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Tag: executive

  • Executive/Legislative independence : truth or farce?

    Executive/Legislative independence : truth or farce?

    “There can be no liberty where the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person or body”.

    -James Madison (father of America’s constitution).

    Democracy seems to be admired as a system of government because ideally it is a government of the people by the people and for the people. Elections seem to be the pillar of democracy because it is the process through which the people choose their leaders and the expectations are that each elected candidate is a deliberate choice of the people who might have considered certain variables before voting. This is why voting at elections is considered a civic duty of citizens. In some countries, voting during elections is made compulsory and failure to do so punishable.

    Only two arms of government, the executive and the legislature are the elected representatives of the people and their loyalty ought to be to the people. In Nigeria sadly, the political system is different and as such there is a flawed type of democracy and with this comes a myriad of other problems. When the loyalty of the elected is not to the people, there is a dysfunction that adversely affects the people.

    Nigeria claims to practice the American brand of democracy on paper but the structural practice seems to be purely ‘homegrown’ in ways that had stunted the growth of democracy. The political party structure is so dysfunctional that it affects the whole system. The political parties are not run in ways that the administration is properly structured to deliver politically viable processes. The financing of the political parties is often left to those who have the money and because he who pays the piper dictates the tune, there are often influences that impede the democratic processes.

    The Roundtable Conversation believes that there must be a restructuring of political party administration in ways that the financing of the parties would fall on the public and members of the political parties and donation of campaign funds strictly regulated. This brings accountability because stakeholders become the gatekeepers. The idea that ‘party chieftains’ fund political parties makes the parties vulnerable in ways that affect the whole political process.

    The Nigerian post-independence military incursions into governance seem to have negatively impacted the democracy practiced in the country. The authoritarian nature of the military, the lack of accountability in governance, the command and control structure seem to have damaged the foundation of Nigerian democracy and the impact continues even after more than two decades of  civilian democracy.

    The military after every coup first suspends the legislature and rule by decrees. This process seems to have weakened the legislature even as the country has practiced uninterrupted civilian democracy since 1999. The executive in Nigeria seems to have ‘inherited’ the military style of looking down on the legislative arm of government and this has been the case since 1999. The governors seem to wield too much power that it appears they control the legislature at all levels,

    Nothing since 1999 so eloquently points to this than the description of the 9th senate led by former senate president, Ahmad Lawan as a ‘rubber stamp’ assembly. These two words define the trust deficit the people felt about the 9th assembly. There was a feeling amongst the people that the 9th senate was not as independent as they ought to have been and in being so flouted the basic democratic principle that all elected people must maintain the separation of powers for democracy to really live up to its tag as a government of the people.

    The Roundtable Conversation has always maintained that there must be a general overhaul of the system if Nigeria can make progress. The political elite must make deliberate efforts to be self-cleansing. The independence of the three arms of government is sine qua non to development. Those who fashioned the democratic system understood that power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely. The three arms of government are supposed to be independent and act as each other’s watchdog on behalf of the people.

    Somehow, the executive over the years has acted as monarchy at different levels. The governors in Nigeria wield so much power that they often determine who gets elected to the to the state houses of assembly, local government chairmen,  the national assembly and who gets to be nominated as minister and other federal appointments in the spirit of federal character. They muscle their ways through the political space and do some undemocratic things.

    But it is curiously the norm in Nigeria that the executive often behave as though the legislators are only accountable to them. Sometimes when analysts point out the aberration, the politicians claim party loyalty or in some cases, executive/legislative harmony. The people however often see through the façade and try to call them out but more often than not nothing happens as self-interest often trumps patriotism with politicians.

    It is against this backdrop that what is happening in Rivers state should worry Nigerians. The no-love-lost between the former governor of Rivers state, now minister of the federal capital territory, Nyesom Wike and his anointed successor governor, Sim Fubara and the factionalized legislators come to the fore. Wike was a very ‘strong’ governor and an influential politician in his own right. His two term as governor of Rivers cannot be forgotten in a hurry and no Nigerian dreamt that there would be a fallout between him and his successor so early in the day.

