Tag: FEMI FALANA

  • Winning the war against corruption

    How can the anti-corruption war be won? It is by involving the masses who are the direct victims of official malfeasance in the crusade, reports Associate Editor ADEKUNLE YUSUF.

    IT was a conference-cum-dialogue. Unlike the usual practice of bringing in experts to talk to the audience, participants at the two-day conference on effects of corruption also doubled as resource persons. All participants left with a vow to shun, discourage and resist corruption in whatever guise. The dialogue, aimed at strengthening citizens resistance against corruption, was organised by ActionAid Nigeria, a humanitarian organisation working to achieve social justice, gender equality and poverty eradication.

    To set the ball rolling, Adewale Adeduntan, social mobilisation manager at ActionAid Nigeria, asked participants, mostly women and young people, to explain how corruption affects them in their individual lives. The conference, which featured many break-out sessions, saw journalists from the print and electronic media, women and young people sharing experiences on how corruption affects them in their private and professional capacities. Adeduntan said the essence of embracing the bottom-up approach during the event is to let women, children and other young people who are the real victims of corruption to share their perspectives on what corruption means and how best it can be tackled.

    With corruption prevalent in the society, including the private sector, he stressed that it will continue to inflict monumental disaster on the country’s development aspirations until the victims resolve to say enough is enough. That was the theme that ran through the proceedings and break-out sessions, with participants agreeing that the war against corruption should not be left to the government and its agencies alone.

    In her welcome address, Ene Obi, country director, ActionAid Nigeria, said it was important Nigerians are empowered to fight corruption because it distorts competition, reduces investments, slows development, widens economic and social inequalities and heightens injustice, discontent, exclusion and polarisation. Corruption, she stressed, has caused more deaths than HIV/AIDS and malaria combined, adding that it is a global scourge that “has disproportionately affected us as a country.”

    With many communities littered with abandoned or non-existing projects that would have improved the lives of the people, Obi described corruption as “our common enemy” because every Nigerian is affected by its consequences. “Corruption seems to have caused more deaths than HIV/AIDS and malaria. It has stolen the future of children both present and expected. It has ruined our educational system, destroyed our healthcare facilities, increased the inequality gap, exacerbated the level of insecurity and conflicts, pushed back foreign direct investment opportunities, and weakened the capacity of successive governments to provide basic amenities of life for citizens.

    “You may ask why it is important to empower the Nigerian citizen to effectively fight corruption. You may be wondering why the burden of eradicating corruption is not mounted on the government and our public officials. You may even – and rightly too – say the government should bear the burden because corruption began with the government institutions and the government is better positioned to end it. You must also think and ask yourself, what you have done about corruption in your community or where you live or work,” Obi said.

    The answers, the ActionAid boss said, were in the social cost of corruption and the mass unemployment and pervasive poverty it has engendered in the country. While acknowledging that it is true governments have attempted to curb corruption by setting up anti-graft agencies, she said such efforts seemed to be insufficient to curtail the evil and its effects on the people. “For us in ActionAid Nigeria, we believe that a government that can manage its resources effectively can eradicate poverty or reduce it to the barest minimum. ActionAid Nigeria has implemented projects in several states of the federation and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). We have seen the reality of poverty at the different levels, including rural and urban communities, and without any doubt corruption, being one of the major causes of these deprivations, when dealt with decisively, will liberate many Nigerians from the strongholds of poverty.

    “Social infrastructure is the right of citizens; we must demand for it when it is not given. We need to build the capacity of citizens with the critical mindset to ask the right questions from our political leaders as we use human rights-based approach to development. We must decentralise and localise issues about corruption down to the household levels and also interpret the messages for people to understand. People need to connect the state of the road, non-existing infrastructure to acts of corruption. That way, they can courageously stand up and make demands. Citizens must be dogged and determined to ask the right questions, and political institutions must be answerable to the people because it is only in this balanced format we can collectively address our common enemy called corruption,” she said.

