Tag: failed

  • My father has failed me, boy tells court

    My father has failed me, boy tells court

    I love my parents, but my father has failed me.” These were the words of 10-year-old Michael, whose father, Sunday Ajibulu, yesterday, prayed the Customary Court at Alakuko, a Lagos suburb, to dissolve his 12-year-old marriage told the child’s mother, Bukola.

    Michael was the sole witness in the divorce case between hi parents.

    Ajibulu, 45, an employee of Berger Paints, accused his wife of being troublesome, adding that she lacks respect for his family and neighbours.

    “Since we got married, I have not enjoyed peace. Each time she realises that I don’t greet a neighbour, she easily presumes that I am having an affair with her. She wasn’t like this when I met her. I left our home because she rain curses on me whenever we have an argument. She has succeeded in turning my son against me. I have not made love to her this year because I am fed up. I don’t want to die; please, separate us,” he explained.

    But, Bukola, 32, a teacher, denied her husband’s allegations, saying she has been a supportive and caring wife.

    “Through thick and thin, I have stood by him. Words of encouragement toward him turned a rhythm for me. I have always been a humble wife and mother. We dined together and wore the same outfit.

    “My husband left home four months ago under the pretence that he was transferred to another branch. He said it was not possible to come home daily except weekends and I believed him. On seeing a court summons, I was shocked because he still made love to me before he left home and we talk almost every day,” she said.

    She prayed the court not to dissolve the marriage because  she still loves her husband.

    The court President, Chief Godwin Awosola, ordered Ajibulu to pay N15,000 to the registrar for the child’s upkeep. He also advised the couple to maintain peace and adjourned the case till August 28 for further hearing.

  • Chibok abduction: Jonathan has failed, says NANS

    Chibok abduction: Jonathan has failed, says NANS

    •Govt refusing assistance bad for rescue efforts’

    Exactly 100 days after over 200 pupils were abducted from the Government Girls’ Secondary School in Chibok, Borno State, the leadership of the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) has criticised President Goodluck Jonathan for his “indolent and incompetent” leadership over the incident.

    In a statement yesterday by NANS Public Relations Officer (PRO), Comrade Victor Olaogun, the students’ body decried the further collapse of the Education sector since the Jonathan administration took over.

    It noted that besides the suffering from insecurity, Nigerian students suffered the President’s “incompetence” more than any other Nigerian.

    Olaogun said since the Boko Haram insurgents started their killings and destruction of property, over 800 students had been killed, especially at the Federal Polytechnic, Mubi; the Adamawa State University; the School of Hygiene in Kano; the College of Agriculture in Damaturu, Yobe State, among others.

    Olaogun said: “Or, do we talk about the killing of innocent National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) members whose blood politicians have continued to march on to power?

    “We cannot but imagine the harrowing experiences of these innocent girls, who may have been subjected to terrible experiences in the last 100 days in captivity. There is hardly any nation where this could happen and the President would still have the temerity to stage a political campaign and dance Alanta, as our own President did in Kano few hours after the Iyanya bombing. It was a huge display of insensitivity and gross misconduct.

    “Also, I am a polytechnic student. With my mates in almost all the polytechnics across the federation and the colleges of education, we have been idle for over 10 months and somebody would tell me we have a government in place? We should recall also that the university education was put on hold for over six months before our colleagues could return to their various campuses. These are not only unacceptable but also condemnable.”

    The students’ leader also condemned the $1 billion (about N165 billion) loan request by the President.

    He said students would be mobilised for a protest to the National Assembly, if the lawmakers approve “the fraudulent request”.

    Olaogun said: “Let me warn all the senators and the members of the House of Representatives that if they want to return to their constituencies without being stoned, they should not even consider the loan request, not to talk of approving it. We are aware that the President and his clique of wanted elements …are busy piling up our commonwealth to fight their way back to Aso Rock in 2015. We will fight it and make life more difficult for them.”

    Also, a group, the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP), has said the failure of the Goodluck Jonathan administration to genuinely seek and accept assistance from other states and international organisations is a major reason the over 200 pupils of Government Girls’ Secondary School in Chibok, Borno State, have not been rescued.

    The schoolgirls were abducted 100 days ago by Boko Haram insurgents and have remained in the sect’s captivity since.

    In a statement yesterday by its Executive Director Adetokunbo Mumuni, SERAP said: “It is 100 days today that the girls were taken away from their families. The question Nigerians are asking is why this government has not admitted that it cannot do it alone. It is now time for the government to genuinely and proactively seek help and international assistance to obtain the badly needed intelligence, logistics and other support so that the schoolgirls can return to their families without further delay.

    “At this point, seeking such assistance will not breach Nigeria’s sovereignty. As a matter of fact, SERAP believes that Nigeria has a duty, under international law, not only to seek international assistance but also to accept any such assistance when offered. This is the basis of the principle of international cooperation for the protection of human rights. “

  • OLATUNJI DARE @ 70: ‘Why I think Jonathan has failed’

    OLATUNJI DARE @ 70: ‘Why I think Jonathan has failed’

    •CONTINUED FROM YESTERDAY

    Those on the outside, if they can’t get in there, decamp to the successful party and the situation gets really confusing. One of my anxieties is that from now until the election, the country is totally on hold. Nothing is moving. The election seems to be the only business in town. The business of governance is almost in abeyance. Everything is targeted towards 2015, with all the problems on the ground. I can say that for the past six months, everything has been about 2015. INEC seems to be learning and getting better with each election, but the desperation; the winner takes all mentality; the desire to capture territory that doesn’t belong to you; to turn constituencies into battlegrounds literally and figuratively. These are the anxieties I have about 2015.

    President Jonathan’s administration has been severely criticised for his handling of the Boko Haram insurgency. Do you agree that he has failed?

    Given all that is happening around, and given how reticent he himself has been about telling the public what substantive measures he’s taking, I would have to say that he has failed. There is no way of finessing it. I would have to say that he has failed. I am appalled that after so many days after the abduction of the Chibok girls, has he summoned the parents of those girls to talk to them one on one, or summon them as a group and talk to them? Each time he’s asked, have you any message for the parents of those girls, he says: ‘I’m appealing to them to cooperate with the government.’ It’s almost as if it’s their alleged failure to cooperate that is responsible for the impasse in getting those girls back. He has not shown enough empathy towards the victims. He underestimates the size of the problem. Just because America and France came in offering help, Jonathan says with the involvement of these outside forces, we can begin to see the end of the Boko Haram insurgency. And even they now are saying that they don’t know where the girls are.

    These people have their own agenda. They come in, harvest data which they don’t share with you, and for use against the future. By one account there were more troops in Ekiti for the election than have been deployed in the Chibok area so far. When you take all this into consideration, you have to say that he has not shown the empathy required. He has not shown the muscle and the firepower required; that he underestimates the problem. When you take all this into account, you have to say that he has failed in this respect.

    People do say the art of column writing has declined over the years, despite the fact that purportedly more educated people are coming on board. What’s your comment on that?

