Tag: Falae

  • Let’s restructure, say Falae, others

    Let’s restructure, say Falae, others

    For the second time in one week, eminent Yoruba leaders yesterday converged on Ibadan, Oyo State capital, calling for devolution of powers and resources from the centre to the federating units.

    The leaders, under the aegis of Conscience of the Yoruba Race, spoke on the theme: Restructuring Nigeria: Options and strategies.

    They insisted that the devolution must also involve decentralising responsibilities.

    Present at the event in the Banquet Hall, Premier Hotel, include former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) Chief Olu Falae; Prof. Amos Akingba,  former Ogun State Governor Gbenga Daniel, former Speaker of Oyo State House of Assembly Dr. Akin Onigbinde, Mrs. Dupe Ajayi-Gbadebo, Dr. Gbola Adetunji, Mr. Sina Kawonise, Senator Ayo Arise and Dr. Olu Agunloye.

    Others are Prof. Wale Are Olaitan, Mr. Yomi Layinka, former Speaker, Oyo State House of Assembly Kehinde Ayoola, Dipo Olaitan, Chief (Mrs.) Bola Doherty, Mr. Dare Babarinsa and the group’s Administrator, Mr. Kole Omololu.

    Falae, who chaired at the event, maintained that while the present government might not be positively predisposed to negotiating the country’s unity, the currency the debate about restructuring was generating has made it critical for it to be discussed, if Nigeria is to have a future.

    According to the elder statesman, while there are many options to restructuring, the future of Nigeria lies in the implementation of the reports of the 2014 National Conference.

    Falae said unlike what obtained under the old regional system, the fresh regionalism being championed is designed to get to the grassroots where the bulk of Nigerians reside.

    He said: “What we have come to discuss is a big subject in Nigeria. Not long ago the new president, my friend said it was a none-issue and that the report of the national conference had not been read. But that subject has become topical and like I said in my recent interview, the restructuring of Nigeria via the report of the national conference is the future of Nigeria, if Nigeria has a future.

    “The options for restructuring are many. We went to Abuja for a regional agenda. But on getting there, the Middle Belters were scared of it. But I am happy that in recent times, they are at the fore-front that regional it shall be. I called my friend Jerry Gana on what had happened and he said they had had a change of mind.

    “Change must come but not the partisan change that has no meaning. Massive devolution of powers, responsibilities and resources must take place from the centre to the federating units. I want to add that the devolution will not stop at the old regional capitals of power. It must continue to the states created in the regions and the local government, which is where our people reside”.

    Omololu said the agitation  called for Yoruba race to mobilise intelligence and ensure social justice for its members.

    He noted that the group started as a social media group for the mobilisation of the people, saying the time has come to fashion out ways to implement the resolutions reached at the 2014 National Conference, where all groups were represented.

    Noting that it smacks injustice for the government to state that country’s unity cannot be negotiated, Omololu noted that even the colonial rulers allowed the negotiation of terms of governance.