    Read Also: Govt urged to tackle corruption across board

    A participant, Femi Falana, SAN, noted that no nation can successfully fight corruption outside its political economy, adding that the root of corruption in Nigeria can be found in the neo-liberal policies being religiously pursued by successive administrations. Specifically, he fingered the progressive withdrawal of subsidies from social services, which he said is a key component of the IMF/World Bank-sponsored Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), as the biggest driver of the mass poverty that is enveloping the country. The privatisation of public enterprises, commercialisation of social services, mass retrenchment of workers, devaluation of the naira, unrestrained capital flight, repatriation of profits by foreign companies and hijacking of the rule of law by the ruling elite, he maintained, have all combined to worsen the crisis of poverty and inequality in the country.

    While admitting that corruption is a resilient disease that is prevalent even in advanced capitalist countries where institutional mechanisms for fighting it are strong, Falana said the effects of corruption were more pernicious in Nigeria with weak institutional infrastructure such as bad leadership, weak judiciary, frail legislature, anaemic police system and compromised anti-corruption agencies. “As a result, the poor and vulnerable segments of the society continue to suffer as they rely very heavily on government for the provision of social and essential services, which has failed to provide the most basic needs of the people. The point I am labouring to make is that a neo-colonial state cannot meaningfully fight corruption because it is administered on the basis of corruption, executive lawlessness, brigandage and violence.

    “Anti-graft agencies are essentially set up to impress the international community in order to attract direct foreign investments. While the impression is given that corruption is being fought, the anti-graft agencies are deliberately underfunded and controlled by the executive to render them ineffective. The example of Kenya and Nigeria has shown that anti-corruption officials who fail to cover up the corrupt activities of a rogue regime and its friends may end up in a shallow grave or exile,” Falana said.

    However, despite the enactment of laws and creation of anti-graft agencies, Falana lamented that “it is common knowledge that corruption is on the increase in the country due to the poverty-induced programmes of the government.” This, he insisted, is bound to be so since the government is zealously committed to the implementation of neo-liberal policies. He criticised Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor Godwin Emefiele for failing to defend the naira. Falana aligned with Henry Boyo, an economist, who said recently that CBN has failed to achieve its prime mandate of price stability, leaving inflation rate to be beyond 10 per cent for years. Said Falana: “But how can the governor defend the naira when he is busy supervising the auctioning of small rations of the United States dollars on a weekly basis in a market that is said to be flushed with surplus naira liquidity? Since the CBN lacks the power to remove any money from the Federation Account without appropriation, it is submitted that the weekly withdrawal of hundreds of millions of dollars from the nation’s foreign reserves by the CBN to fund the importation of all manners of goods from foreign countries is illegal and unconstitutional.”

    To arrest further manipulation of the foreign exchange market and the skyrocketing inflation rate, he urged the National Assembly to, as a matter of urgent national importance, conduct a public hearing on the management of the economy by the executive. Citing constitutional provisions to buttress his point, he said the rights of Nigerians to socio-economic development were justiciable, adding that governments at all levels are under obligation to ensure national resources are harnessed to promote collective prosperity, maximum welfare and happiness of the people on the basis of social justice and equal opportunity.

    Besides ensuring that the country’s resources are used to serve the common good, the activist said Section 16 (2) (d)) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) compels government to provide suitable and adequate shelter, suitable and adequate food, old age care and pension, sick benefits for all citizens as well as the welfare of the disabled. He however insisted that the rights, despite being guaranteed by the constitution, cannot be actualised unless the government abolishes corrupt practices and abuse of power. “But since successive governments have failed to promote the welfare of the people, about 100 million citizens have become extremely poor. President Muhammadu Buhari has promised to rescue the 100 million people from the labyrinth of poverty in 10 years. With respect, that is a tall order as the implementation of neo-liberal policies of the Federal Government will continue to promote poverty among the generality of Nigerians,” he said.

    Falana urged President Buhari to heed the advice of his Rwanda counterpart Paul Kagame, who at the Democracy Day Anti-Corruption Summit on June 11, urged his fellow African leaders to fight corruption from the top to bottom. The Rwandan leader submitted that the anti-graft war should be guided by four key principles of culture, responsibility, accountability and effectiveness. Falana advised Nigeria to take up Kagame’s challenge by creating wealth, “not merely fighting corruption.” “This is a fight that can be won; tolerating corruption is a choice, not an inevitability. It is within our power to end it. That is the most important starting point; otherwise, it will be a waste of time to keep talking about it. Corruption does not take decades to eradicate once we decide to break the habit. We have to set our sights high; it is not enough to fight corruption by just merely fighting poverty. It is too small an ambition for Africa. We want to create value; we want to create wealth, not merely fighting corruption,” Falana quoted Kagame to have said.