    I don’t agree. At the time people like Peter Enahoro, Alade, Gbolagbo Ogunsanwo and Sam Amuka were writing, it was almost a unidirectional effort, very little feedback; maybe an occasional letter to the editor, unlike now where you have text messages, social media and that kind of thing. At that time you had only five universities in the country. We didn’t have the kind of sophisticated readership that you have today. Those guys were almost like oracles. Today some of us are almost like punching bags. You’re writing for people who are at least as knowledgeable as yourself, who can take you apart. Those guys who we used to idolise in those days got away with what contemporary columnists cannot get away with. We’re dealing with a much more enlightened, much more sophisticated, and much more critical readership. So I don’t think there has been a decline in the quality or art of column writing.

    What’s your view of the Nigerian column reader?

    It’s almost an oxymoron when you talk of social media at least in the Nigerian context. It is anything but social (laughter). The amount of cursing, the amount of swearing, the violence of the language – uncouth, and they’re not even addressing the issues you raised. Whereas in most other climes – I read the rejoinders to columns in the New York Times and others – they discuss the ideas contained in the column. It has nothing to do with the personality of the writer, his ethnicity or religion. Here, we abuse, we curse to the next generation; in fact, curse five generations back in the vilest language conceivable. I heard it being discussed on TV the other day. I think it was based on a comment that Prof Wole Soyinka made, that social media in Nigeria is devoted more to abuse than to a discussion of serious issues.

    You’re known to have a wide network of friends, including politicians, but you are never prejudiced or inhibited in your views. What is your guiding principle?

    Stick as much as possible to discussing ideas and concepts. Analyse the issues and the ideas and their implications, and of course don’t sound like an oracle. Try not to sound like you know it all, that this is the only way to think about an issue. ‘This is just one way of thinking about the issue. There are other possibilities.’ Don’t get too carried away by your own arguments or by your own brilliance. Just say: ‘This is my take.’ Have your say and move on. Let others have their say. Try not to answer back.

    One of the ‘oracular’ columnists Dan Agbese who turned 70 recently had a prescription: ‘Express, but don’t try to impress’. What’s your take on that?

    I think it’s two sides of the same coin really. In a way it may actually be a distinction without a difference. The impression comes from the way you express yourself, rather than from a desire to show how brilliant you are. The way you handle ideas, the way you present your arguments, the way you express yourself, the way you choose the precise words – this total expression is what is going to impress the reader, not the parade of learning and quoting people and showing how encyclopedic you are.

    You will be 70 on July 17. How does it feel to reach this landmark age?

    I almost can’t believe it myself (laughter). In the 70s, there was a columnist called J.V Clinton. He was 70-years-old, and he was like a dinosaur, as if from another age altogether. People marveled at the fact that this man is 70 and was doing a column for a whole Sunday Times. Now you just mentioned my good friend and contemporary at Colombia University Dan Agbese, who’s 70. There are others approaching that age. It’s a good feeling in a country where they say the lifespan is about 50. So, it’s good to have exceeded that lifespan. But at the same time, it’s a signal that what lies ahead is far less than what you had behind you.

    It’s a good feeling, I’m thankful for it, that I have enjoyed good health and have remained mentally productive, but there is no escaping it. When I walk through the news room…there was a day I asked for one of the desk chiefs; they said he wasn’t around. The next day I went into the next room and somebody day ‘Hey daddy…the man you’re asking for is now around.’ I said: ‘Me? Daddy?’ (laughter). I had a visitor and he told somebody he was looking for me and the fellow was trying to be helpful. So he called another fellow and asked: ‘Do you know where that Baba Dare has his office?’ (Laughter). Or when you meet the young men who greet you reverentially; staffers who come here and almost prostrate; girls who courtesy deeply and that kind of thing, you know that you have attained the status of a senior citizen and you had better not mess up. So one gets those reminders. Memory fades. There was a time when I used to feel that if something was worth remembering, I wasn’t likely to forget it. I had telephone numbers and all kinds of things in my head. I hardly put stuff down in writing. I said if I don’t remember it, it’s because it’s not worth remembering. Nowadays if I don’t put it down I may not remember it. That happens, but I’m consoled by the fact that as a colleague of mine who’s much older, says: ‘All those things about Alzheimer and memory getting fuzzy, if you can’t find your car key when you need it, don’t worry. It happens even to younger people. What you should worry about is when you have forgotten how to drive.’ It happens. When Alzheimer strikes, you forget so many things, like how to drive. You even forget who you are. Ronald Reagan, in his dying years, had no memory of his presidency – he was president for two terms. It is a terrible thing.

    Are you pleased with the country as it is now? If you’re not, how can it be salvaged?

    One of the things that puzzles so many Nigerians is: How can a country so richly endowed be so thoroughly messed up? All kinds of factors have been blamed for it: leadership and the unwieldy nature and structure of the country and all that. All the countries that were at the same level with us – Indonesia, Malaysia, South Korea – have moved on to greater things. See where we are, we can’t even generate enough electricity. I was reading somewhere that there is platinum mine in South Africa that generates more electricity for its own internal operations than the whole of Nigeria generates for public consumption – a platinum mine. When people say no lessons have been learnt, I ask: Have any lessons been taught? Those who have hijacked the national patrimony, those who have desecrated our value system, those who have siphoned the nation’s wealth – we make a noise and go through the motions of prosecuting; they come back to even higher offices. Abacha’s son now wants to be governor of Kano State. Fayose has been returned as governor of Ekiti State.

    As the Ekiti election results were unfolding, I was discussing with somebody. He said Fayose was going to sweep the whole thing. I said what about that integrated poultry project that gulped several billion naira and didn’t produce a single egg? Not one egg. The fellow laughed. He said people have forgotten, and those who haven’t forgotten don’t care. He’s back there. We don’t punish those who are found wrong, and so impunity thrives, because we don’t make an example of those who have run afoul of the law or committed some wrongdoing. So, until we get serious about punishing those who are found to have been in breach of the law; until we make examples of those who have broken the law, and we learn lessons of the past, I’m afraid we’ll continue to go round and round in ever shrinking cycles.

    Babangida tried to grow wheat; the thing was a disastrous failure. They’re trying to do the same thing now. Babangida banned rice. It was unsustainable. In fact, there was more rice in the country after the ban than there was before. We had motor assembly plants – Peugeot, Volkswagen, Leyland and all the rest of them. They collapsed. We’re going back to the same policy again, without even finding out why they failed, just going round and round in an ever shrinking cycle. All that can be fixed.

    What really, really worries me the most is the collapse of the value system. There was a time we could say this was wrong and unacceptable and everybody would agree, nobody would quibble about it. Now you cannot say that this is wrong or right. It depends on what you can get away with. If you can get away with it, it’s right. This is what really worries me. The economy you can always rebuild. When the value system collapses, it takes a generation or even longer to rebuild it. This is my worry about all that is going on in the country now. The collapse of the value system is not being addressed, and in fact everything that is being done today further debases the value system. This is my worry. The political arrangement and the economy can be fixed, but once the value system collapses, it takes a long, long time to re-establish it.

    What’s your assessment of commitment to service in Nigeria?

    One thing that keeps the USA going, and we have little of that in this country, is volunteerism – people who volunteer for all kinds of things. ‘I still have the skills; I still have the health; I can help teach a course here, I can provide some service here and hope that my expertise will motivate others and show how things are done’ – people who don’t need the money. I was scandalised that only four people turned down they N4million that they were being offered at this constitutional conference. Many of them are millionaires. They don’t need the money. What can be greater than being asked to serve your country at a critical moment of its history? Only four out of almost 500 rejected the money. That’s a measure of the level to which the commitment to public service has sunk in this country. We had in the second republic people like Dafinone – he wasn’t even taking a salary as a Senator. He said he didn’t need it. The country has given so much to many of us and if we could just give back – let the example spread, use our knowledge, influence and try in our own little way to make things better.

