schemes have worked are under-developed with an economy that doesn’t have the people’s confidence. My opinion is the same with that of the masses: it’s not too late to get a working team to make the economy healthy so that people wouldn’t be planning to reap more from nowhere.

     

    • Eniola Opeyemi,

    Oyo State.

    unce himself substantive president

  • Certificate of authentication in admissibility of electronic evidence

    Certificate of authentication in admissibility of electronic evidence

    The minimum requirement for the authentication of an electronically- generated evidence is its proof of certificate. Justice Alaba Omolaye-Ajileye of the Kogi State High Court writes on why the Nigerian law must square up with technological advancement. The author of the book titled:  “A Guide to Admissibility of Electronic Evidence”, explains why Nigeria cannot be alien to technologically advancing world.

    This article addresses one important issue of the Law of Evidence in relation to modern trends of advancement in technology. It focuses on Section 84 of the Evidence Act, 2011 (hereinafter simply referred to as Section 84), with particular reference to the requirements of authenticating electronically generated evidence by a certificate under subsection 4 thereof. Since the publication of the book: A Guide to Admissibility of Electronic Evidence, I have been inundated with questions relating to the status of a certificate of authentication under Section 84(4).

    The task here is to attempt to address two issues within the context of Section 84. They are: (a) whether or not it is mandatory to tender a certificate of authentication along with electronically-generated evidence and (b) whether or not Section 84 provides two alternative ways of tendering electronically generated evidence. The two issues are closely related such that they can conveniently be taken together. There is yet no direct judicial authority on these issues in Nigeria. Meanwhile, it is important to reiterate the well-known point that one area of jurisprudence in which the Evidence Act 2011 introduces a fundamental change is in the provisions dealing with admissibility of electronic evidence under Section 84. It is equally significant to acknowledge the fact that the said Section 84 is, essentially, a reproduction of section 65B of the Indian Evidence Act (1872) (as amended). It also lifts a substantial part of Section 69 and Part II of Schedule 3 of the Police and Criminal Evidence (PACE) Act 1984 (U.K).

    It follows, therefore, that the interpretation of Section 84 of the Evidence Act, 2011 must necessarily draw strength from decisions of English and Indian courts, given the paucity of judicial authorities on the subject in Nigeria. In applying these foreign authorities, courts should, nevertheless, ensure that only current authorities and legislation are applied and relied upon in their decisions.

     Statutory provisions

    Admissibility of electronic evidence is governed by Section 84. subsections (1), (2) and (4) are the relevant provisions for the purpose of this work. I reproduce same hereunder:

    • Section 84 (1): “In any proceedings, a statement contained in a document produced by a computer shall be admissible as evidence of any fact stated in it of which direct oral evidence would be admissible, if it is shown that the conditions in subsection (2) of this section are satisfied in relation to the statement and computer in question.
    • Section 84 (2): The conditions referred to in subsection (l) of this section are-

    (a) that the document containing the statement was produced by the computer during a period over which the computer was used regularly to store or process information for the purposes of any activities regularly carried on over that period, whether for profit or not by anybody, whether corporate or not, or by any individual;

    (b) that over that period, there was regularly supplied to the computer in the ordinary course of those activities information of the kind contained in the statement or of the kind from which the information so contained is derived;

    (c) that throughout the material part of that period the computer was operating properly or, if not, that in any respect in which it was not operating properly or was out of operation during that part of that period was not such as to affect the production of the document or the accuracy of its contents; and

    (d) that the information contained in the statement reproduces 01′ is derived from • Section 84 (3)

    • Section 84 (4) In any proceeding where it is desired to give a statement in evidence by virtue of this section a certificate:

    (a) identifying the document containing the statement and describing the manner in which it was produced;

    (b) giving such particulars of any device involved in the production of that document as may be appropriate for the purpose of showing that the document was produced by a computer:

    (i) dealing with any of the matters to which the conditions mentioned in subsection (2) above relate, and purporting to be signed by a person occupying a responsible position in relation to the operation of the relevant device or the management of the relevant activities, as the case may be, shall be evidence of the matter stated in the certificate: and for the purpose of this subsection it shall be sufficient for a matter to be stated to the best of the knowledge and belief of the person stating it.