    Read Also: UPDATED: Labour begins nationwide strike Monday

    The Rivers state house of assembly had a few week ago experienced a series of chaotic events, first was an alleged attempt to impeach the new governor, then an arson attack on the building, then the struggle over speakership, then decamping of about 27 members of the house of assembly from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressive Congress (APC) party. Then just yesterday, the state government allegedly  demolished  the state house of assembly building claiming it was due to a professional advise owing to the previous arson attack on the building.

    The two factional speakers of the house both claim to have a court judgment supporting their speakership, one from a federal high court and another from a state high court. There seems to be a judicial cull de sac at the moment. The governor  however present the 2024 budget to the few legislators supporting him in a venue different from where the decamped legislators sat. There seems to be total confusion in Rivers state.

    The question the Roundtable Conversation is asking however is, in this whole chaotic situation in Rivers state, how are the people being served? How does the fight between the two elephants, the former governor and his successor serve the interest of the people of Rivers? Both the legislators alleged to be loyal to the former governor and those loyal to the new governor are representatives of the people. How does the muscle-flexing fit into their legislative functions?

    These and other questions are hanging because there are fundamentals we seem to forget. This chaotic state of affairs is rooted in the type of democracy we have been practicing since 1999. How is it that we are talking of ‘legislators loyal to one personality or the other’? In other climes, elected individuals are accountable to the people and in the case of legislators ether at the state or federal levels, to their immediate constituencies with loyalty to party principles. Legislators hold regular town halls to give accounts to the people. It rarely happens in Nigeria.

    There are basic questions to ask, how is it that the executive elected by the people are not accountable to them? How do governors exercise so much power over the legislature at state and federal levels? Why do governors literally ‘install’ their successors across the nation and in most cases of incompetence goes from a predecessor to a successor and the people suffer the consequences.

    Nigerian democracy must be re-evaluated by all stakeholders if progress is to be made. The different arms of democracy must maintain their traditional roles for a cohesively functional governance to happen.  Power must not be abused by the executive and the legislators must understand that they are an independent arm meant to represent the interest of the people not themselves.

    If Nigeria has chosen the democratic system of government, they must be prepared to obey the tenets laid down for functional democracies. We could pretend  that we can ‘domesticate’ our brand of democracy by infusing our own traditional nuances but obviously they are not working. The country since 1999 has been struggling and is now the poverty capital of the world with 133million living in multi-dimensional poverty and more than 20 million out of school children with dilapidated infrastructure fueling insecurity and unemployment.

    Nigerian political class must not play the ostrich. The problem in Rivers has precedents and they were not tackled and here we are with the mess in Rivers. Each country with a functional democracy got there by working the ropes and obeying the democratic rules. The political elite must realize that destruction of the values of democracy in the name of ego and selfish interests is an ill-wind that blows anyone any good.

    There must be some efforts at returning the democracy to its original form where the people have the power to hire and fire. The era of imposition should be over and there must be a deliberate attempt to curtail the excesses of the executive and to get the legislature and judiciary to be functional. There must be an effort to restructure the political party system for positive outcomes. What the country presently practices cannot develop the country.

    ●This article was originally published on December 16, 2023

  • Executive/Legislative independence: Truth or farce?

    Executive/Legislative independence: Truth or farce?

    “There can be no liberty where the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person or body”.

    -James Madison (father of America’s constitution).

    Democracy seems to be admired as a system of government because ideally it is a government of the people by the people and for the people. Elections seem to be the pillar of democracy because it is the process through which the people choose their leaders and the expectations are that each elected candidate is a deliberate choice of the people who might have considered certain variables before voting. This is why voting at elections is considered a civic duty of citizens. In some countries, voting during elections is made compulsory and failure to do so punishable.

    Only two arms of government, the executive and the legislature are the elected representatives of the people and their loyalty ought to be to the people. In Nigeria sadly, the political system is different and as such there is a flawed type of democracy and with this comes a myriad of other problems. When the loyalty of the elected is not to the people, there is a dysfunction that adversely affects the people.