    What are your plans after retirement?

    I would be interested in continuing to impart knowledge. Two, I told you earlier that I have an autistic son. The problem is more widespread than is generally realised in Nigeria. People are not aware of the extent. It is very, very widespread. I had an idea of it while I was on assignment in Addis-Ababa, Ethiopia. A Nigerian diplomat there organised lunch for me. In attendance were the ambassador, myself, a Nigerian diplomat accredited to a UN agency in Rome and another Nigerian diplomat in the embassy, four of us. I was meeting them for the first time. As we were discussing, one thing led to another. It turned out that all four of us had autistic children. All four. My host said his wife couldn’t handle it, that she just ran away. She just abandoned him. The diplomat accredited to the Nigerian embassy said each time he was traveling, he had to drug his son, really drug him hard, so that he would not be active during the flight. That gave me the idea that the problem may be more widespread than is generally realised and I have seen signs of it elsewhere. The symptoms are fairly easy to recognise. There is a Nigerian Society for Autism, but I don’t know how active it is.

    So, one of the things I plan to be actively engaged in is spreading awareness of autism, the level in society, and using whatever little influence I may have to raise awareness, to raise funds and generally help improve the quality of life of autistic children in Nigeria. That’s one of the goals I have set for myself at retirement.

  • OLATUNJI DARE @ 70: ‘Why I think Jonathan has failed…’

    OLATUNJI DARE @ 70: ‘Why I think Jonathan has failed…’

    Dr Olatunji Dare, foremost journalism teacher and columnist, will be 70 on July 17. In this interview with JOSEPH JIBUEZE, Dare speaks on how he almost dropped out of university, why he left The Guardian, how UNILAG refused his request for an official car despite his peculiar circumstances, the need for a rule to limit election spending, his autistic child and his plans for life after retirement.

    As university teacher with experience in Nigeria and the United States, how would you compare the two systems?

    Let me begin with the US system. There is an abundance of literature and teaching material. The media environment reinforces what happens in the classroom, so that you are always in a position to learn. The academic environment too is very stable. For example by May of this year, students had already registered for the courses they’re going to take in the next academic year. I already know what I’m going to teach, what classrooms have been assigned for the course; the textbooks for the course are already in the bookstore well before classes begin. The system is very predictable. You can plan.

    I regret to say you cannot say much the same about the system in Nigeria, with a very unstable system. The literature is scarce; there is some good reinforcing material – some good journalism, but there is also some bad journalism that tends to subvert whatever is taught in the classroom. In the US, journalism training in conducted in an ethical context, and the ethics very strongly upheld. Here you find a kind of ethical vacuum, where journalism is disconnected from the ethical value. This is not generally the case, but in some media establishments you see a lack of commitment to strong ethical values, and I don’t think this makes for good journalism.

    Also in the US, most of the people who teach in journalism schools have worked in the media before and so are in a position to combine academic work with practical instruction. I wish this was also true of the Nigerian situation. Here we think because somebody has an M.Sc or PhD in Mass Communication, that qualifies him or her to be in the journalism profession. A marriage of the two – practical experience plus academic qualification – makes for the best instruction.

    What would you attribute Nigeria’s falling education standard to?

    The proliferation of universities, which has meant a dilusion in the faculty pool available, which I believe has undermined the quality of instruction. Also, lack of textbooks, computer labs. I doubt if there’s any journalism institution in Nigeria that produces a weekly newspaper where students can put their learning into practice and build up a portfolio that will enable them to get jobs. When I was applying for admission, there were only five universities in Nigeria. Today there must be almost a hundred. The faculty has not grown as fast as the universities have.

    Some of your students describe you in various ways. While some say you’re so strict, others say they’re so enthralled they won’t want an end to your classes. How do you endeavour to strike a balance with your students?

    Again unlike Nigeria, your students evaluate at the end of each semester any course you teach. Some of the things they take into account are: Do you come to class prepared? Are the textbooks relevant? Are you accessible? Is your grading fair? You have students who are highly motivated, who want to make the best of the course. They pay attention, and I think my international experience here, in the US, my academic background and my cultural experience enable me to produce the kind of instruction different from what they are used to, and some of them value it a great deal. But there are others who are so insular and cannot see immediately beyond the US and they think all that kind of wide experiences from which I draw is a waste of time – ‘Just give us the stuff that we need and cut out all the crap.’

    What do I care about? Students say all kinds of things, some of them very constructive, some of them very mean. I’ve heard students say in their evaluation: ‘Please give us a professor who speaks English’. I used to think that I spoke English until I got to the US. There are others who say: ‘This guy is the most knowledgeable instructor we’ve had.’ The two things that I really care about, that would hurt me if students said them, are: That I didn’t know what I was talking about. No student has ever said that about me. Two, if students said I wasn’t fair. Again, no student has said that about me. Strict, yes, but fair. If you want to learn, if you don’t want an easy grade with empty content, this is the guy to go to. He drives you hard, but in the end you’re grateful for it.

    You’re one of Nigeria’s best known newspapermen. How do you view journalism when you began and now?

    I find a great deal that is encouraging. The profession has been virtually taken over by young men and women who have the best training that the Nigerian system can offer. Many of them are fired by idealism. They want to change society through journalism, and that is the reason most of us got into journalism, hoping that through your work, you can make an impact and help change a few things or call attention to a few things.

    The old journalism was analog journalism. It was hard-going and much of it lacked the sophistication that we have today in terms of technology. But there were some pillars, some really, really good role models whom we younger ones tried to emulate, people like Peter Pan, Sam Amuka, the late Alade Odunewu. I’m hoping that today’s younger men and women, people like you, will also find some role models worth emulating and studying. I am encouraged by the standard of writing, reporting and commenting among the generation coming after us.

    Are you satisfied with the media’s contributions to democratic growth since 1999?

    I don’t find an overarching commitment of the media to democracy in Nigeria. When it comes to democracy and larger issues, the media is still largely instrumental. Take the issue of June 12 for example. We thought the issues were fairly straightforward. An election has been held. Somebody has won. The results were frozen midway after they were already available to the world. I thought, whether you liked the candidate or not, we had a duty to support the process and insist on an outcome. But again, all kinds of things crept in: ownership structure, politics, ethnic issues. I was so happy that it was a Muslim-Muslim ticket, because if we had added religion to that combustible mixture, the country would have exploded. We tend to insist on a democratic outcome if it serves our purpose. If it doesn’t quite serve our purpose, to hell with democracy. This is what I meant by the media tending to be instrumental rather than committed to principle. That’s not the way to build the country. We have to insist on principle.

    Could it be the fact that a good number of media houses are not capitalised enough?

    Maybe, but I’m not sure. I think in critical situations like that, professionalism should trump existential considerations. You want to be respected as a professional and not as somebody who is fixated only on existential issues. We can hold different political views, but when professional issues are concerned, I don’t think there’s an ethnic, religious or economic cleavage when it comes to professional issues.

    The media as business in the US and Nigeria. What’s your take?