    The activist urged the government to also fight impunity, instead of celebrating the war against corruption. According to Falana, the regular breach of the provisions of the Appropriation Act will be reduced if the execution of the budget is closely monitored by the people. “Let the Buhari administration demonstrate its commitment to the prosecution of the war against corruption by complying with the provisions of the Public Procurement Act, 2007. Even though the Bureau of Public Procurement and the National Council on Public Procurement are charged by the law with the sole responsibility to award Federal Government contracts, the Federal Executive Council (FEC) has usurped the powers of both bodies by approving the award of contracts in their weekly meetings.

    “The illegality, which started in 2007, has continued unabated. On account of such illegality, not less than three corruption cases filed by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) have been dismissed by courts on the grounds that the contracts involved were illegally awarded by FEC. To avoid the loss of more corruption cases, President Buhari is called upon to constitute the National Council on Public Procurement without any further delay,” he said.

    He lamented the secrecy surrounding assets declaration by public office holders. “A few days ago, the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB) turned down the request made by the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) for the release of copies of the declaration forms of former state and Presidents on the grounds that the declaration forms are private documents. With respect, it is illogical to claim that the asset declaration forms submitted by the erstwhile public officers are private documents.

    “Accordingly, the rejection of the request by SERAP is a contravention of Section 1 of the Freedom of Information Act (2011) and Article 9 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights. However, it is hoped that the CCB will review its position and allow citizens to access the information in the declaration forms submitted to it by all public officers in view of the new policy of the Buhari administration to enforce effective assets declaration by public office holders,” he said.

    Urging civil society groups to link the fight against corruption to the struggle for participatory democracy, economic independence and social justice, Falana said since the law was too weak to curb official corruption, civil society groups should mobilise professional bodies and faith-based organisations to censor their members who engage in corrupt acts with a view to bringing them into disrepute. Said he: “While the anti-graft agencies are encouraged and supported in the prosecution of a few corrupt elements in the society, civil society groups should demand full compliance with the provisions of the Appropriation Act, Public Procurement Act, Money Laundering Act and Freedom of Information Act, while the campaign for the enactment of other anti-corruption laws should be intensified. In order to enhance the fight against corruption at all levels, states should be encouraged to adopt these legislations.”

     

  • Falana to High Court judges: fines on public interest suits unconstitutional

    Activist lawyer Mr Femi Falana (SAN) has advised judges to stop imposing fines on public interest litigations for want of locus standi.

    He said such fines imposed by the courts are unconstitutional.

    “As far as the law stands, no judge has the power to order a litigant to pay costs outside the ambit of the rules of the respective High Courts,” Falana said.

    Some High Court judges have been reported to have imposed fines, ranging from N5 million to N10 million, on litigants whose cases were struck out for want of locus standi.

    The activist lawyer contended that no judge is empowered by the Constitution, High Court Law or Rules of Court to impose such fines on a litigant who has not been tried and convicted for committing a criminal offence.

    In a statement yesterday in Lagos, Falana condemned what he called “the renewed attack” on public interest litigations by judges.

    The eminent lawyer argued that such imposition of fines cannot be justified under the Constitution and the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act.

    He said the doctrine of locus standi had been abolished on human rights matters by Order III of the Fundamental Rights Enforcement Procedure Rules 2009.

    The statement added: “Specifically, the Fundamental Rights (Enforcement Procedure) Rules 2009 have enjoined judges to encourage public interest litigation in promoting the human rights of Nigerian people. Ex abundanti cautela, the doctrine of locus standi, has been abolished in the area of human rights by Order III of the Fundamental Rights Enforcement Procedure Rules 2009.

    “Since access to court has been guaranteed by sections 6 and 36 of the 1999 Constitution and Article 7 of the African Charter on Hunan and Peoples Rights Act, it is illegal and unconstitutional to impose fines on aggrieved citizens who approach the courts to challenge the illegal official policies or unconstitutional legislations under the current democratic dispensation.