    Nigeria claims to practice the American brand of democracy on paper but the structural practice seems to be purely ‘homegrown’ in ways that had stunted the growth of democracy. The political party structure is so dysfunctional that it affects the whole system. The political parties are not run in ways that the administration is properly structured to deliver politically viable processes. The financing of the political parties is often left to those who have the money and because he who pays the piper dictates the tune, there are often influences that impede the democratic processes.

    The Roundtable Conversation believes that there must be a restructuring of political party administration in ways that the financing of the parties would fall on the public and members of the political parties and donation of campaign funds strictly regulated. This brings accountability because stakeholders become the gatekeepers. The idea that ‘party chieftains’ fund political parties makes the parties vulnerable in ways that affect the whole political process.

    The Nigerian post-independence military incursions into governance seem to have negatively impacted the democracy practiced in the country. The authoritarian nature of the military, the lack of accountability in governance, the command and control structure seem to have damaged the foundation of Nigerian democracy and the impact continues even after more than two decades of  civilian democracy.

    The military after every coup first suspends the legislature and rule by decrees. This process seems to have weakened the legislature even as the country has practiced uninterrupted civilian democracy since 1999. The executive in Nigeria seems to have ‘inherited’ the military style of looking down on the legislative arm of government and this has been the case since 1999. The governors seem to wield too much power that it appears they control the legislature at all levels,

    Nothing since 1999 so eloquently points to this than the description of the 9th senate led by former senate president, Ahmad Lawan as a ‘rubber stamp’ assembly. These two words define the trust deficit the people felt about the 9th assembly. There was a feeling amongst the people that the 9th senate was not as independent as they ought to have been and in being so flouted the basic democratic principle that all elected people must maintain the separation of powers for democracy to really live up to its tag as a government of the people.

    The Roundtable Conversation has always maintained that there must be a general overhaul of the system if Nigeria can make progress. The political elite must make deliberate efforts to be self-cleansing. The independence of the three arms of government is sine qua non to development. Those who fashioned the democratic system understood that power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely. The three arms of government are supposed to be independent and act as each other’s watchdog on behalf of the people.

    Somehow, the executive over the years has acted as monarchy at different levels. The governors in Nigeria wield so much power that they often determine who gets elected to the to the state houses of assembly, local government chairmen,  the national assembly and who gets to be nominated as minister and other federal appointments in the spirit of federal character. They muscle their ways through the political space and do some undemocratic things.

    But it is curiously the norm in Nigeria that the executive often behave as though the legislators are only accountable to them. Sometimes when analysts point out the aberration, the politicians claim party loyalty or in some cases, executive/legislative harmony. The people however often see through the façade and try to call them out but more often than not nothing happens as self-interest often trumps patriotism with politicians.

    Read Also: Tinubu receives ambassadors, directs emphasis on new investments, trade expansion

    It is against this backdrop that what is happening in Rivers state should worry Nigerians. The no-love-lost between the former governor of Rivers state, now minister of the federal capital territory, Nyesom Wike and his anointed successor governor, Sim Fubara and the factionalized legislators come to the fore. Wike was a very ‘strong’ governor and an influential politician in his own right. His two term as governor of Rivers cannot be forgotten in a hurry and no Nigerian dreamt that there would be a fallout between him and his successor so early in the day.

    The Rivers state house of assembly had a few week ago experienced a series of chaotic events, first was an alleged attempt to impeach the new governor, then an arson attack on the building, then the struggle over speakership, then decamping of about 27 members of the house of assembly from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressive Congress (APC) party. Then just yesterday, the state government allegedly  demolished  the state house of assembly building claiming it was due to a professional advise owing to the previous arson attack on the building.

    The two factional speakers of the house both claim to have a court judgment supporting their speakership, one from a federal high court and another from a state high court. There seems to be a judicial cull de sac at the moment. The governor  however present the 2024 budget to the few legislators supporting him in a venue different from where the decamped legislators sat. There seems to be total confusion in Rivers state.