    Yes, you do have the media as a business and even ideologically driven media. When you watch Fox TV in the US for example, or read the Op-Ed pages of the Wall Street Journal, you know that you’re getting a conservative viewpoint. When you read the New York Times and the Washington Post, you know you’re getting the liberal viewpoint. I think they agree basically on the facts. ‘This is the situation and this is our take on the situation, this is their take, but we agree basically that this is the situation; we agree on the facts of the matter; our interpretations may be different.’ You know the title of the famous book in 1960s by Wolfgang Gestolfo, the American economist loaned to Nigeria from the Ford Foundation to help draw up the first national development plan. The book is appropriately titled: Planning without facts. What are the facts? We have to establish the facts, agree on them, and then we can have divergent interpretations of what those facts mean.

    You were a victim of the events of June 12, 1993, culminating in your resignation from The Guardian as editorial board chairman. Could you give us an insight into what led to your decision?

    Being a liberal newspaper, we saw a process unfolding; a process that we have been given to understand was designed to achieve a certain goal. We followed it religiously and insisted on the process. Apparently this was too much for the authorities, and they closed the paper, even while our publisher was serving as a member of Sani Abacha’s cabinet. One day, he was given to understand that if he apologised to the regime and promised not to do anything that might get the regime angry in future, they would un-ban the paper. For that purpose Alex Ibru said we should go to Abuja to meet with Abacha. They didn’t disclose the agenda but I’d found out that was the agenda for going to Abuja, and I didn’t go with them. My position was that if we had broken any law in Nigeria, charge us to court.The Guardian had always insisted on the primacy of the rule of law. We can’t go and apologise for an unspecified crime. If we had committed a crime under the laws of Nigeria, the place to charge us was the court; we’d defend ourselves; and that if we went on this mission and apologised to Abacha, we could never with a straight face write an editorial advocating the primacy of the rule of law anymore. It would ring hollow. So, I didn’t go. They went and apologised to Abacha. He said he was lifting the ban. Thereafter, I considered that I was done at The Guardian. Having refused to join them in their mission of apology, I decided that I could not in good faith partake of the fruit of that apology, and for me that was the end. The day after they came back, I tendered my letter of resignation. I never went back.

    Before The Guardian was the University of Lagos (UNILAG). What were your fondest memories of UNILAG and what were your not-so fond memories?

    My fondest memories were one, my instructors in the Department of Mass Communication: the late Frank Ugboaja; James Scotton, dean of what they called the institute of mass communication at the time. In fact at the end of my first year in UNILAG, I had no scholarship. I sponsored myself and I had run out funds. I have this Nigerian Certificate in Education. I was qualified to teach physics and chemistry. I said would leave the University for one year, work, make enough money, return to finish up. I told James Scotton and he said: ‘My fear is that you may go to work and may not come back. Why didn’t you have a scholarship?’ I said I applied to the Kwara State Government then and they wouldn’t give me a scholarship. He said he would write them a letter. He wrote them this beautiful letter, saying ‘this guy has run into problems, he deserves a scholarship and if we don’t give him one, we’ll be missing a good opportunity to help build a future for him, a future in which he can make some vital contributions to society, so please reconsider.’ A few weeks letter I got a letter offering me a scholarship. There was Mary Riley, who taught journalistic writing; and Alan Herbert who taught French. I entered university as a fairly mature student, and surprisingly all my instructors always called me Mr Dare (laughter). Much to my embarrassment they always said Mr Dare. They had such high expectations of me. I was at times very uncomfortable. I didn’t want to disappoint them, so that kept me focused on my studies. This was also when we had Ayodele Awojobi on campus.

    Does that explain your First Class degree?

    The First Class came as a surprise to me. It didn’t come as a surprise to them. The bar then was so high. Mine was the first journalism First Class in UNILAG. Even up till today, I think there have been only five or six.

    My not so fond memories: When I came back after my masters degree, I confidently expected to be appointed lecturer grade two. It was the practice that in a professional programme like Mass Communication, Accounting, if you came with a Masters degree, they appointed you lecture grade two. In my own case I was offered Assistant Lecturer, which meant I was not entitled to university housing, and the rest of it. I protested and my head of department said all the precedents I cited, he didn’t create them, so he was not bound by those precedents. I raised a petition, which succeeded. He was overruled.

    After my PhD, I paid the obligatory visit to my dean, and he was asking about my family. He wanted to know everything about my family. I then had to tell him I had a handicapped son who suffers from autism. He asked how was I coping? I said it’s tough. I don’t have a car. I can’t be taking him round in danfos and molues; that if he gets lost in a crowd, he wouldn’t know his way back and that he has to be under constant supervision. He said: ‘You just made an excellent case for getting a university loan to buy a car. Go and write an application, state your case, I’ll endorse it and send it to the deputy Vice-Chancellor, who is in charge of car loans.’ I made the application. One month, two months, three months, no response. I ran into the dean one day and he said: ‘Have you not heard from the DVC?’ I said: ‘If the DVC wrote me, he has to route the letter through you in any case since the application went through you as my dean.’ He said okay, let’s send them a reminder. Two months later, there came the reply, with two terse sentences: “With regard to your application for a car loan, I am to inform you that the university car loan programme has been suspended. When the programme is revived, your application will be considered along with others.” Nothing was said about my son. Nothing. Nothing saying: ‘Sorry we didn’t know you were going through this, we can’t help you at this time, but we’ll keep it in mind.’ Nothing about my son. I was fighting back tears when I got that letter. Even if I was working for an enemy, someone who had every right to detest me, when it comes to children or health, I expected that they would show some sympathy. My heart left the university that day. My heart left that environment that day. What kind of people are these?

    Fortunately I got an invitation from Stanley Macebuh, Managing Director at The Guardian, asking me to take a leave of absence to come and work there for one year. I applied. It was approved. And within my one year at The Guardian I was able to buy a brand new car. Even while at The Guardian, technically on leave of absence, I was teaching at UNILAG without pay. I volunteered to teach two courses without pay. At the end of the year, Stanley Macebuh said: ‘Listen, must you go back to the university?’ I found the work environment really nice. I asked for an extension of my leave of absence by one year, they said no, no, no, the department of mass communication would collapse if you didn’t return. It will collapse if I didn’t return? They said yes. That’s alright. If it’s going to collapse, let it collapse, I’m not coming back. It wasn’t going to collapse. I was still offering to teach without pay, but departmental envy and that kind of thing… ‘Hey this guy comes and goes. He left here empty-handed, now he has a brand new car. He wants to have the best of both worlds.’ So, I left. The thing about my son and the car loan were really my saddest memory of UNILAG.

    Ahead of the 2015 election, do you have any fears for Nigeria?

    No so much fears as anxiety. In this country elections seem to be a civil war by another name. It’s not about ideas and programmes. It’s about everything else except ideas and programmes and if there are rules, they are not strictly followed. Look at what happened in Ekiti for instance – somebody openly distributing rice and that kind of thing on the eve of election. I don’t know whether there’s a rule governing that kind of thing or not. There’s supposed to be a rule on limiting election spending. It’s absolutely unenforceable. A situation in which winner takes all; if you’re already in charge, it makes you think you must do everything to remain in charge; if you’re on the outside, you would think that you have to do whatever needs to be done to get on the inside. No rules, no restraints.