    Read also: Falana, others urge FG to fight insecurity

    “As far as the law stands, no judge has the power to order a litigant to pay costs outside the ambit of the rules of the respective High Courts.

    “Even in the award of costs, litigants and their counsel are given fair hearing by judges. Why then are fines imposed on litigants or lawyers without allowing them to make any representation?

    “I wish to state that no judge is empowered by the Constitution, High Court Law or Rules of Court to impose fines of N5 million or N10 million on a litigant who has not been tried and convicted for committing a criminal offence in Nigeria.

    “We are, therefore, compelled to draw the attention of our judges to the case of Fawehinmi v Akilu (1997) NWLR (Pt 65) 979 wherein the Supreme Court overruled the case of Abraham Adesanya v The President (1981) ANLR 1.

    “Since the anachronistic doctrine has been set aside to pave way for public interest litigation, our judges should desist from striking out or dismissing cases which are filed to challenge impunity of public officers in Nigeria.”

  • Falana requests Buhari to order the release of 40 Nigerians from Naval custody

    Activist Lawyer, Femi Falana (SAN) has asked President Muhammadu Buhari to order the release of 40 Nigerians in the detention of the  Nigerian Navy.

    He said the detained are being held incommunicado in dehumanising conditions for periods ranging from six to eight months without trial and that he has received complaints from their families over their continued detention.

    The request was contained in a letter addressed to the President dated May 19 and titled: “Request for Release of 40 Nigerian Citizens from Illegal Custody of Nigerian Navy”.

    Falana urged President Buhari to direct the Chief of Naval Staff, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ekwe Ibas, to either release the detainees from unlawful custody or arraign them in court without any further delay.

    He said this has become expedient since all the detainees are entitled to their fundamental rights to dignity and liberty guaranteed by sections 34 and 35 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 as amended and articles 5 and 6 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights Ratification and Enforcement Act (Cap A9) Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004.

    He gave the names of the detainees as Captain Dada Labinjo,  Lt. Commander Sherifat Ibe Lambert, Benjamin Gold, Peter Pulle, Pius Paul, Onoja Reuben, Adeleke Adewale, Labinjo Kehinde, Ogunmoyero Oluwasehun, Emmanuel Oputa,   Innocent Sunday, Lejoro Friday, Hamza Yakubu, Segun Yusuf,  Master-Melvin Jack ;  Chief Mate-Adebayo Mayoma, Chief Mate- Francis Oneyema,  2nd Eng-Godwill Umoh, Bosin-Miebaka Iyala and Elect 2-Edu Fidelis.

    Others are Elect 2-Richard David, Camp Boss-Daniel Harrison, Asaiki Okeoghene, AB 1-Omogoye Bolaji,   AB 2-Victor Uchendu,  AB 3-Oloyede Ademola, Oiler-Simon Onyisi Mike, Eng cadet-Udom Victor Jerome, Godwin Etiaka Ojodusi, Sixtus Ganabel, Owei Ukuto, Jeremiah Victor, Collins Joel, Augustine Omonisa,  MV Akemijo Deborah, Mike Simeon, Umoren Daniel, James Archibong, Umon Godswill Emmanuel and  MT Adeline Jumbo.

    “In view of the fact that the illegal detention of the 40 Nigerian citizens for several months without trial has exposed the Federal Government to unwarranted embarrassment the Chief of Naval Staff ought to be sanctioned by Your Excellency”, he urged the President.

    Read also: Halt two criminal justice systems, Falana tells lawyers

    The letter stated in part: “We have received complaints from the family members of 40 Nigerian citizens who are being detained without trial on the orders of the Authorities of the Nigerian Navy.

    “It may interest Your Excellency to know that the above-named detainees have been held incommunicado in dehumanising conditions for periods ranging from six to eight months. In fact, some of the detainees are incarcerated in an underground military detention facility in Abuja while others are held inside one of the vessels impounded by the Nigerian Navy in Marina, Lagos.

    “The detainees have been subjected to mental, psychological and physical torture contrary to the provisions of the Anti Torture Act, 2017.