    The question the Roundtable Conversation is asking however is, in this whole chaotic situation in Rivers state, how are the people being served? How does the fight between the two elephants, the former governor and his successor serve the interest of the people of Rivers? Both the legislators alleged to be loyal to the former governor and those loyal to the new governor are representatives of the people. How does the muscle-flexing fit into their legislative functions?

    These and other questions are hanging because there are fundamentals we seem to forget. This chaotic state of affairs is rooted in the type of democracy we have been practicing since 1999. How is it that we are talking of ‘legislators loyal to one personality or the other’? In other climes, elected individuals are accountable to the people and in the case of legislators ether at the state or federal levels, to their immediate constituencies with loyalty to party principles. Legislators hold regular town halls to give accounts to the people. It rarely happens in Nigeria.

    There are basic questions to ask, how is it that the executive elected by the people are not accountable to them? How do governors exercise so much power over the legislature at state and federal levels? Why do governors literally ‘install’ their successors across the nation and in most cases of incompetence goes from a predecessor to a successor and the people suffer the consequences.

    Nigerian democracy must be re-evaluated by all stakeholders if progress is to be made. The different arms of democracy must maintain their traditional roles for a cohesively functional governance to happen.  Power must not be abused by the executive and the legislators must understand that they are an independent arm meant to represent the interest of the people not themselves.

    If Nigeria has chosen the democratic system of government, they must be prepared to obey the tenets laid down for functional democracies. We could pretend  that we can ‘domesticate’ our brand of democracy by infusing our own traditional nuances but obviously they are not working. The country since 1999 has been struggling and is now the poverty capital of the world with 133million living in multi-dimensional poverty and more than 20 million out of school children with dilapidated infrastructure fueling insecurity and unemployment.

    Nigerian political class must not play the ostrich. The problem in Rivers has precedents and they were not tackled and here we are with the mess in Rivers. Each country with a functional democracy got there by working the ropes and obeying the democratic rules. The political elite must realize that destruction of the values of democracy in the name of ego and selfish interests is an ill-wind that blows anyone any good.

    There must be some efforts at returning the democracy to its original form where the people have the power to hire and fire. The era of imposition should be over and there must be a deliberate attempt to curtail the excesses of the executive and to get the legislature and judiciary to be functional. There must be an effort to restructure the political party system for positive outcomes. What the country presently practices cannot develop the country.

  • Why executive is yet to get Lagos 2019 Budget, by source

    Fresh facts were cited yesterday on why the Lagos  State House of Assembly has not transmitted the N894 billion 2019 Budget to Governor Akinwunmi Ambode.

    The 40-member legislature passed the Appropriation Bill on April 29, but decided not to forward it to the executive for the governor’s assent.

    A source within the House of Assembly told The Nation last night that the lawmakers plan to forward the approved bill with other bills for the governor to sign before the middle of the week.

    The budget was passed on April 29 and the usual thing after the passage on the floor is for the Clerk of the House to transmit a clean copy of the Bill to the governor for his assent.

    But by Friday last week, two weeks after the budget was passed, the governor is yet to sign the Appropriation Law, which will authorise the release of funds and the begin of its implementation.

    The non-signing of the law has raised speculations in many quarters and among Lagosians as to what is stopping the governor from signing the budget, which many believe has suffered unnecessary delays and subjected to unnecessary controversies.

    However, in an attempt to find out what was really delaying the signing of the budget, The Nation gathered that the budget might still be with the Assembly as there was no sign that it has been transmitted to the executive.

    When the Clerk of the House, Mr. Azeez Sanni, was contacted, he said as a civil servant, he could not speak with the media.

    He directed the reporter to the Chief Press Secretary (CPS) to the Speaker or the Chairman of the House Information Committee.

    Though the information committee chairman was not available, the CPS to the Speaker, Musbau Razaq, promised to get across to The Nation later.

    But, several calls to him later for response was not answered.

    The Nation also approached the House Majority Leader, Sanai Agunbiade, who said it was an administrative affair and that it was only the Clerk who could throw light on whether the budget has been transmitted to the governor or not.