     

    Those on the outside, if they can’t get in there, decamp to the successful party and the situation gets really confusing. One of my anxieties is that from now until the election, the country is totally on hold. Nothing is moving. The election seems to be the only business in town. The business of governance is almost in abeyance. Everything is targeted towards 2015, with all the problems on the ground. I can say that for the past six months, everything has been about 2015. INEC seems to be learning and getting better with each election, but the desperation; the winner takes all mentality; the desire to capture territory that doesn’t belong to you; to turn constituencies into battlegrounds literally and figuratively. These are the anxieties I have about 2015.

    President Jonathan’s administration has been severely criticised for his handling of the Boko Haram insurgency. Do you agree that he has failed?

    Given all that is happening around, and given how reticent he himself has been about telling the public what substantive measures he’s taking, I would have to say that he has failed. There is no way of finessing it. I would have to say that he has failed. I am appalled that after so many days after the abduction of the Chibok girls, has he summoned the parents of those girls to talk to them one on one, or summon them as a group and talk to them? Each time he’s asked, have you any message for the parents of those girls, he says: ‘I’m appealing to them to cooperate with the government.’ It’s almost as if it’s their alleged failure to cooperate that is responsible for the impasse in getting those girls back. He has not shown enough empathy towards the victims. He underestimates the size of the problem. Just because America and France came in offering help, Jonathan says with the involvement of these outside forces, we can begin to see the end of the Boko Haram insurgency. And even they now are saying that they don’t know where the girls are.

    These people have their own agenda. They come in, harvest data which they don’t share with you, and for use against the future. By one account there were more troops in Ekiti for the election than have been deployed in the Chibok area so far. When you take all this into consideration, you have to say that he has not shown the empathy required. He has not shown the muscle and the firepower required; that he underestimates the problem. When you take all this into account, you have to say that he has failed in this respect.

    People do say the art of column writing has declined over the years, despite the fact that purportedly more educated people are coming on board. What’s your comment on that?

    I don’t agree. At the time people like Peter Enahoro, Alade, Gbolagbo Ogunsanwo and Sam Amuka were writing, it was almost a unidirectional effort, very little feedback; maybe an occasional letter to the editor, unlike now where you have text messages, social media and that kind of thing. At that time you had only five universities in the country. We didn’t have the kind of sophisticated readership that you have today. Those guys were almost like oracles. Today some of us are almost like punching bags. You’re writing for people who are at least as knowledgeable as yourself, who can take you apart. Those guys who we used to idolise in those days got away with what contemporary columnists cannot get away with. We’re dealing with a much more enlightened, much more sophisticated, and much more critical readership. So I don’t think there has been a decline in the quality or art of column writing.

    What’s your view of the Nigerian column reader?

    It’s almost an oxymoron when you talk of social media at least in the Nigerian context. It is anything but social (laughter). The amount of cursing, the amount of swearing, the violence of the language – uncouth, and they’re not even addressing the issues you raised. Whereas in most other climes – I read the rejoinders to columns in the New York Times and others – they discuss the ideas contained in the column. It has nothing to do with the personality of the writer, his ethnicity or religion. Here, we abuse, we curse to the next generation; in fact, curse five generations back in the vilest language conceivable. I heard it being discussed on TV the other day. I think it was based on a comment that Prof Wole Soyinka made, that social media in Nigeria is devoted more to abuse than to a discussion of serious issues.

    You’re known to have a wide network of friends, including politicians, but you are never prejudiced or inhibited in your views. What is your guiding principle?

    Stick as much as possible to discussing ideas and concepts. Analyse the issues and the ideas and their implications, and of course don’t sound like an oracle. Try not to sound like you know it all, that this is the only way to think about an issue. ‘This is just one way of thinking about the issue. There are other possibilities.’ Don’t get too carried away by your own arguments or by your own brilliance. Just say: ‘This is my take.’ Have your say and move on. Let others have their say. Try not to answer back.

    One of the ‘oracular’ columnists Dan Agbese who turned 70 recently had a prescription: ‘Express, but don’t try to impress’. What’s your take on that?

    I think it’s two sides of the same coin really. In a way it may actually be a distinction without a difference. The impression comes from the way you express yourself, rather than from a desire to show how brilliant you are. The way you handle ideas, the way you present your arguments, the way you express yourself, the way you choose the precise words – this total expression is what is going to impress the reader, not the parade of learning and quoting people and showing how encyclopedic you are.

    You will be 70 on July 17. How does it feel to reach this landmark age?

    I almost can’t believe it myself (laughter). In the 70s, there was a columnist called J.V Clinton. He was 70-years-old, and he was like a dinosaur, as if from another age altogether. People marveled at the fact that this man is 70 and was doing a column for a whole Sunday Times. Now you just mentioned my good friend and contemporary at Colombia University Dan Agbese, who’s 70. There are others approaching that age. It’s a good feeling in a country where they say the lifespan is about 50. So, it’s good to have exceeded that lifespan. But at the same time, it’s a signal that what lies ahead is far less than what you had behind you.

    It’s a good feeling, I’m thankful for it, that I have enjoyed good health and have remained mentally productive, but there is no escaping it. When I walk through the news room…there was a day I asked for one of the desk chiefs; they said he wasn’t around. The next day I went into the next room and somebody day ‘Hey daddy…the man you’re asking for is now around.’ I said: ‘Me? Daddy?’ (laughter). I had a visitor and he told somebody he was looking for me and the fellow was trying to be helpful. So he called another fellow and asked: ‘Do you know where that Baba Dare has his office?’ (Laughter). Or when you meet the young men who greet you reverentially; staffers who come here and almost prostrate; girls who courtesy deeply and that kind of thing, you know that you have attained the status of a senior citizen and you had better not mess up. So one gets those reminders. Memory fades. There was a time when I used to feel that if something was worth remembering, I wasn’t likely to forget it. I had telephone numbers and all kinds of things in my head. I hardly put stuff down in writing. I said if I don’t remember it, it’s because it’s not worth remembering. Nowadays if I don’t put it down I may not remember it. That happens, but I’m consoled by the fact that as a colleague of mine who’s much older, says: ‘All those things about Alzheimer and memory getting fuzzy, if you can’t find your car key when you need it, don’t worry. It happens even to younger people. What you should worry about is when you have forgotten how to drive.’ It happens. When Alzheimer strikes, you forget so many things, like how to drive. You even forget who you are. Ronald Reagan, in his dying years, had no memory of his presidency – he was president for two terms. It is a terrible thing.

    Are you pleased with the country as it is now? If you’re not, how can it be salvaged?

    One of the things that puzzles so many Nigerians is: How can a country so richly endowed be so thoroughly messed up? All kinds of factors have been blamed for it: leadership and the unwieldy nature and structure of the country and all that. All the countries that were at the same level with us – Indonesia, Malaysia, South Korea – have moved on to greater things. See where we are, we can’t even generate enough electricity. I was reading somewhere that there is platinum mine in South Africa that generates more electricity for its own internal operations than the whole of Nigeria generates for public consumption – a platinum mine. When people say no lessons have been learnt, I ask: Have any lessons been taught? Those who have hijacked the national patrimony, those who have desecrated our value system, those who have siphoned the nation’s wealth – we make a noise and go through the motions of prosecuting; they come back to even higher offices. Abacha’s son now wants to be governor of Kano State. Fayose has been returned as governor of Ekiti State.