  • Falae seeks more arrests as abductors get life jail

    Falae seeks more arrests as abductors get life jail

    Ex-SGF hails judgment

    IT was judgment day yesterday for the abductors of former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) Chief Olu Falae. They were sentenced to life imprisonment for kidnapping and armed robbery by the Ondo State High Court, sitting in Akure, the Ondo State capital.
    Falae was abducted on September 21, 2015 by some herdsmen during his 77th birthday at his Ilado farm in Akure North Local Government Area.
    The Akure high chief, who was released four days after paying N5 million ransom, yesterday urged security operatives to go after two members of the gang still at large.
    The convicts are: Abubakar Auta, Bello Jannu, Umaru Ibrahim, Masahudu Muhammed, Idris Lawal and two others.
    The charges against them reads: “That you, Abubakar Auta, Bello Jannu, Umaru Ibarahim, Masahudu Muhammed, Idris Lawal and others now at large, on or about Monday, September 21, 2015 at Kajola/Eyinala Community in Akure Judicial Division did give information for the purpose of kidnapping and abducting Chief Samuel Oluyemi Falae.
    “Abubakar Auta, Bello Jannu, Umaru Ibarahim, Masahudu Muhammed and Idris Lawal, and others now at large, on or about Monday, September 21, 2015 at Kajola/Eyinala Community in Akure Judicial Division did aid the kidnapping and abduction of Chief Samuel Oluyemi Falae.
    “Abubakar Auta, Bello Jannu, Umaru Ibarahim, Masahudu Muhammed and Idris Lawal, and others now at large, on or about Monday, September 21, 2015 at Kajola/Eyinala Community in Akure Judicial Division did kidnap Chief Oluyemi Falae, the former Secretary to the Government of the Federation and did not release him until N5,000,000 ransom was paid.
    “Abubakar Auta, Bello Jannu, Umaru Ibarahim, Masahudu Muhammed and Idris Lawal, and others now at large, on or about Monday, September 21, 2015 at Kajola/Eyinala Community in Akure Judicial Division did conspire to commit a felony to wit armed robbery.
    “Abubakar Auta, Bello Jannu, Umaru Ibarahim, Masahudu Muhammed and Idris Lawal, and others now at large, on or about Monday, September 21, 2015 at Kajola/Eyinala Community in Akure Judicial Division did rob Chief Olu Falae of N15, 000 and his handset while armed with guns, cutlasses and other dangerous weapons.”
    The offence, according to the Ondo State Director of Public Prosecution (DPP), Mrs. Adeyemi Kuti, is contrary to Section 2 of the Anti-Kidnapping and Anti-Abduction Law, 5(1)(a) of the Anti-Kidnapping and Anti-Abduction Laws, Section3(11)(b) of the Anti-Kidnapping and Abduction Law, Section 6(b) of the Robbery and Firearms(Special Provision) Act,Cap R11, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004 and Section 1(2)(a) of the Robbery and Firearms (Special Provisions) Act,Cap R11, Vol. 14, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004.
    When the five-count charge was read to the convicts on the first date of their arraignment, they all pleaded not guilty.
    When the case came up yesterday for judgment after several adjournments, Justice Williams Olamide said it had been proven beyond reasonable doubt that the convicts committed the crime with the evidence tendered before him.
    Justice Olamide also said that during the hearing of the matter, the victim (Falae) identified three of the convicts as those who kidnapped him and threatened to kill him if he failed to pay the ransom while in their custody.
    He thereafter sentenced seven of them to life imprisonment.
    The DPP hailed the judgment, saying justice had been given to the victim. But, counsel to the seven convicts, Abdulrahman Yusuf, from the Legal Aid Council (LAC), said he would obtain the judgment, study it, and determine whether to appeal or not.
    In his reaction published in Premium Times, Falae hailed the life sentence handed down to five of the kidnappers, and urged the police to go after those at large.
    The paper reports: “I think the police should not close the case, because so many of them are still at large. The police should go after them and ensure they are brought to justice.”
    He also said that the sentence was appropriate as he was opposed to capital punishment.
    “No one should take anybody’s life, not even the state,” Mr. Falae said. “Such criminals should be put away in prison for life.”
    Recounting his ordeal at the hands of the kidnappers, Falae said: “The boys put me through a terrible time. They starved me and threatened me with their swords; they tore my clothes and made me walk long distances for four days.
    “I thank God I did not die during the period. It was a harrowing experience.”
    Pointing out that it was the business of the security agencies to stamp out kidnapping from the country, Falae said yesterday’s judgment should encourage security agencies to go after other kidnappers across the country.
    He said: “The country is becoming one of the most unsafe countries of the world. These kidnappers will stop a vehicle on the highway and abduct the passengers, and this is becoming rampant. We have investors coming into the country; they won’t come if we don’t do something about this.”

  • Falae’s abductors sentenced to life imprisonment

    Falae’s abductors sentenced to life imprisonment

    The Ondo State High Court, sitting in Akure, on Monday sentenced the abductors of a Former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Chief Olu Falae, to life imprisonment.

    The convicted persons were arraigned for kidnapping and armed robbery.

    Falae was abducted by some Fulani herdsmen during his 77th birthday on September 21, 2015 at his Ilado farm in Akure North local government area of the state.

    He was released after paying N5million ranson four days after his abduction.

    The convicted persons were – Abubakar Auta, Bello Jannu, Umaru Ibrahim, Masahudu Muhammed, Idris Lawal and two others.

    Charges against them read: “That you, Abubakar Auta, Bello Jannu, Umaru Ibarahim, Masahudu Muhammed, Idris Lawal and others now at large, on or about Monday, September 21, 2015 at Kajola/Eyinala Community in Akure Judicial Division did give information for the purpose of kidnapping and abducting Chief Samuel Oluyemi Falae.

    “Abubakar Auta, Bello Jannu, Umaru Ibarahim, Masahudu Muhammed and Idris Lawal, and others now at large, on or about Monday, September 21, 2015 at Kajola/Eyinala Community in Akure Judicial Division did aid the kidnapping and abduction of Chief Samuel Oluyemi Falae.

    “Abubakar Auta, Bello Jannu, Umaru Ibarahim, Masahudu Muhammed and Idris Lawal, and others now at large, on or about Monday, September 21, 2015 at Kajola/Eyinala Community in Akure Judicial Division did Kidnapped Chief Oluyemi Falae, the Former Secretary to the Government of the Federation and did not release him until N5,000,000 ransom was paid.

    “Abubakar Auta, Bello Jannu, Umaru Ibarahim, Masahudu Muhammed and Idris Lawal, and others now at large, on or about Monday, September 21, 2015 at Kajola/Eyinala Community in Akure Judicial Division did conspire to commit a felony to wit armed robbery.

    “Abubakar Auta, Bello Jannu, Umaru Ibarahim, Masahudu Muhammed and Idris Lawal, and others now at large, on or about Monday, September 21, 2015 at Kajola/Eyinala Community in Akure Judicial Division did rob Chief Olu Falae of N15, 000 and his handset while armed with guns, cutlasses and other dangerous weapons.”