    “Furthermore, in utter contempt of court the authorities of the Nigerian Navy have defied valid and subsisting orders of competent courts for the unconditional release of some of the detainees.

    “Apart from such contemptuous conduct, the Nigerian Navy recently denied knowledge of the whereabouts of the 15 detainees held in a detention facility in Abuja.

    “As soon as we pointed out that the remand order procured by the Nigerian Navy for the detention of the 15 detainees had been quashed by the Chief Magistrate Court in Apapa, Lagos State, the Naval Authorities turned round to file criminal charges against five of them before a court-martial”, he stated..

  • Halt two criminal justice systems, Falana tells lawyers

    Human rights lawyer Femi Falana (SAN) has accused “corrupt politicians and some senior lawyers of hijacking the criminal justice system and working together to frustrate the effective prosecution of corruption cases pending in several courts”.

    He made the accusation in a paper he presented yesterday at this year’s Law Week of the Epe branch of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) at Epe, Lagos State

    In the paper, titled: The Danger of Unequal Criminal Justice System in Nigeria, the eminent lawyer urged “progressive lawyers to team up with other patriotic forces to ensure that all defendants are treated equally under the criminal justice system”.

    He said: “Apart from two former governors, namely Messrs Joshua Dariye and Jolly Nyame, the list of convicted persons is made of lowly placed individuals in the society. Owing to abuse of court process, rich defendants have continued to frustrate their prosecution with the connivance of some senior lawyers.

    Read also: Falana urges AGF to sue Navy over ‘detention’ of 10 Nigerians since October 27

    “By virtue of Section 17 (2) (a) of the Constitution of Nigeria 1999 (as amended), every citizen shall have equality of rights, obligations and opportunities before the law. But in practice, the rich and poor defendants are not treated equally by Nigerian courts.

    “Apart from the fact that rich litigants have the means to hire the services of the best lawyers in any area of the law, the courts are (also) manned by judges who are not neutral in the class struggle being waged daily by the Nigerian people.

    “According to reports, the Economic and Crimes Commission (EFCC) secured 312 convictions and recovered asGood governance alien to PDP, says BMOsets estimated at N11.5 billion in 2018. In the first quarter of this year, the EFCC recorded 192 convictions and recovered assets of N117 billion. It is indisputable that the rate of convictions has increased due to the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, which has provided for the acceleration of criminal cases in all Federal courts.

    “Realising that majority of economically marginalised citizens have no access to legal representation, the Federal Government has set up the Legal Aid Council to provide legal services to indigent citizens. But due to the fact that it is poorly funded, each state government has established the Office of Public Defender to ensure that underprivileged citizens are provided with legal services.”

    The eminent lawyer observed some loopholes in the nation’s legal process and efforts by anti-graft agencies to prosecute some categories of suspected criminals.

    He said: “Notwithstanding that the EFCC has been accused by the bourgeois media of engaging in Gestapo tactics with respect to the treatment of suspects, it cannot be denied that the rights of influential criminal suspects are well respected by the commission.

    “The big men and women implicated in allegations of serious economic crimes being investigated by the commission usually receive polite letters of invitation, telephone calls or text messages advising them to contact named investigators whose telephone numbers are supplied.

    “Through such arrangement, the suspects are allowed to report themselves at their own convenience. Other suspects may decide to vamoose or brief lawyers to embark on legal measures to shield them from investigation and prosecution.

    “If and whenever influential criminal suspects report themselves, they are treated with utmost courtesy by the investigators. Since they are presumed innocent until they are proved guilty by the state, they are never paraded before the media, regardless of the gravity of the offence committed by them.

    “Unlike what obtains in Western countries: it is infra dignitate to subject big men and women to the restraint of handcuff in Nigeria. Hence, hell was let loose when a chieftain of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) on trial for money laundering was recently handcuffed by the Kuje prison authorities.

    “A few years ago, the Olusegun Obasanjo administration apologised in writing to a former police chief who was handcuffed by the EFCC while he was on trial for money laundering and corrupt practices to the tune of N17 billion.

    “If a VIP suspect cannot be located by the commission, his relatives are never arrested. He is declared wanted and may be reported to the Interpol. However, in Benedict Peters v EFCC, a High Court in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) has ruled that the commission lacks the power to declare any suspect wanted without first obtaining a court order for that purpose.