    As the Ekiti election results were unfolding, I was discussing with somebody. He said Fayose was going to sweep the whole thing. I said what about that integrated poultry project that gulped several billion naira and didn’t produce a single egg? Not one egg. The fellow laughed. He said people have forgotten, and those who haven’t forgotten don’t care. He’s back there. We don’t punish those who are found wrong, and so impunity thrives, because we don’t make an example of those who have run afoul of the law or committed some wrongdoing. So, until we get serious about punishing those who are found to have been in breach of the law; until we make examples of those who have broken the law, and we learn lessons of the past, I’m afraid we’ll continue to go round and round in ever shrinking cycles.

    Babangida tried to grow wheat; the thing was a disastrous failure. They’re trying to do the same thing now. Babangida banned rice. It was unsustainable. In fact, there was more rice in the country after the ban than there was before. We had motor assembly plants – Peugeot, Volkswagen, Leyland and all the rest of them. They collapsed. We’re going back to the same policy again, without even finding out why they failed, just going round and round in an ever shrinking cycle. All that can be fixed.

    What really, really worries me the most is the collapse of the value system. There was a time we could say this was wrong and unacceptable and everybody would agree, nobody would quibble about it. Now you cannot say that this is wrong or right. It depends on what you can get away with. If you can get away with it, it’s right. This is what really worries me. The economy you can always rebuild. When the value system collapses, it takes a generation or even longer to rebuild it. This is my worry about all that is going on in the country now. The collapse of the value system is not being addressed, and in fact everything that is being done today further debases the value system. This is my worry. The political arrangement and the economy can be fixed, but once the value system collapses, it takes a long, long time to re-establish it.

    What’s your assessment of commitment to service in Nigeria?

    One thing that keeps the USA going, and we have little of that in this country, is volunteerism – people who volunteer for all kinds of things. ‘I still have the skills; I still have the health; I can help teach a course here, I can provide some service here and hope that my expertise will motivate others and show how things are done’ – people who don’t need the money. I was scandalised that only four people turned down they N4million that they were being offered at this constitutional conference. Many of them are millionaires. They don’t need the money. What can be greater than being asked to serve your country at a critical moment of its history? Only four out of almost 500 rejected the money. That’s a measure of the level to which the commitment to public service has sunk in this country. We had in the second republic people like Dafinone – he wasn’t even taking a salary as a Senator. He said he didn’t need it. The country has given so much to many of us and if we could just give back – let the example spread, use our knowledge, influence and try in our own little way to make things better.

    What are your plans after retirement?

    I would be interested in continuing to impart knowledge. Two, I told you earlier that I have an autistic son. The problem is more widespread than is generally realised in Nigeria. People are not aware of the extent. It is very, very widespread. I had an idea of it while I was on assignment in Addis-Ababa, Ethiopia. A Nigerian diplomat there organised lunch for me. In attendance were the ambassador, myself, a Nigerian diplomat accredited to a UN agency in Rome and another Nigerian diplomat in the embassy, four of us. I was meeting them for the first time. As we were discussing, one thing led to another. It turned out that all four of us had autistic children. All four. My host said his wife couldn’t handle it, that she just ran away. She just abandoned him. The diplomat accredited to the Nigerian embassy said each time he was traveling, he had to drug his son, really drug him hard, so that he would not be active during the flight. That gave me the idea that the problem may be more widespread than is generally realised and I have seen signs of it elsewhere. The symptoms are fairly easy to recognise. There is a Nigerian Society for Autism, but I don’t know how active it is.

    So, one of the things I plan to be actively engaged in is spreading awareness of autism, the level in society, and using whatever little influence I may have to raise awareness, to raise funds and generally help improve the quality of life of autistic children in Nigeria. That’s one of the goals I have set for myself at retirement.

  • ‘Our representatives have failed us’

    The indigenous people of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) under the auspices of Greater Gbagyi Development Initiatives (GG-DIN) and the Original Inhabitant of Abuja have described the Senator representing the FCT in the National Assembly, Senator Phillip Aduda and the House Representative member, Hon. Isah Dobi as a disappointment to the people of the FCT. .

    On a peaceful protest march to the palace of the Chief of Garki, Dr, Usman Ngakupi, the houses of Senator Aduda, and Hon. Dobi, over 70 members of the community expressed their grievances against those representing them at the National Assembly who, they said have failed to protect their interests at the National Assembly, adding that their non-quality representation has caused them immense suffering, shame and humiliation in the hands of government.

    On getting to Senator Aduda’s residence, the protesters were informed that he was not in town. They had to proceed to the residence of Hon. Dobi who told them to meet him at Nigeria Turkish Nile University along Airport Road.

    However, when they got to the university, they realised that Hon. Dobi had deceived them out of his residence and switched off his phones.

    Prince Gimba Gbaiza, the Coordinator of GG-DIN who led the protest march, said the people are claiming responsibility for the gridlock at the popular Kubwa-Zuba Expressway, after the unannounced demolition of Alugu-Lungu Village inside Gwarinpa Estate, adding that they are tired of the humiliation and threats to lives from the government of the FCT as their representatives at the National Assembly have failed to represent the interest of the people that elected them.

    “What is the primary duty of Senator Philip Aduda? What is the primary duty of Zaphania Jisalo and Isah Dobi? What is the primary duty of the area council chairmen? Since the issue of what happened at Lungu Village came up and the protest at Kubwa Expressway, none of them has volunteered to visit there and find out what really happened and to see what to do.

    “They have disappointed us. That is why we have come to tell Phillip Aduda, Zaphania Jisalo and Isah Dobi that they have disappointed us. They should know that the primary duty of lawmakers is to make laws that would benefit their constituencies. We have written more than four letters to Senator Aduda seeking to have audience with him, but he refused to grant us audience.

    “What is the problem? Each time we have a problem, we write him he does not respond. We have told him to have an interface with his constituency for us to discuss how to develop the indigenous people of the FCT. He has failed us. We are not going to condone the problem of collecting our ancestral land with anybody any longer.  We are going to take our possession by force,” he said.

  • ‘Why LP failed in Ilaje/Ese-Odo by-election’

    An Ondo State Labour Party (LP) chieftain Mr. Akinwumi Sowore has blamed Governor Olusegun Mimiko for the party’s “woeful performance” in the Ilaje/Ese-Odo Federal Constituency by-election, which was declared inconclusive by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

    Sowore, a former Ese-Odo Local Government caretaker chairman, told reporters at the weekend in Akure, the state capital, that the LP lost its base in Ese-Odo because of the “unjustifiable sack of over 600 Ese-Odo council workers” by the governor shortly after his election in 2012.

    He said the sacked workers and their families vented their anger on the governor by voting against the LP in the by-election.

    Sowore urged Mimiko to shun the politics of bitterness and reinstate the sacked workers, saying this would help restore the LP’s “lost glory”.

    He said instead of making amends, the governor had been victimising him for the party’s low performance.

    Sowore alleged that the governor was planning to indict him through a panel he set-up to probe his tenure as chairman.

    He said the panel was unwarranted because he was cleared by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) when he left office about a year ago.