    When told that the Clerk said as a civil servant he could not talk with a reporter, Agunbiade said he knew that the House has passed the budget and other thing left is administrative, which only the Clerk can speak on it.

    On the executive side, top government officials, including some exco members, only agreed to speak on condition of anonymity.

    They were emphatic on the fact that the Assembly had not transmitted the budget to the governor and that the Assembly was still holding on to the budget.

  • CCT, mercenary of the executive?

    SIR: On September 21, 2011, the hearing room of the Code of Conduct Tribunal was overflowing with lawyers, journalists and spectators. A “big masquerade” was expected to be huddled in the dock.  It was Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    Tinubu was a leading figure of the opposition at the time. And it was really no news that he was a discomfort for the Jonathan government.

    On that morning, he sauntered into the tribunal in his accustomed gait and fixed himself on a bench. Proceedings commenced with drama over whether he belonged in that humiliating cavity of the accused or in the bench of spectators. While the argument raged on, Tinubu stood up and walked into the dock. He sat in the chair, stretching out his legs and caressing his jaw as he moved his head intermittently.

    That was it: the perfect picture of humiliation and “surrender”. And the next day, news headlines read, “Tinubu in the dock”.

    However, the allegations of operating 10 foreign accounts while in office between 1999 and 2007 filed against him by the government were quashed three months later, November 30.

    I believe, this case brought the CCT into the reckoning of most Nigerians and was an experiment in the deployment of that state institution for witch-hunt by the executive.  Since the Tinubu trial, the CCT has ratcheted up pace in the trial of politically-exposed-persons.

    On May 17, 2016, in the course of the trial of Senate President Bukola Saraki, the chairman of the tribunal, Danladi Umar revealed that he was under immense pressure to compromise in Tinubu’s case, but he said: “We did the right thing.”

    Also, the tribunal dismissed the charges of false asset declaration brought against Saraki by the government after two years of a climactic legal battle. The acquittal of the senate president was unexpected because the trial itself was perceived to be political hounding. The outcome of this case was, perhaps, the biggest surprises of 2017 owing to the nasty fights between the executive, which was the accuser and the Saraki-led senate.

    Really, studying the trials of Tinubu and Saraki, it is obvious that a political hand played the cards, but the CCT leadership did not surrender to the wheedling of this “mighty hand”. It will be hypocritical to commend the tribunal for its decisions, taken under tenuous circumstances in these previous cases, but condemn it for its decision in the case of Justice Onnoghen.

    Although the federal government circumvented the law in bringing Onnoghen to trial, the case against the now convicted chief justice is not without merit.

    One thing is certain; the CCT is a nightmare for public officers, especially those with questionable acquisitions. Another thing is certain, the tribunal is not without influence or pressure to compromise in cases, but its integrity has not been faulted so far.

    I think, the CCT is that heady executive “mercenary” which braves pressure to work according to its own conscience.

     

    • Fredrick Nwabufo, fredricknwabufo@yahoo.com

  • Lagos budget: Executive, legislators meet to find common ground

    The face-off between Governor Akinwunmi Ambode and the Lagos State House of Assembly over the 2019 budget of the state may soon be resolved as efforts have commenced by both parties to find a common ground for the impasse.

    Sequel to this, an assembly committee headed by the Majority Leader, Sanai Agunbiade, met the executive team led by the Deputy Governor, Idiat Adebule, at the Assembly premises, on Friday for a meeting to resolve the on-going crisis between  the executive and the legislature amicably.

    Other members of the committee are Moshood Oshun, Dayo Saka Fafunmi, Lanre Ogunyemi, Mojisola Lasbat Miranda

    The State House of Assembly had recently given Governor Ambode, a seven-day ultimatum, to appear before it and answer to allegations of misconduct and infractions in relation to the 2018 and the 2019 budgets.

    The House has also warned, that, if the infractions on the budget continues, the House would be forced to impeach the governor.

    The threat, however, led to a massive protest by supporters of the governor, to the assembly complex, on Thursday, calling on the lawmakers to shelve the impeachment plan and let Ambode be.

    The committee, it was learnt, met with some commissioners on Thursday.