     

  • Falae advises winner to set up consensus government

    Falae advises winner to set up consensus government

    National Chairman of the Social Democratic Party (SDP),  Chief Olu Falae, has advised the eventual winner of the Ondo State governorship election to incorporate all other parties in forming the next government.

    The state went to poll yesterday in search of a new governor as the tenure of the current governor Dr. Olusegun Mimiko will be coming to an end early next year.

    Falae who spoke to journalists after casting his vote at the Ago Ireti polling unit close to his house, said the idea of winner takes all is alien to the people and it has not in any way helped in the development of the state.

    The one time Presidential candidate of the Alliance for Democracy (AD), stressed that the problem plaguing the state is beyond what one person or party can deal with.

    He said, “Whoever wins this election should consider the consensus template, bring the other people. Look the problems on ground are monumental. We have huge arrears of salaries. We can’t pay salaries on a regular basis. Now if you cannot meet your recurrent expenditure, how can you have money for development?  Look at Akure, the state capital, you go through Adesida Road in the night it is beautiful, that is the end of the matter, the cross road are not tarred, there is no modern sewage system in place, no running water. I’m surprise that people are struggling to become governor, without thinking about the problem they are going to confront.”

    He stressed, “We in the SDP, about a month ago,  when we saw the way the primaries of other parties went, the bitterness that came out, I sent out a committee to reach out to all of them, whether APC or PDP to ask them that if we win the election, we will run an all inclusive government. If win the election we will have a consensus government, that is our culture. Our culture is consensus.”

    Falae also praised the electoral process, which he described as very peaceful and tension free.

    “The process,  so far so good peaceful, good natured and I have not seen any tension. So we hope that there will be a good outcome that will be acceptable to all of us.”

  • Falae presents SDP’s governorship flag to Agunloye

    Falae presents SDP’s governorship flag to Agunloye

    The National Chairman of the Social Democratic Party(SDP)Chief Olu Falae yesterday handed over the party’s flag to its Ondo state governorship aspirant,Dr Olu Agunloye in Akure,the state capital.

    At the event graced by many leaders and supporters of the party from across within the state and outside,Falae said if Agunloye is elected on November 26,all outstanding salaries of the public servants would be paid within the next three months in office.

    Besides, the former Secretary to the Government of the Federation(SGF)within one year of SDP government in the state,100,000 youths would be employed to cushion the effect of unemployment in the state.

    Falae said for the first time in the state,the party will based its appointments on intra-party basis,thereby discourage the idea of ‘winners take all’rampant within the successive governments.

    He pointed out that Agunloye is a ‘concensus candidate’ and should be voted into office by people in the state,irrespective of party affliations.

    Falae described Agunloye as honest and responsible politician that would elevate the state with his deputy,Erelu Modupe Akindele-Martins.

    According to him,both Agunloye and Martins have good antecedents that if in office would transform the state to an enviable heights within the shortest possible time.

    Agunloye said he would adopt good programmes in all the past administrations of Adefarati,Agagu and Mimiko and add his own to bring positive change in the state.

    The former Minister of Defence said wages,pensions and other emoluments would be paid to workers on regular basis.

    According to him,the sunshine state will move from Job seekers state to that of Job providers,adding that he would rescue the state by rebuilding it to become viable economically.

    The Deputy governorship candidate,Erelu Modupe Akindele-Martins who is the first woman to be a running mate to governorship candidate urged the citizenry particularly the women folk that has the largest voting population to vote for the SDP.

    She assured that Agunloye’s government would not disappoint the people.

    At the event were the party’s Deputy National Chairman, Dr Ahmed Abdul, Agunloye’s wife, Abimbola, National Publicity Secretary, Alhaji Alfa Mohammed and other National Officers of the party.

  • Suspected herdsmen kill Falae’s security guard in his farm

    Suspected herdsmen kill Falae’s security guard in his farm

    Fulani herdsmen appear not to be through  yet with one time Secretary to the Federal Government (SFG) as it used to be known, Chief Olu Falae.

    After abducting him from his farm at Ilado near Akure,Ondo State, last October and releasing him three days later after collecting a N5million ransom from his family,another gang suspected to be herdsmen returned to the farm last week to abduct one of his security guards.

    The victim was found dead a few days later in a shallow  river a short distance from the  farm.

    The name of the victim was unavailable yesterday but sources said he was a member of the Odua Peoples Congress (OPC) hired by Falae in the aftermath of his own abduction by  the hoodlums.

    The Nation gathered that a group  of herdsmen had attempted to force their way into the farm last week but were repelled by the OPC guards.

    They soon returned but this time reinforced with more men and succeeded in seizing one of the guards.

    The matter was reported to the police and a search party was raised to look formthe victim only for his body to be found in the river.

    Yesterday,the state police command invited reporters for a briefing apparently on the development but called it off at the last minute.