    “It is also important to know that if the commission is going to detain a big man or woman for more than 48 hours, it has to obtain a remand order from a Magistrates’ Court, in line with the provisions of Section 293 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015. Suspects always apply to be kept in the commission’s cells since they are much more comfortable than police and prison cells!

    “Owing to unequal justice that has become the hallmark of the nation’s criminal justice system, the prisons and police cells are filled with the victims of our unjust socio-economic system. On account of prison congestion, due to inadequate funding, majority of the inmates, who are awaiting trial, are locked up with convicted prisoners.

    “Upon their release from dehumanising prison conditions, the awaiting trial inmates and convicts team up to join criminal gangs constituted by frustrated young men and women in the larger society.

    “The criminal gangs drawn from the ghettoes in the cities are fighting back on the streets in broad daylight and in the homes of the rich and not so rich people in the dead of the night. Instead of teaming up with the victims of frustration to terminate institutionalised injustice in the land, Nigerian lawyers are using the law to defend the status quo under the rule of law.

    “The NBA, which does not hesitate to mobilise hundreds of lawyers to defend indicted senior lawyers and judges, has not deemed it fit to extend free legal services to indigent defendants facing trial for poverty-related offences in the courts.

    “It is common knowledge that Nigeria operates a double criminal justice system – one for the rich and one for the poor. Majority of indigent defendants are tried in the magistrate and area courts have no access to lawyers. Because of the gravity of certain offences, indigent defendants are represented by young and inexperienced lawyers assigned to them by the state…”

     

  • Buhari never disobeyed court orders as military ruler, says Falana

    ACTIVIST-LAWYER Femi Falana (SAN) said yesterday that President Muhammadu Buhari always obeyed court orders during his tenure as Head of State from December 31, 1983 to August 27, 1985.

    Falana wondered why in a democracy, the Buhari-led Federal Government has not shown enough respect for judicial decisions.

    The human rights lawyer said he would write to the Attorney-General of the Federation, Mr Abubakar Malami (SAN), to find out why.

    Falana spoke in Lagos during a public lecture on the 30th anniversary of the Committee for the Defence of Human Rights (CDHR).

    The lecture, with the theme: “Chronicling the struggle, identifying the way forward,” was delivered by professor of International Law and Jurisprudence, Akin Oyebode, while Prof. Julius Ihonvbere  was the keynote speaker.

    Falana, the Chairman of the CDHR Board of Trustees, noted that respect for human rights in the country had appreciated in the last 30 years.

    CDHR, he explained, started in 1989 in the living room of the late Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti, where activists gathered to strategise for the release of Femi Aborisade, who was then detained by the military junta.

    “Thirty years ago, it would have been impossible to assemble to discuss human rights in our country. Notwithstanding that we are currently having what you might call rickety democracy, there are gains, all the struggles of over 30 years, that we must celebrate today,” Falana said.

    The lawyer, however, said he was worried about how court orders were being disobeyed by the Federal Government.

    He said: “I just remember this morning trying to write a letter to the Attorney-General of the Federation and I find, very painfully, that whereas the Buhari/Idiagbon regime complied with all court orders for the release of those who were held illegally under the state security detention of persons Decree No 2 of 1984, we cannot say the same today under a democratic government.

    Read also: Oyebode, Falana, others advocate SARS reform

    “If you get a copy of Gani Fawehinmi’s book on Nigerian law on habeas corpus, all the judgments of our courts during the military dictatorship of Gowon up to the Buhari/Idiagbon regime, all the cases are documented in that book; not on a single occasion did the military regimes detain anybody who had been ordered to be released by the court. They could manipulate; they could filibuster, but ultimately they got everybody released.”

    In his lecture, Oyebode criticised the 1999 Constitution, which he said lacked legitimacy because the Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar regime did not call for the input of the citizens.

    Oyebode said: “The general contempt held by the dictators everywhere for the people informed the attitude of the junta towards the right of the Nigerian people to partake in the making of the most important law governing their lives.”

    The don said that for Nigeria to become a liberal democratic society, the people must be ready to put the government on its toes “so that an end is speedily brought to impunity.”