    “Our people have also met with the deputy governor over the current friction. The meeting is just to find an amicable ground.

    “We know the executive arm actually committed the infractions, but for the interest of the state and to keep it safe ahead of the election, we have to look for a soft landing for them,” the source said on Friday afternoon.

    It was learnt that the outcome of the meeting may be deliberated at a parliamentary session when the lawmakers reconvene.

    The lawmakers alleged, that, the governor had started spending the 2019 budget, which is yet to be presented to the House as demanded by the constitution, while accusing the governor of spending outside the 2018 budget, without recourse to the House.

    Meanwhile, the APC governorship candidate for the 2019 elections, Babajide Sanwo-Olu, and his running mate, Dr. Obafemi Hamzat, have said the push for realisation of special status for Lagos is non-negotiable.

    They said they would support restructuring, that, will grant financial autonomy to Lagos as a former federal capital of Nigeria and economic nerve centre of the country.

    Sanwo-Olu said Lagos remains the highest source of non-oil revenue accruing to the Federal Government, pointing out that it was time for the state to earn its fair share of the revenue generated within its jurisdiction.

    The APC candidate and his running mate made the assertion during a meeting with the Friends’ Club, an elite social group, comprising senior citizens and professionals. The club members posed various questions to the candidates.

  • Kogi: Executive, Judiciary at loggerheads

    Correspondent JAMES AZANIA examines the frosty relationship between the executive and the judiciary in Kogi State, which has culminated into the plot to remove Chief Justice Nasir Ajanah from office.

    Crisis is brewing between Kogi State Governor Yahaya Bello and the Chief Judge, Nasir Ajanah.

    The feud culminated in last week’s court injunction restraining the two arms of government from interfering in the activities of the judiciary, particularly Justice Ajanah and  the Chief Registrar, Yahaya Adamu.

    The Koton-Karfe Division of the High Court of Kogi State restrained the Yahaya Bello-led administration and the House of Assembly from taking steps that will interfere in judicial duties.

    The order, which was obtained by the Chief Judge and the Chief Registrar came in the wake of the purported plan by the Assembly to investigate the judiciary, following a petition to  the Secretary to the Government (SSG), Mrs Folashade Arike Ayoade, against the judiciary.

    Ayoade had requested from the chief judge the payroll of judicial workers as part of the recent ‘table payment’ by the government, in an ef effort to ascertain the workforce and prevent leakages.

    Ayoade is standing trial in High Court 1, presided over by the CJ, on charges proffered against her by the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC).

    The ex-parte application filed by Yemi Muhammed, counsel to the applicants, prayed the court to restrain the defendants from threatening or interfering in the judicial activities, pending the determination of the substantive suit.

    The defendants include the House of Assembly; the Speaker Mathew Kolawole; the Chairman of the Ad hoc Committee, Hassan Abdullahi; the governor and the Attorney-General.

    The ad hoc committee was set up to look into an alleged “impasse between the judiciary and the executive arms of government with a view to providing guidance and way forward.”

    It was gathered however, that the House of Assembly allegedly harboured a plan to ask the CJ to step aside while their work is ongoing.

    In his ruling, Justice Alaba Ajileye said: “I grant the application as prayed.”

    Governor Bello and CJ Ajanah, are from Ebira (Kogi Central). To observers, the right was anticipated.

    The reluctance of the CJ to pander to entreaties that Senator Dino Melaye (Kogi West) be remanded at the Federal Prisons Koton-Karfe, at the height of his arraignment in Lokoja, by the police, on alleged gun running and sundry other charges may have been the genesis. But, others insist that the crack predate the Melaye episode.

    The Special Adviser on Media and Publicity to the Governor, Kingsley Fanwo, however debunked insinuations of rift between his principal and the CJ.

    Fanwo said: “There is no face off between the Governor and the Chief Judge of the state.

    The disagreement between the ‘Pay Parade Committee’ and the judiciary should not be misconstrued as a personality clash between the governor and the judiciary.

    “Governor Yahaya Bello has a deep respect for the judiciary and will continue to hold that sacred arm of government in high esteem.