    No reason was given for the call off but a source said it might be because the Inspector  General of Police was yet to give the go ahead for the briefing.

    The Police Public Relations Officer (PPRO), Mr. Femi Joseph, declined  to comment on the matter.

    He  said all questions should be directed to the Police Commissioner.

     Personal Assistant (PA) to Chief Falae, Moshood Adekunle Raji, said he was not in a position to speak on the issue  being criminal in nature.

    But he said the police were investigating it.

    The mobile telephone of Chief Falae was switched for much of yesterday.

     His Oba-Ile residence, Akure   was deserted last night.

  • Falae: from muck to muck?

    Falae: from muck to muck?

    This renewed charge of alleged obtainment by Chief Olu Falae, the Afenifere chieftain — is it that same Falae we all knew and revered?

    And that same Afenifere that, for so long, with devastating bragging right, preened and savaged everyone with their squeaky clean essence?

    There is something brutally rigorous about the ethos of the Roman masters, in the classics.

    That clearly explains why Julius Caesar could proclaim Caesar’s wife — note, the wife, not Caesar himself — must not only be above reproach, but should, indeed must, be seen to be so!

    Now, if Caesar’s spouse was expected to scale such great heights, in private and public rectitude, what height was Caesar himself expected to vault?  It would appear the political equivalent of Immanuel Kant’s categorical imperative.

    That also, it would appear, explained the Roman strict military code.  A misfiring general would much rather end his own life, than suffer the supreme indignity of being paraded, in chains, in the streets of Rome.

    Nor, nearer home, is such ethos exactly novel.  When the traducers of the late MKO Abiola taunted him with sickening bail conditions, after annulling the free mandate he won in the June 12, 1993 presidential election, he reportedly scoffed: Iku ya j’esin (better to die than be mocked)!

    And thanks to Wole Soyinka’s gripping play, Death and the King’s Horseman, it was only such a rigorous code that would compel Olunde, the Elesin’s medical doctor son — with his western education to boot! — to challenge his father to be man enough to do dire duty, following the death of his king, after fattening, for years, on the sweet lollies of office!

    But back to politics from fiction.  Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the Afenifere doctrinal avatar, was never far from political sainthood.  His piqued rivals often growled and, mala fide, dismissed him as “holier than thou”.

    Back in 1978 when presidential candidates were thrusting their papers upon the then Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO, now INEC), with Chief Michael Ani (now dead) as chair, Awo wasted no time declaring his tax returns, which then had hit the million naira mark.

    Tax was what you did in private; and it is an open secret that the world over, citizens would rather not pay tax, if they could get away with it.  His presidential rivals back then, including the Great Zik of Africa, manifested such a syndrome, leading to a lot of media hoopla.  Not Awo!

    But such saintly attitude drove the story by the defunct National Concord, about the Awo Maroko land deal.  In lieu of cash, Awo’s law firm had negotiated payment in land with the client it represented in the land dispute.  That party won and duly consummated the agreement.

    Still, Awo in his autobiography, Awo, had explained his grand strategy: law was his profession.  Politics was his vocation.  He needed a viable profession, he reasoned, to fund his rather demanding vocation.

    That was why he proudly referred to himself and his disciples as oselu (politicians), in contrast to his venal and corrupt rivals, who he contemptuously dismissed as ojelu (parasites)!

    That such a straight land transaction could elicit such media uproar, therefore, was tribute to Awo’s rather “holy” public persona.  The Nigerian polity back then, seemed to share the sentiments of Geoffrey Chaucer, the old English poet: If gold rusts, what would iron do?

    Awo did nothing wrong in earning fair wages — even if in kind — for his hard forensic labour.  Still friends, defensive, felt queasy; and fiends, malicious, ecstatic; triumphantly gushing: holier-than-thou had been unhorsed!  Yet, Awo did no wrong!  Remember the Caesar quip about his wife?

    But why this long tie-back to the Awo essence, as man and politician?  It is because, with the advent of another obtainment allegation against Pa Falae, one of his supporters, some top hierarch at the Ondo State Social Democratic Party (SDP), is already manifesting an empty sophistry, in defence of a suspect, if not entirely, lost cause.

    It is a neither-nor rationalisation a contemptuous Afenifere, at their full glory, would have mocked with clinical derision.

    Falae obtained money from nobody, he seemed to reason.  His evidence?  First, he submitted, the initial claim was Papa obtained from Sambo Dasuki, the Jonathan era National Security Adviser (NSA)-turned spigot for slush electoral funds.  That “lie” had now changed colour, he triumphantly enthused,  with Papa allegedly obtaining from a special coded account from the Central Bank of Nigeria!

    Case dismissed and Papa’s image restored?  Not quite.

    For starters, it isn’t clear if the first alleged obtainment is the same as the second.  The only similarity is the alleged sum: N100 million.  Besides, if Papa earlier admitted he indeed collected N100 million for SDP to mobilise for Goodluck Jonathan’s doomed presidential encore and drum up support for PDP, where was the lie in all of this?