    Sowore alleged that Mimiko instructed members to always support the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in national elections, adding: “The governor has set up a fact-finding committee to probe my tenure. He is doing this to incriminate me, believing that I worked for the PDP during the by-election. How could he come to such conclusion forgetting that he once told us to always vote for the PDP during national elections.”

    He urged party leaders to call the governor to order, adding that the LP might become extinct if the issue is not addressed urgently.

  • Political leaders have failed Okun people, by Oloworaran

    Political leaders have failed Okun people, by Oloworaran

    Comrade Kunle Oloworaran is a community leader in Okunland, Kogi West Senatorial District. In this interview with Assistant Editor GBADE OGUNWALE, he speaks about the marginalisation of the Yoruba in the Northcentral state and how their sense of belonging can be restored by government.

    There is muffled disenchantment among the Yoruba speaking people of Okunland, in the Kogi West Senatorial District. Having voted massively for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the 2011 elections, the electorate are beginning to feel short-changed. According to them, most of their elected leaders at various levels have not kept their electoral promises, three years after they were elected. One of the leaders of the community and grassroots mobiliser, Comrade Kunle Oloworaran, has vowed that the Okun people may, be forced to rethink their loyalty ahead of the  next year’s general elections.

    According to him, the people are have discovered a credible alternative in the All Progressives Congress (APC). “We believe that there should be legitimacy and morality in government and that our leaders ought to be judged by their words. Posterity will not forgive us if we allow our leaders to lead us by the whims or in manners that could cause disunity among our people. The vehicle that will usher in the wind of change is always the people and as such Okun people should be considering the need for change and for a system that will allow our land have a sense of belonging on well-structured democracy,” Oloworaran said.

    Stressiing that the integration of Okun people is basic to their development, he said henceforth, local politicians would be identified and endorsed based on their antecedents and past records. He said: “It is important to elect the right people at the helm of affairs in Okunland for us to enjoy the benefit of democracy in 2015 and beyond. So we have decided to vote for people that will be sensitive to our plight and who will be willing to improve the lot of the masses. This time around, we are going to vote for credible individuals, regardless of the political party or the platform on which they may be seeking election. The political leaders that will represent Okunland come 2015 should be individuals with the a tradition of proven honesty and strong moral principles.

    “They should be those who have the ability to learn, understand and think logically. They should be development-oriented and commitment to using their position to improve the welfare of the people.” Deploring what he described as the winner-takes-all mentality among the local politicians, Oloworaran said many of the political leaders in Okunland are arrogant, unaccountable and repressive in outlook. According to him, they tend to believe that power is derived from their financial prowess, rather than the people, who are their source of authority. Oloworaran admonished the politicians to exercise caution in their dealings with the electorate and  place the interests of the larger community above their personal interests. “Our people in Okunland are being ignored and the fortunes of the common people are fast dwindling.

    “The quest for wealth among our politicians has been allowed to snowball into a monster that is almost squeezing the breathe out of our various communities,” he lamented. Oloworaran decried the situation where cars were allegedly distributed to selected traditional rulers and some local politicians in Okunland as patronage, saying that over N40 million was committed to the project. “It is sad to note that the political leaders in Kogi West Senatorial District don’t believe that our people deserve befitting development. They have made it impossible for credible people to emerge as leaders at various levels of political representation. Come 2015, we are going to mobilise our people to vote wisely and avoid falling prey to the dictates of the money bags in our midst,” he said.

    On the poor infrastructure in Okunland, Oloworaran said  politicians have done very little for the people that elected them. He lamented that  the local healthcare system has continued to deteriorate, while the roads have become death traps. The education sector, he said, leaves much to be desired at the primary, secondary and tertiary levels.

    Leaders representing Okunland in the Senate and House of Representatives are not spared. According to him, they have failed to fulfill their electoral promises to the people three years into their four-year tenure, saying that the people are surprised to hear these politicians seeking re-election ahead of the 2015 general elections. Oloworaran stated that the electorate in the various communities in Okunland would not be led by the whims into voting for a particular party in the 2015 elections. “They will vote for people who are patriotic enough to use their finest minds for the good of the land.  We should not allow certain moneybags who are determined to use packaged funds to deceive us. We must not allow desperate politicians to further under-develop Okunland. We must avoid old pitfalls by not voting in wrong candidates,” he added.

    To drive home his point, Oloworaran quoted the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, while declaring open the first congress of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) on October 2, 1978: “We are about to tread a new path.”

  • Intervention funds have failed, says LCCI chief

    HAS the Federal Government intervention funds made any impact on the economy? No, says Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI) president Alhaji Remi Bello.

    At a seminar organised by the financial services Group of the chamber themed: “Intervention Funds: the journey so far”, Bello said the “economy is awash with unsuccessful intervention funds”.

    He said the seminar was a platform for the Bank of Industry (BOI) and other stakeholders to meet with the business community to rub minds on the intervention funds.

    The “major concern of stakeholders”, he said, was how to improve access to there bailout funds to cater for some businesses.

    Bello said the funds had become necessary because of the poor access to finance and high cost of credit from the convetional lending houses.

    The onus, he said, was on the disbursing agencies to enlighten operators on the condition for accessing the funds.

    Some of such funds include the N234billion Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) bailout for refinancing and restructuring sector; N300 billion CBN Power and Airline fund; N100 billion Cotton, Textile and Garment Fund, N18billion National Automotive Council (NAC) fund and N10billion Rice fund.

    Acting Managing Director/Chief Executive Officer (CEO), Mr. Waheed Olagunju,  said the funds had grown the industrial sector.

    Olagunju said the sector is face with some challenges, which prompted the intervention with the hope of accelerating the pace of industrialisation.

    On the features of the facilities, he said they included refinancing of existing loans, leases and resuscitation of ailing industries, long- term loan for acquisition of plant and machinery, working capital at  an all -inclusive interest rate of  seven per cent  per annum as against 15 per cent or more charged by the commercial banks.

    Olagunju said  the tenor of the loan is up to 15 years as against 1- 3 years by commercial banks, stressing that commercial banks’ loans are short termed and not suitable for financing long-term  assets.

    He said the bailout funds were necessitated by the challenges faced by small and medium enterprises (SMEs). He listed these problems as heavy debt to commercial banks due to high cost of fund in the acquisition of operating assets, fund mismatch – using short term loan to  finance long term assets; less than 30 per cent industrial capacity utilisation resulting from lack of power supply, dependence on high import with the associated foreign exchange risk and the inability to compete in the global market place due to high cost of production.

    Olagunju, represented by an Assistant General Manager, Mr. Joseph Okechukwu said more than 500 projects benefited from the funds. Projects, he said, improved on their capacity utilisation by about 20 per cent and continued to sustain their operation after the intervention, while 10 projects were completed. Five stalled projects under implementation were completed and now operational with turnover increasing from N605.7 billion to N760.7 billion after the intervention.

    Olagunju noted that the agro-economic transformation requires a shift from primary to manufactured products, traditional to modern technologies and innovation, comparative advantage to competitiveness and production to market orientation. On sustainability of the intervention programs delivered through BoI, Olagunju called for an enabling business  environment, provision of infrastructure, energy, finance, services, technical assistance, and promotion of public private partnership (PPP) while strengthening innovation systems and  commercialising research findings. Others are the acquisition and adaptation to new technologies.