    Four conditions are required to be fulfilled in Section 84(2). They are: (i) that the document containing the statement was produced by the computer during a period over which the computer was used regularly to store or process information (ii) during the period information was regularly fed into the computer; (iii) during the period, the computer was operating properly and during period of disuse the problem was not such as to affect the production of the document or the accuracy of its contents and (iv) that the information fed into the computer in the ordinary course of business. Section 84(4) also provides that where a statement is desired to be given in evidence, a certificate doing the following things shall be produced: (a) identifying the document and describing the manner in which it was produced (b) giving such particulars of any device involved in the production of that document as may be appropriate for purposes of showing that the document was produced by the document and (c) dealing with any of the matters to which the conditions mentioned in subsection 2.

     Explanation

    Securing admissibility of electronic document under Section 84 involves two steps. First, oral evidence must be adduced to satisfy the conditions stipulated under subsection 2. This enables a witness to lay proper foundation for admissibility of the document. The Supreme Court in Kubor & Anor v. Dickson & Ors (2014) succinctly emphasized this point when it held:

    A party that seeks to tender in evidence a computer generated document needs to do more than just tendering same from the bar. Evidence in relation to the use of the computer must be called to establish the conditions set out under Section (2) of the Evidence Act 2011.

    The second step requires the tendering of a certificate to authenticate the document.  It is my view that production of a certificate is an additional step required by the Evidence Act 2011, to establish the fact that the computer that produced the document is reliable. “It is not a way of avoiding or dispensing with the viva voce evidence of a witness who seeks to establish the foundation required under section 84(2)” (Omolaye-Ajileye, 2016). The two steps of laying foundation and tendering a certificate of authentication are intricately interwoven and linked such that they are inseparable. Both subsections (2) and (4) of Section 84 complement each other in such a way that one cannot be an alternative to the other.

    For instance, merely tendering a certificate under Section 84(4), without more, will not satisfy the oral evidence required to lay foundational evidence under Section 84(2). Similarly, the fact that foundational evidence has been laid under Section 84(2) will not authenticate the document by a certificate.

    A careful reading of Section 84 surely reveals that proof of certificate of authentication is mandatory. It is the minimum requirement of authenticating electronically generated evidence. Tendering a certificate of authentication under Section 84(4) should not be seen as a tedious exercise but a mandatory and necessary step. Indeed, as technology progresses, the dynamic nature of law may as well make law to advance to require further processes of authentication in the nearest future. The Court of Appeal admirably made this point recently in Dickson v. Sylva (2016, unreported) where it opined:

    There is no doubt with present and even future advances, the pre-conditions attached to admissibility of electronically generated evidence by section 84 may no longer be sufficient to authenticate the reliability of electronic evidence (Otisi, JCA).

    There are good reasons to support the view that it is mandatory to tender a certificate of authentication under Section 84(4). First and foremost, it is recognised that Section 84 consists of five subsections. There is nothing to indicate that any of the subsections should not be complied with. The fundamental principle of interpretation of statutes is to interpret the words in a statute in a way that would best carry out their object or purpose. There is no doubt that the object of tendering a certificate under Section 84(4) is to ensure that the document sought to be tendered is authentic. Therefore, Section 84 should not be interpreted to defeat that object.

    Second, there is nowhere any disjunctive word such as “or” is used in Section 84 to suggest that one subsection out of the five subsections is in the alternative.  Black’s Law Dictionary (6th Edition) defines ‘or’ as a “disjunctive participle to express an alternative or give a choice of one among two or more things.” Accordingly, the whole of Section 84 should be read together.

    Section 69: PACE ACT

    1984 (UK) and R. v. Shepherd.

    Legal practitioners who argue that Section 84 prescribes two methods of proving electronically generated evidence often rely on Section 69 of the PACE Act 1984 and the decision of the House of Lords in R. v. Shepherd. For reasons that are very obvious, both the legislation and the case cannot be appropriate authorities for the proposition within the context of Section 84.

    First, Section 69 of PACE Act 1984 has been repealed by Section 60 of the Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act 1999. Admissibility of computer evidence in the UK now follows the common law rule, where a presumption exists that the computer producing the evidential output was recording properly at the material time. The presumption can, however, be rebutted if evidence to the contrary is adduced. Second, the arrangement of Section 84 is significantly different from that of PACE Act. Even when Section 69 of the PACE Act was in operation, its provisions were not arranged the way Section 84 is arranged. The relevant provisions for admissibility of electronic evidence under the PACE Act were divided into two. The first segment (S. 69) (1) which corresponds with Section 84 (1-3) of the Evidence Act 2011, constituted one broad section on its own while paragraph 8 of Schedule 3 to PACE Act which corresponds with Section 84 (4) of the Nigerian Evidence Act, constituted another broad segment. (Hon, S. T., 2013) Therefore, when Lord Griffith explained in R. v. Shepherd that “proof that the computer is reliable can be proved in two ways: either by calling oral evidence or by tendering a written certificate… subject to the power of the judge to require oral evidence”, His Lordship was interpreting the provisions of a law that were contained in two compartments that made one an alternative to the other. Section 84 of the Nigerian Evidence Act is not so compartmentalised. What is more, the phrase “subject to the power of the judge to require oral evidence” that appeared in Lord Griffith’s judgment in R v. Shepherd (supra), derived from paragraph 9 Part II of schedule 3 of the PACE Act which specifically provided that:.