    And more worrisome: what if the CBN obtainment was indeed a second in the series?  Do we then brace ourselves for yet more muck, if the Papa obtainment were indeed a series?  Holy Moses!

    Just imagine: with Awo alive, and his most trusted lieutenants, say a Michael Adekunle Ajasin or an Abraham Aderibigbe Adesanya, listed with the Demo duo of Remi Fani-Kayode (aka Fani-Power) and Adisa Meredith Akinloye, Yoruba conservative rivals Awo loved to slam as ojelu, as having obtained, from the government of their day?  That is the Awo-era impossibility post-Awo Falae has found himself, even though an avowed Awoist!

    Incidentally, Pa Falae, horror of horrors, is listed with a Fani-Kayode!  That, of course, is no conclusion of guilt.  But in the severe beauty of Awoism’s puritanical politics, such mere listing is damaging enough, if not outright fatal!

    Classical Awoists don’t do grey — just black or white; not unlike a severe Nigerian political interpretation of Kant’s categorical imperative!  And Falae, with his Afenifere commune, crested the public wave as fiery Awoists, clutching the political, nay spiritual, franchise of Awoism, and would brook no defilement of their holy grail.

    For Pa Olu Falae, these are not the best of times: evening years savaged by extreme chill, after the merry sunshine of youth, built firmly on integrity and unassailable character.

    But these are logical results from options he deliberately made, even with ample warning, from the generality of the Yoruba, majority of who are Awoists at heart.  Ripples just hopes and prays he rides the storm and clears his name.

    Still, his odyssey should be a fitting lesson to others, especially younger and aspiring politicians —and that quip comes from a rather common saying: as you lay your bed, you lie on it!

    History may well remember Pa Falae more by his grand mistakes of old age, than the fine strivings of youth, on which he built a solid reputation.  Sad!

    • Correction: Christopher, not John, was the patriarch of the ill-fated Adubes: John, Joy and Lucky, all four, massacred in Rivers, in the build-up to the 2015 general election, as mentioned in this column last week.

     

  • Udenwa, Fani-Kayode, Falae named in alleged N3.1b fraud

    Udenwa, Fani-Kayode, Falae named in alleged N3.1b fraud

    Fani-Kayode (N840m), Goodluck Group (N320m), Falae’s firm (100m), Udenwa and Onwuliri (N350m), Nenadi Usman (N36.9m), Okey Ezenwa(N100m)

    The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has uncovered how N3.145b was paid into the accounts of six chieftains of the Peoples Democratic Party(PDP) and Goodluck Support Group (GSG) by the Central Bank of Nigeria(CBN) in the build-up to the 2015 presidential election.

    The beneficiaries include a former Minister of Aviation, Chief Femi Fani-Kayode; a former Secretary to the Government of the Federation and leader of the Social Democratic Party, Chief Olu Falae; a former Minister of Finance, Mrs. Nenadi Usman; a former Imo State Governor, Achike Udenwa; a former Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Mrs. Viola Onwuliri and Mr. Okey Ezenwa.

    According to  a source in the anti-graft agency, the cash was paid by the CBN into the account of the Ministry of External Affairs Library, from where it was moved into the account of Joint Trust Dimension Nigeria Limited.

    “It was from the Joint Dimension’s account with Zenith Bank that the money was shared to various individuals and organisations for purposes that are not stated,” the source said.

    The details of how the money was shared are: Fani-Kayode (N840million); Goodluck Support Group (N320million); Achike Udenwa and Viola Onwuliri (N350million); Nenadi Usman (N36.9million);and Okey Ezenwa(N100million).

    Giving an insight into how the funds were remitted into the recipients’ accounts, the source said: “Fani-Kayode allegedly received N840million, paid in three tranches into his Zenith Bank, Maitama branch account with No.1004735721.

    “The first tranche of N350million hit the account on February 19, 2015; N250milion was also paid into the account on February19, 2015 while N240million was paid on March 19, 2015.

    “The balance on this account as at 31st December, 2015 was N189, 402.72.

    “The Goodluck Support Group allegedly received N320million

    ” Chief Falae allegedly received N100m through Marreco Limited, a company where he is chairman. The fund was credited into the company’s United Bank for Africa Plc account No. 1000627022 on March 25, 2014.

    “Both Achike Udenwa and Viola Onwuliri got N350million in two tranches. The first tranche of N150million was paid into their joint account with Zenith Bank on January 13, 2015. The second tranche of N200miilion was credited into their account with Diamond Bank.

    “Nenadi Usman was paid N36.9billion through her Zenith Bank account no. 1000158311 on 7, Kachia Road, Kaduna. Ezenwa was paid N100million.”

    Investigators are probing why the PDP leaders got the cash.

    The source said: “Detectives are trying to decipher the motives for the payments.

    “But as things stand, the fact that most of the payments were made in the weeks preceding the last presidential election leaves very little to the imagination.”