    The Kogi State House of Assembly has invited the executive and the judiciary to dialogue on the impasse with judiciary staff. We have presented our case and we hope they too will take advantage of the peace window to address the issue. The pay parade system has helped us discover more ghost workers. Even the parliamentary staff presented themselves for the process and their data have been captured and they have been paid.

    “Judiciary staff should tow the same line to save the state from people who are receiving salaries without any contributions to the state.”

    Fanwo added: “The SSG did not make recommendation for the removal of the CJ.”

    Some of the reasons for the animosity may be subject of conjecture. But, the declaration of indefinite strike by the state chapter of the Judiciary Staff Union of Nigeria (JUSUN), against the backdrop of alleged accumulated salary arrears of about six months or the purported non release of judiciary payroll, on request by the office of the SSG may have been worsened the relationship.

    The state has been in the news in recent times over agitations by judiciary workers for payment of salaries and other emoluments by the government.

    Events took a different dimension when the government proposed a pay parade for civil servants in the state, which JUSUN declared unacceptable.

    The union insisted on financial autonomy of the judiciary, with the leadership of the union battling the state government on compliance with a 2014 Federal High Court judgment that mandated each state to respect Section 121(3) of the Constitution, stipulating financial independence of state judiciaries.

    According to Comrade Emmanuel Waniko, the chairman of JUSUN: “Members can no longer continue to bear the hardship as their families, particularly children, were being driven from schools for non payment of school fees, even as they are also contending with the problems of feeding and accommodation.”

    The union said it was wrong of the SSG to have petitioned the house of assembly over the matter relating to the non-payment of salary.

    According to Waniko, the SSG ought to have known that her action violated the principle of separation of power among arms of government.

    He described the petition by the SSG against the CJ (Nasir Ajanah) and the Chief Registrar (Yahaya Adamu), as diversionary.

    The chairman explained that the  crisis was as a result of the non-payment of the workers’ salary for five months due to the failure of the executive to release the subvention of the judiciary.

    The union reiterated its rejection of the table payment arrangement.

    The statement reads: “The attention of the leadership of JUSUN in Kogi State has been drawn to the petition by the Secretary to the Governmentvt of Kogi State, Mrs Folashade Ayoade, to the Kogi State House of Assembly upon which the later set up an ad hoc committee to investigate the Chief Judge and our Chief Registrar.

    “It must first be mentioned that this is an attempt by the executive arm of the state to draw the legislative arm into an industrial matter with a suspected ulterior motive to denigrate the temple of justice.

    “Secondly, we expect the SSG to be knowledgeable enough to know the principle of separation of powers between the three arms of government.  On the matter of pay parade or table payment, we wish to reiterate again that JUSUN would not fold its arms when an obvious attempt is being made to usurp the powers of the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) through any disguise.

    “It is interesting to note that this development is coming up when parliamentary workers all over the country, including those of Kogi State, are celebrating President Muhammadu Buhari’s recent accent to the financial autonomy of the judiciary and the legislature.

  • Market gets executive

    The Owode-Onirin Old Motor Spare Parts and Iron-rod Market has elected new executive to run the affairs of the union for the next four years. Alhaji Mohammed Shakiru Kolapo was elected as the new president.

    Other elected officers are Alhaji Yemeen Maja; Deputy President, Mr. Ebenezer Akinola; Secretary, Mr. Onasanya Tajudeen Assistant Secretary, among others.

    Commenting on the plan for the market, the President said: “We plan to have modern infrastructure such as pipe-borne water, banking facilities, drainage for waste disposal, constant electricity supply modern toilet motorable road network in and around the market.”

    He said officials of the market would welcome like to partner with other stakeholder in developing the market.

     

  • Monarch seeks cooperation between executive, legislature

    The king of Egbe land, His Royal Majesty Oba Ashimiyu Lasisi the Dada Otta Kudaki Obalufon I, has called for synergy between the legislative and executive arms of government.

    He said it would end disunity between the two arms of government.