    “Notwithstanding paragraph 8 above, a court may require oral evidence to be given of anything of which evidence could be given by a certificate under that paragraph.

    Section 84 does not have the equivalence of the above quoted provision. The Nigerian law prescribes only one way and gives no discretion to judges to call or not to call oral evidence. As a matter of fact, the Supreme Court has decided in Kubor & Anor v. Dickson & Ors (2014) that a witness who seeks to tender electronic evidence must give oral evidence.

      India’s experince

     Section 65B (4)

    India has come a long way on the subject of admissibility of electronic evidence. Indian courts have developed case law regarding admissibility of electronic records, and judges in the country have also demonstrated perceptiveness in interpreting the law on the issue.

    As stated earlier, Section 65B of the Indian Evidence Act 1872 (as amended) is in pari materia with Section 84 of the Evidence Act, 2011. Section 65B(4) of the Evidence Act of India mandates the production of a certificate of authentication as we have it under section 84(4). Despite the mandatory nature of the provision, the original attitude of Indian courts was to ignore the requirements. For instance, in State v. Mohd.Afzal & Ors (2003), a Delhi High Court, held that Section 65B(4) provides an alternative method to prove electronic record. Also, the Supreme Court of India, in NavjotSandhu v AfsanGuru (2005) held that courts could admit electronic records such as printouts and compact discs (CDs) as prima facie evidence without certificate of authentication. This trend continued for nine years until 2014 (Karia, et.al, 2015).

    In 2014, there was a shift in the attitude of Indian courts towards interpretation of Section 65B. A creative interpretation was resorted to in order to enhance the process of authentication as contained in 65B. The Supreme Court of India conclusively decided that electronic records can be proved only in accordance with the procedure set out under Section 65B of the Evidence Act (Nigeria’s 84). In Anvar v. P.K. v. Basheer, & Ors (2014), the Supreme Court overruled its own decision in NavjotSandhu v AfsanGuru (supra) and redefined the law on admissibility of electronic records to reflect the letters of section 65B and ensure the credibility and evidential value of electronically generated evidence. In that case, Mr. P.V. Anvar who had lost the previous Assembly election contended that his opponent P.K. Basheer had tarnished his image and assassinated his character. The Supreme Court of India declined to accept the view that the courts could admit electronic records without certificate of authentication. It held that in the case of any electronic record, for instance, CD, VCD, chip e.t.c., the same must be accompanied by a certificate in terms of Section 65B, obtained at the time of taking the document without which the secondary evidence pertaining to that electronic record is inadmissible; the essence being to enhance and safeguard the authenticity of such evidence. Explaining the rationale behind the decision, the Supreme Court of India stated:

    “Most importantly, such a certificate must accompany the electronic record like computer printout, Compact Disc (CD), Video Compact Disc (VCD), pen drive, etc., pertaining to which a statement is sought to be given in evidence, when the same is produced in evidence. Electronic records being more susceptible to tampering, alteration, transposition, excision e.t.c., without such safeguards, the whole trial based on proof of electronic records can lead to travesty of justice”.

    This is a progressive approach of interpreting provisions relating to production of certificate of authentication. Recently, the decision in Anvar’s case was followed in Jagdeo Sigh v. The State & Ors (2015), which involved the admissibility of intercepted telephone calls in a CD and CDR, which were without a certificate under Section 65B of the Indian Evidence Act. The High Court of New Delhi (Per Muralidhar, J.) held that the secondary electronic evidence without a certificate is inadmissible and cannot be looked into by the court for any purpose.

    Finally, I posit that strict compliance with Section 84(4) is mandatory for a person who seeks to tender electronically generated evidence. Proper and holistic interpretation of Section 84 of the Evidence Act, 2011 is what is required to appreciate this point. Any other construction will be inconsistent with the spirit and letters of Section 84. Additionally, the purpose for which the subsection has been enacted will be defeated. The world is advancing in technology at an astronomical rate. Our law must be construed progressively to move with technological advancement.

    Justice Omolaye- Ajileye is a Judge of the High Court of Kogi State and author of: “A Guide to Admissibility of Electronic Evidence”.