    “One knotty question that confronts the investigators is the figure behind Joint Trust Dimension Nigeria Limited, the account where the fund was warehoused before being wired to the beneficiaries.

    “The shadowy figure could help unravel the mystery surrounding the payments, once the veil is lifted.”

     

  • Falae, Ladoja and the perils of politics

    THE $2.1bn arms scandal, otherwise known as Dasukigate, is fast becoming an unending and spiraling eddy. If it maintains its present intensity, together with its numerous side bars, it is a question of time before it sucks in more victims, including religious leaders, journalists, bankers and even civil society organisations. In the final analysis, as far as this emotive issue is concerned, particularly regarding the manner President Muhammadu Buhari’s anti-graft war is being waged, few will be spared. For now, many political leaders have kept sepulchral silence, or are defecting to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), perhaps in the dubious understanding that the war largely targets leaders of the clumsy opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    Early this week, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) published additional names of political leaders believed to have illegally and unwholesomely collected sizable sums from the Office of the National Security Adviser. The EFCC warned that the only way the beneficiaries of these payments could avoid prosecution was for them to refund the money. Quite apart from the dilemma of the federal government determining whether to go ahead and prosecute, with all the attendant complications of high litigation costs, administrative bottlenecks, and time-wasting involved, or to collect the refund and set the receivers free, with the attendant conundrum of undermining the law and creating two judicial models for the rich and the poor, Nigerian politics will also have to contend with the demystification of many of its political leaders.

    Among the beneficiaries of the arms fund, two stand out for the purpose of this piece — former Secretary to the Government of the Federation and one-time presidential contender, Olu Falae, and former Oyo State governor Rashidi Ladoja. Both Southwest political leaders were alleged to have unlawfully received N100m each from the controversial fund. But both have suggested they collected the money as leaders of their political parties, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and Accord Party (AP) respectively, after reaching an agreement with former president Goodluck Jonathan to back his reelection bid. They argue that it is legitimate to reach such a political deal and go ahead to receive financial empowerment to put it into effect. Neither leader has talked about the morality of receiving payments to back the deal, especially when their campaign organisations were not collapsed into the PDP’s presidential campaign, nor said anything about whether they actually campaigned for the PDP, nor yet gave incontrovertible evidence of how and when the money was shared among state chapters of their parties, some of which are snorting they received nothing from anybody.

    On the strength of these lacunae, critics have suggested that in addition to the unlawfulness of receiving such funds, both SDP and AP party leaders knowingly participated in a deliberate bazaar of sleaze, very much in consonance with the culture and tradition of politics in these parts. But what is really happening is that the Buhari government is questioning the basis of Nigerian politics and attempting in the same breath to redefine and restructure its fundamentals, especially as it pertains to political financing. How far he can go will be determined by the quantum and intensity of his own self-effacement, how brutally indifferent he can be to his friends and backers, most of whom got him elected on the same principles and practices his government is now remonstrating against, and how confident he is that in less than four years he can restructure the fundamentals in such a way as not to affect his own reelection chances, or if he will not run in 2019, then the success of his party in the coming polls.

    All things considered, what is at play today is simply that President Buhari is by his anti-graft war giving effect to his idiosyncratic politics, his unregulated and unmeasured moral and ethical eclecticism, rather than a systematised, structured and lasting campaign to rein in corruption. The war, in other words, reflects his worldview; but that worldview is not only terribly constricted, it runs on emotive appeal instead of the carefully calibrated jurisprudential mechanics that flows from a deep and extensive understanding of the political economy of corruption. The war is popular and will doubtless be fought brutally and ruthlessly, but its usefulness as a tool of reshaping political and societal behaviour, let alone its jurisprudential and constitutional impact, will be tenuous indeed.

    Chiefs Falae and Ladoja, like many others, are merely symptomatic of the decay of Nigerian politics, a decay begun many decades ago and given fillip by visionless and spineless leaders. That decay will not be arrested until the fundaments of the Nigerian society, economy and politics have been restructured revolutionarily. The naming and shaming of the SDP and AP leaders, not to say their embarrassing dissembling over who they shared the money with, will have the effect of sobering the polity and a few political leaders only for a little time. There will be no lasting impact on the polity, and there will be no future incentive to substantially alter political behaviour, especially electoral financing, on a scale that will be beneficial to the country. Until President Buhari enunciates his vision of a just and equitable society imbued with lofty and globally relevant ambition, the ongoing war stands the risk of petering out into fatuity and exhibitionism.

    President Buhari’s vista may be limited, and the range of his anti-graft war embarrassingly short and showy, however, the disclosure of who collected what from the security adviser’s office curiously exposes the weak mettle and poor judgement of Chiefs Falae and Ladoja. Chief Ladoja had never really been a political leader in the grand sense the Southwest was and is still used to, so it was not surprising that he was mentioned in the bazaar. He is a great grassroots politician, but only of the second rank when compared with the mobilising profundity and fecundity of Adegoke Adelabu, a.k.a, Penkelemesi, Busari Adelakun, alias Eruobodo, and Lamidi Adedibu, the cantankerous exponent of amala politics. His ability and political effectiveness were always both overstated and exaggerated, but he somehow managed repeatedly to transcend his poor dress sense, hesitant elocution, and colourlessness with unexpected political triumphs and sturdy relevance. It was, therefore, not surprising that he was named among the receivers, nor that, as the main financier of his party, he is alleged to have failed to disclose the payment to his party or those close to him in the party.