    The traditional ruler made the remark when the legislative arm of Egbe-Idimu Local Council Development Area (LCDA) visited him in his palace.

    Lasisi, who was the pioneer executive chairman of the council, said there must be cordial relationship among the legislature and executives.

    He said: “Legislators are the people’s mouthpiece while the executives are the executors of people’s needs. Whatever the legislators want is what the executive should work on not that the executive will impose its opinions on the legislators and indirectly to the people.

    “At local government level, the Executive Chairman has to carry the councilors along in every decision making, councilors are representatives of their wards and they shouldn’t be taking for granted. They are the political mobilisers, they are closer to the people than the chairman, so they just have to be carrying along.”

    The former council boss advised the councilors to always support the  chairman in fulfilling his campaign promises.

    The leader of the Legislative arm, Hon. Taiwo Lasisi, said the visit was to seek advice and partnership.

    “This visit is part of our annual overnight functions, we intend to seek advices from our royal fathers, seek partnership with company’s major stakeholders within our locality and also inspect all completed and ongoing projects carried out by our council,” he said.

  • Executive order legal, constitutional, Presidency insists

    The Presidency on Sunday replied the critics of the execution order six insisting  that it is legal and constitutional.
    President Buhari on Saturday ordered for full implementation of the new order, with 50 persons already on the watch list.
    A statement by the Senior Special Assistant on Media and publicity, Garba Shehu, on Sunday also maintained that the new measure will speed up corruption cases in the country.
    He said “In the history of independent Nigeria, this is the first time any government is taking such a key decision to fight corruption. EO 6 is not only revolutionary to the efforts to rid Nigeria of corruption but a manifestation of systemic changes that are required to to make necessary adjustments as we carry on with the war against corruption.
    “The very essence of the order is to make for speedy trials and conclusion of graft cases. The order is not political and there is no political gain behind its activation.”
    He pointed out that the high profile corruption cases have been going on for up to 10 years with no end in sight.
    He said “These case were mostly originated by administrations other than this one. What is clear is that the access to these resources by the suspects has enabled them to be in a composition to sometime compromise investigation, prosecution and trial.
    “In most of the cases, the courts are held in a helpless position by legal acrobatics paid for from corrupt enrichment by the suspects,” Shehu stated
    He went on “The new measures put in place should compel everyone involved to make for a speedy conclusion of these cases. If it is your money, you have it back. If it belongs to the public, it goes back to the treasury.
    “The question of the constitutionality of the restriction order is answered by the fact that a court of the land has given government a clean chit. The Executive Order is legal and constitutional and therefore implementable.
    “One of the cardinal objectives of the government under our constitution is to fight corruption. Fighting corruption is a responsibility and obligation upon the government.”
    Denying issuing the list of 50 persons on the watch list in circulation, he said “On the so-called list you asked for confirmation, I want to confirm to you that we have not issued any list and we are not doing so.
    “These cases that are well known and to say this or that name is on it will open the door to further accusations, including trial by media. The Immigration Service and other security agencies have the mandate of the President to carry out enforcement and they will do so giving due respects to individual rights, in line with the the constitution.”

  • Group tasks executive, legislalure on national unity

    The leadership of Ethnic Nationalities Youth Presidents comprising youth leaders from different ethnic groups on the country, has sued for peace between the executive and the legislative arms of government in order to save the nascent democracy and move the country forward.

    In a statement by the Deputy Chairman of the group, Mazi Okechukwu Isiguzoro, the group cautioned the presidency and National Assembly members against over heating the polity because of the  defection of the Senate President Dr Saraki and some governors from the ruling APC to PDP.

    “We advise  that there should cordial relationship between the executive and the legislature.  Nigeria youths will occupy both National assembly and Presidential villa if there’s and break down of law and order.

    Those trying to set Nigeria on fire by trying to impeach Governor Ortom should be aware that the era of using few lawmakers to impeach a sitting governor  has gone and any attempt to illegally remove the governor  could spell doom.

    “We are calling on Federal Government to ensure that every citizen enjoys the dividends of democracy without recourse to his tribe or religion.”