  • Group to Jibrin: go to court if you have evidence

    Group to Jibrin: go to court if you have evidence

    A Coalition of Media and Civil Society groups – the Africa Media Roundtable Initiative – yesterday  advised the former Chairman of the House of Representatives Committee on  Appropriations, Abdulmumin Jibrin and other aggrieved lawmakers to proceed to the court, if they have credible evidence of budget padding.

    In a statement by its Executive Director, Comrade  Olabode Adeyemi, the group  said Jibrin should produce credible evidence against Speaker Yakubu Dogara and the other he accused of o involvement  in padding the  2016 Budget.

    The statement said: “Rather than taking the matter to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) or the Independent Corrupt Practices and other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), he should allow the Judiciary, which to intervene in the matter.

    “We are calling on Hon Jibrin and other aggarieved lawmakers to seek redress in the court to protect the image of the House of Representatives and not going to either the EFCC or ICPC which are the agencies of the Executives. If you approach the Court you have to swear  to an affidavit  before making your allegations and if you lie under oath, you know the consequences  under the law but you go to the ICPC or the EFCC to make such allegations, you may later make a U-turn and change you statements.

    “I can remember vividly that when the 2016 budget was passed by the National Assembly, there were insinuations in some quarters that it was padded, but Hon Jibrin that defended it. He never spoke out against the House leaders until he was sacked from the plum job. If what he is saying is true, let him go to court to seek redress.

    “We are thanking the Channels Television for repeatedly showing the whole World the video clips of his defence. Now that there was nothing like budget padding, why is he now claiming that there was budget padding by the Speaker and 10 others? If he is sure of his allegations he should go to court or shut up””.

  • RIO 2016 OLYMPICS: Come with evidence of bribery

    RIO 2016 OLYMPICS: Come with evidence of bribery

    • Amaju dares accusers
    • Directs Green to supervise Dream Team VI

    President of the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF), Amaju Melvin Pinnick has challenged anybody with evidence to show that they offered bribe to coaches of the country’s 2016 Olympic Games team to come forward with such documents.

    Disclosing this to Sportinglife on telephone over the weekend, Pinnick revealed that he has received a deluge of allegations on the matter of players paying large sums of money to coaches through their agents to get a place in the Dream Team VI squad.

    But, Pinnick told Sportinglife that he challenged those who sent such allegations to his phones to step forward with the document and see if he wouldn’t sack the coach, if such a person can substantiate his allegations.

    According to Pinnick: “I have directed the NFF technical committee chairman, Chris Green to oversee what is happening in the team’s camp. I pleaded with Green to ensure that only those who justified their places on merit are picked to represent the country at the Rio 2016 Olympic Games.

    “Most times, such allegations are difficult to prove. But I can assure anyone with incriminating documents to step forward with them. I will invite such a coach to face his accusers. If the allegations turn out to be true, I will ask the coach to resign or I will immeidately sack him.

    “We want the best players at the Rio Olympics. My reason is that the Olympic Games squad is the future of Nigeria’s football, especially at this time when most of our younger players are playing in the big leagues in Europe. We should aim at using the boys going to the Olympics for Nigeria’s 2018 World Cup qualifiers which draws would be made on June 24,” Pinnick said.

  • Alleged sexual assault at Queens College: Panel lacks evidence to indict teacher

    The Ministry of Education, said the investigative panel into alleged sexual molestation on a female student of Queens College, Ikeja, Lagos could not establish any evidence to indict the accused teacher.

    The Minister of State for Education,  Prof Anthony Anwukah, who briefed newsmen on Friday in Abuja, said the mother of the victim failed to appear before the committee to prove her case.

    It will be recalled that Anwukah had on March 22, set up a committee to investigate the alleged sexual molestation of a student of the college.

    He said that the ministry would take appropriate actions following the recommendations of the committee.

    “The Investigation Committee did not establish any credible evidence against the accused teacher, considering the fact that Mrs Chinenye Okoye remained unidentified, faceless and inaccessible despite the committee’s best efforts and assurances to protect her identity and that of her daughter.

    “Consequently, the Investigation committee finds it difficult to recommend disciplinary action against the accused teacher as the complainant failed to come forward to prove this weighty accusation.

    “The committee could not establish any cover up of sexual molestation by the management of Queens College.

    “The Federal Ministry of Education notes and accepts all the recommendations of the committee and will take actions as appropriate,’’ he said.

    The minister asked anyone with information that could lead to the identification of the alleged victim or her mother or with any credible and substantiated evidence to approach the ministry.