    Where Chief Ladoja fell woefully short, Chief Falae was expected to stand and walk magnificently tall. In 1999, the highest peak of his political ascendancy, he captured the popular imagination of the Yoruba, and stood not only as the safest and surest rampart for constitutional democracy and freedom, he also exemplified the ethics, florid culture, and administrative acumen of both Awoism and the Southwest. The leitmotif of that culture, especially as typified by Obafemi Awolowo, former Premier of the Western Region, is sound judgement and a great ability to anticipate issues and see far into the future. By entering into a political arrangement with Dr. Jonathan, Chief Falae strangely saw only the moment. By anchoring the noxious deal with the former president on financial inducement, he also sadly repudiated the noble ethics undergirding Southwest politics. And by failing to publicise the deal or carry his party members along through a party convention, he gave his detractors reason to suspect that what drove him, and inspired the deal, was not really electoral expediency, but peer envy and political discord underscored by his resentment of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and later APC politics and leadership.

    While the less popular and laid-back Chief Ladoja may shrug off the scandal and consider the embarrassment to his person as nothing more than a temporary and insignificant setback, it is hard to see Chief Falae recovering from the naming and shaming he has been subjected to. He rose to the peak of Yoruba politics, and nearly rose to the peak of national politics; but less than two decades after, he has tumbled from that peak, a little precipitously in the last few years it is clear, witnessed a great denudation of his popularity, suffered the loss of most of his support base, perched precariously on whatever is left of both his once sterling name and contribution to national affairs, and seems likely to pass ignominiously into nothingness and obscurity. Together with other Afenifere leaders, most of whose politics have been influenced by short-sighted and extraneous matters rather than great and exigent issues, he will ponder what legacy he will leave behind, and what name, ideas and moral contributions he will bequeath to posterity.

    It needed the ascension to power of Gen. Sani Abacha to demystify many NADECO leaders, some of whom were shown to be unwise, venal and opportunistic. Now it is taking another northerner to expose many Southwest leaders as unprincipled, ideationally vacant, short-sighted and venal. More and more, many fallen Southwest leaders are drawing nostalgic attention to and reinforcing the profundity of Chief Awolowo, whose sound judgement, ability and resolve in the face of terrible privations and inducements showed him as a farsighted leader, a man far ahead of his time. A great politician with keen perception will interpret what is happening in Abuja today, in the light of President Buhari’s desultory anti-graft war and unsteady rule, as offering a politician of uncommon understanding opportunities for quiet and studious reflection on Nigerian politics, if not complete aloofness and detachment. Had Chief Falae seen the Jonathan government for what it was, he would probably have opted for the dignified detachment many critics thought without proof he was capable of.

  • ‘Dasugate’ brings Falae’s past to pain

    Olu Falae, Secretary to the Federal Government (1986-1990) during the baleful years of  Babangida’s  ‘transition without end’ might have served as a Minister of Finance for a brief period in 1990 without collecting salary,  managed to keep the exchange rate at N7.50k to one dollar until his exit in 1990 when it went down to N70 to a dollar.  He was jailed as a NADECO chieftain by Abacha for standing by MKO Abiola during his failed battle to reclaim the victory freely and overwhelmingly given to him by Nigerians. Unfortunately these personal sacrifices and resourcefulness are not what will determine his legacies as a bureaucrat, banker and politician/elder statesman. Nigerians are likely going to remember him more as the intellectual pillar for Babangida disastrous Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) and a leader who partook of ‘Dasukigate’ slush fund to the tune of N100m ostensibly on behalf of his little known Social Democratic Party, (SDP), many believed, was sponsored by President Jonathan during the convocation of a self-serving  Confab by a drowning government  to undermine Bola Tinubu and his new Yoruba political leaders and in the process whittle down the influence of APC in the South- west.

    But as it is often said, truth is immanent. Like water, it will find its way to torment and deride its enemies. ‘Dasukigate’ has now provided an opportunity to critically examine not only the motive of sponsors of a fringe party like Social Democratic Party with little or no electoral value, the despicable and unpatriotic objectives of its promoters but also to examine how Chief Olu Falae’s intervention at a critical period in our history contributed to the frustration of young Nigerian professionals who fled the country to work as second class citizens in Europe and America. Despite Margret Thatcher’s introduction of VISA following Olu Falae and Kalu Idika Kalu’s SAP, we today have up to two million well-trained Nigerians in Britain. The effect of SAP has been more devastating at home. Today there are millions of frustrated well-educated Nigerians youths in their late twenties and early thirties, regarded by many as a lost generation, who are still tied to the aprons of their parents at an age their peers during the pre and post independent years had already assumed leadership.