    Earlier in her welcome address, the Chairperson of LCCI Financial Service Group, Mrs. Olajumoke Fashanu, said the seminar was part of the group’s contribution to the development of the financial sector, which will enable them proffer solutions to challenges that may confront them in their operations. She said: “In a developing economy such as ours, the financial services sector is confronted with various challenges. We appreciate the fact that just as the nation is maturing politically, the financial services and other sectors are also maturing with the passage of time.”

  • Umar has failed God and Taraba, says senator

    The senator representing Taraba North, Aisha Jummai Alhassan, has taken a swipe at Acting Governor Garba Umar, saying he has failed the state and God.

    Alhassan, who was elected on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), is now a member of the All Progressives Congress (APC) . She is aspiring to be governor next year.

    She said she left PDP because the government continued to fail the people.

    Her words: “Both the Acting Governor Garba Umar and his boss, Governor Danbaba Suntai, have not fulfilled their promises to the people. But Umar has failed even God.

    “Poverty, hunger or starvation and deaths have taken over the centre stage in Taraba, because the government has deliberately refused to impact positively on the lives of the citizenry.

    “You all know better than I do because you live with the people here; there is hunger, there is poverty and people are suffering and dying, because the leadership in the state has failed.

    “More unfortunately, the acting governor, who was brought by God, seems to have forgotten how he came onboard.”

    The senator said all the sectors in the state were grounded.

    “The hospitals have neither drugs nor equipment; schools are mere shadows of their former selves.

    “They keep saying there is no money, and I wonder what is happening to the federal allocations that accrue to the state monthly.

    “The money Taraba receives every month is enough to pay salaries and make life worth living in the state.

    The Senior Special Assistant to the acting governor on Media and Publicity, Aaron Atimas, said Alhassan’s utterances were campaign propaganda to get the attention of the masses.

    He said: “It is campaign strategy to make people believe she has a better package for them.

    “Senator Alhassan has lost touch with the state, maybe because of her present assignment, but the people on ground know that Taraba is not the same: roads, hospitals, schools and many sectors have received the desired attention of this administration.”

  • Tambuwal: The speech Jonathan failed to make

    It was purely by chance that I found myself in the chamber of Nigeria’s House of Representatives on Tuesday March 11. A wise man once said that it is often by chance that we are present when real history is being made. Now I know what he meant. That morning, I had gone to the National Assembly (NASS) to sit in on the appearance of the Minister of Petroleum Resources and her team before the House Budget Committee. I had looked forward to another series of tales by moonlight by the comedic cast of Diezani Alison-Madueke and company. It was while already at the NASS premises that I learned that the House was resuming from break that day and had indeed declared the day a Day of Mourning in honour of the school children massacred by Boko Harm at Federal Government College Bunu Yadi in late February.

    I recall that the first thought that occurred to me when I heard this was to wonder whether the Senate would think of making even such a symbolic gesture. I wondered, not for the first time, how it is that the House always tends to identify with the issues of the ordinary Nigerian far more readily than the Senate. I remember wondering if perhaps this had something to do with the respective leadership of the two chambers. House Speaker Aminu Tambuwal has consistently shown himself to be a man with his finger on the pulse of the people. Little did I know that in thinking these thoughts, I was being prescient. For before that morning was over, I was going to receive a crash course on the quality and substance of Tambuwal as a man and a leader.

    That morning, unbeknownst to me as I took my seat high up in the gallery of the House chamber, Speaker Tambuwal was about to give the speech of his life, as it was characterized by a clearly emotion-overwhelmed man sitting next to me in the gallery. Addressing his colleagues on the mindless massacre of innocent students and on the general insecurity across the nation, the Speaker gave a speech that would move a heart of stone. I was not surprised to notice that a good number of the Honourable members, especially the female members, were sobbing quietly. It was not just one factor that made Tambuwal’s speech a huge success. It was a combination of factors: the timing, the content the tone, all pitch perfect.

    But for me, from the beginning of the speech to the end, it was Tambuwal’s demeanour that caught and held my attention. He gave the speech like a man in pain. He came across as not merely narrating other people’s pain but also addressing his own anguish. He did not stand before Nigerians as a neutral, mercenary spiritual warrior stepping forward to combat and exorcise demons that are tormenting other people. Rather he came across as a man for whom the fight is personal; a man wrestling with demons tormenting him just as mercilessly as they are tormenting his people. He did not sit there mouthing mere platitudes. Rather he channeled the raw emotions of a whole nation. And, even more importantly, he channeled the raw emotions in his own soul.

    In his speech, the Speaker descended with Nigerians into the depths of their grief, and then lifted them up again onto a higher ground from where he invited them to look into the horizon and see in their not-too-distant distant future the glimmers of a normal life of peace. He took Nigerians into the besieged hostels of the school at Bunu Yadi and forced us to witness with our own eyes the horror that transpired that night. After showing us the horror, and acknowledging our justifiable despondency, he reassured us that there is light at the end of the dark tunnel. However, he made it clear that to reach that light, all Nigerians must work together to clear the debris that make further progress along the tunnel possible. He urged us to focus on what is best in us as a nation while inviting us to turn our backs on what is worst in us.

    The speech Tambuwal gave that morning is the sort of speech that Nigerians are hungry to hear every time they confront afresh the recurrent nightmare of terrorism. It is the sort of speech the leaders of a nation should give to their people whenever they find themselves swimming against the fast flowing tides of despair. Specifically, it is the sort of speech citizens of any nation expect and deserve to hear from one leader in particular: the President of their nation. Unfortunately, the Tambuwal speech is a speech Nigerians have never heard from their own President. It is the sort of speech President Goodluck Jonathan has never given to Nigerians despite the torrents of Nigerian blood that have seeped into the soil during the Jonathan presidency.

    More disturbingly, one suspects that the Tambuwal Speech is not only a speech that Jonathan has never given, but is indeed a speech that Jonathan can never give, for the simple reason that he does not have it in him. President Jonathan has shown himself to be incapable of embodying the grief of Nigerians. He often appears incapable of conveying solemnity even in the most solemn occasions. He seems to lack the acumen to tap into and channel the raw emotions of his people towards the building of a more cohesive nation.

    Sadly, President Jonathan has never really come across as truly cognizant of the trauma Nigerians have suffered as a result of Boko Haram terrorism and other violent manifestations of deep national malaise. How could he when the people around him are more concerned with telling Nigerians who and who said they would make Nigeria ungovernable for President Jonathan? The result is that whenever the President gives another one of his infamously banal speeches, many Nigerians yawn and turn away, convinced once again that that the man simply does not get it.

    On Tuesday, March 11, Speaker of the House of Representatives, Hon. Aminu Tambuwal gave a heartfelt speech that convinced Nigerians that he gets it.

    As I descended from the gallery of the House of Reps afterwards, my one regret was that Speaker Tambuwal’s blockbuster speech had been restricted to the chamber of the House he leads. I was convinced the speech deserved a wider audience. It deserved to be presented to Nigerians in a national broadcast. A speech like that is one that Nigerians deserve to hear directly from the mouth of their leaders. Such a speech would go some way to restore the faith of Nigerians in the ability of their leaders to feel their pain. And if their President is unable to give such a speech, it becomes the duty of any other capable national leader to step up and give the speech. House Speaker Aminu Tambuwal stepped up that morning, and gave one heck of a speech.

     

    •Nwoko wrote from Asokoro, Abuja