    General Ibrahim Babangida,  Olu Falae and Kalu Idika Kalu back in 1986 decreed ‘there was no alternative to Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP)’, an IMF economic poison, designed by the developed economies to solve their own social problems by further impoverishing the underdeveloped economies. The late Professor Sam Aluko dismissed such claim as intellectual fraud insisting there was even an alternative to death. Eskor Tuoyo and his group of radical thinkers correctly predicted the fate that finally befell Nigeria- the collapse of our industrial sector and condemnation of Nigeria to net importers of labour of other societies while our own youths roam the streets.

    Falae, as an accessory to ill-conceived and badly implemented privatization and liberalization economic policy that allowed a few families, military men and their fronts to fraudulently corner our national assets is responsible for the disarray and a future of uncertainty of Nigerians in their early thirties who have opted or are eager to become slaves in Europe and America. Our frustrated youths who chose to ‘check out’ in droves through the desert and the sea have little to look up to following the confiscation of our national assets which started during the Babangida regime when for example, 60% of a company like the Ikeja Cocoa Industries Limited (CIL) which rightly belong to the children of poor western Nigeria cocoa farmers was sold to a newly registered  Emerald Packaging Company for a miserable N9m, an amount lower than the cost of land on which the then 24 years old manufacturing company minus its machineries, raw materials and their other assets were located. This trend was completed by Babangida’s laboratory-baked PDP ‘new breed’  politicians who traded off national assets worth about $100b according to El Rufai, one time BPE Director General, for less than  $5b between 1999 and 2014. Chief Olu Falae never took responsibility for his role as an accessory to crime of mortgaging the future of a whole generation of Nigerians.

    Now the past has been brought to pain with the ‘Dasukigate’ which revealed that N260m of the $2.1b earmarked for arms to equip our embattled military found its way into to the account of Tony Anenih, a PDP chieftain. Anenih had said in his defence that the money, only a fraction of over N400m he claimed to have spent on his own for the 2015 battle, was ‘a part refund of the money former President Goodluck Jonathan instructed him to release to some political groups for mobilisation and post-election peace advocacy’. Of the amount, he said Chief Falae, the leader and founder of Social Democratic Party got N100m,Chief Rashidi Ladoja, leader of Accord Party got N100m while the remaining N63m went to a group headed by elder statesman, Alhaji Tanko Yakassai . All the three elder-statesmen admitted the funds were meant to advance the chances of Jonathan in the 2015 election…

    But Chief Falae like most well-informed Nigerians knew that another four years of Jonathan would have been disastrous for nation, that during his over five years in office, he served none but self and PDP wheelers and dealers and that those desperate for his re-election and who were moving around the country selling lies called ‘transformation agenda’ to our people were led mostly by those indicted by various House probes for pillaging the country resources.  Having undermined the PDP constitution by contesting in 2010 and for reneging on an undertaking to do only one term, Chief Falae knew it was immoral for Jonathan to contest the 2015 election. Chief Falae similarly knew Jonathan’s attempt to exploit our religion and ethnic differences for electoral gain was a threat to national unity.

    At the Chief Falae’s Yoruba home front where leadership is earned and lost when leaders betray the trust of the people, he knew that by openly identifying with the likes of Ayo Fayose, Olusegun Mimiko, Gbenga Daniel, Bode George and Musliu Obanikoro, that he and his half a dozen fellow Afenifere oligarchs who behave like cult members have lost their grip on the Yoruba voters. More than anybody else, Falae knew his Yoruba people who Awo back in 1947 said would not vote for you because you are a Yoruba man if you have no policy that will positively affect his life, would not vote for Jonathan who besides marginalizing Yoruba that fought for his emergence, but also remained a clueless leader all through his presidency. Finally, Falae more than anyone knew that Yoruba, the only group that has remained faithful to the idea of a united Nigeria since independence despite their endless campaign for regional autonomy and workable federalism, would not vote for a divisive candidate who had become a threat to the survival of Nigeria as a nation of many nationalities.

    Why then did a brilliant and respected Falae, a man not known for greed go ahead to dirty his hands with PDP’s N100m bribe even with the full knowledge of the consequences of his action and the fate that awaits Yoruba leaders that swim against the general tide from an unforgiving followers? There are two plausible explanations in my view. He, like other members of Afenifere oligarchy was probably envious of the success of Bola Tinubu who with the support of young Yoruba intellectuals effortlessly retired them from politics after achieving what they had been unable to achieve during a lifelong battle –joining the Nigerian mainstream politics as an equal partner. It is also possible that our respected Falae had expected a repeat of the ‘Ekiti Magic’ and underestimated the resolve of Nigerians and the efficacy of the voters card reader which for the first time allowed votes to count. But either way, I sympathise with Falae. He knows the fate that awaits him. The Yoruba hardly forgive when leaders who they look up to for direction commit error of judgment.