    CDHR National President Malachy Ugwummadu described the organisation’s journey in the last 30 years as “eventful; a mix bag but clearly with huge prospects and possibilities of fulfillment.”

  • Buhari never disobeyed court orders as military ruler, says Falana

    Activist-lawyer Mr Femi Falana (SAN) said Thursday that President Muhammadu Buhari always obeyed court orders during his tenure as Head of State from 31 December 1983 to 27 August 1985.

    He explained that although military regimes were often arbitrary, neither Buhari nor his predecessors in military juntas toyed with court orders.

    Falana wondered why in a democracy, the Buhari-led Federal Government is now allegedly disobeying judicial decisions.

    The human rights lawyer said he would write to the Attorney General of the Federation, Mr Abubakar Malami (SAN), to find out why.

    Falana spoke in Lagos during a public lecture on the 30th anniversary of rights group, the Committee for the Defence of Human Rights (CDHR).

    The lecture, with the theme, “Chronicling the struggle, identifying the way forward,” was delivered by professor of International Law and Jurisprudence, Akin Oyebode, while Prof. Julius Honvhere, of the Ford Foundation, was the keynote speaker.

    Falana, the Chairman of the CDHR Board of Trustees, noted that respect for human rights in the country had appreciated in the last 30 years.

    CDHR, he explained, started in 1989 in the living room of the late Dr Beko Ransome-Kuti, where activists gathered to strategise for the release of Mr Femi Aborishade, who was then detained by the military junta.

    “Thirty years ago, it would have been impossible to assemble to discuss human rights in our country. Notwithstanding that we are currently having what you might call rickety democracy, there are gains, all the struggles of over 30 years, that we must celebrate today,” Falana said.

    The lawyer, however, said he was worried about how court orders were being disobeyed by the Federal Government.

    He said, “I just remember this morning trying to write a letter to the Attorney-General of the Federation and I find, very painfully, that whereas the Buhari/Idiagbon regime complied with all court orders for the release of those who were held illegally under the state security detention of persons Decree No 2 of 1984, we cannot say the same today under a democratic government.

    Read Also: Osinbajo, Falana, charge journalists on professional ethics

    “If you get a copy of Gani Fawehinmi’s book on Nigerian law on habeas corpus, all the judgments of our courts during the military dictatorship of Gowon up to the Buhari/Idiagbon regime, all the cases are documented in that book; not on a single occasion did the military regimes detain anybody who had been ordered to be released by the court. They could manipulate; they could filibuster, but ultimately they got everybody released.”

    In his lecture, Oyebode criticised the 1999 Constitution, which he said lacked legitimacy because the Gen Abdulsalami Abubakar regime did not call for the input of the citizens.

    “The general contempt held by the dictators everywhere for the people informed the attitude of the junta towards the right of the Nigerian people to partake in the making of the most important law governing their lives,” the don said.

    Oyebode said for Nigeria to become a liberal democratic society, the people must be ready to put the government on its toes “so that an end is speedily brought to impunity.”

    In his remarks, the National President of CDHR, Mr Malachy Ugwummadu, described the organisation’s journey in the last 30 years as “eventful; a mix bag but clearly with huge prospects and possibilities of fulfillment.”

  • Path to a people’s constitution

    In a review of the Minority Report & Draft Constitution for the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1976, by Olusegun Osoba and Yusufu Bala Usman presented in Lagos yesterday, activist lawyer Femi Falana (SAN) argued that the document has the quality of a people’s constitution. Excerpts:

    As part of the initial steps towards the transition to civil rule in 1975, the regime of General Murtala Mohammed gave a committee of 49 eminent Nigerians the job of producing a draft constitution for the Second Republic, which was scheduled to begin on October 1, 1979.  Two members of the Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC) fundamentally disagreed on ideological grounds with the report supported by the majority of 47 others.

    On the question of human progress, the philosophical divergence between the minority and the majority within the CDC was too wide to expect a compromise. Hence, the minority came up with the document under review today.

    By the time the report was ready, Murtala had been killed in an abortive coup and his second-in-command, General Olusegun Obasanjo, was now in charge.  Regrettably, the Obasanjo regime rejected, in a most hostile manner, the Minority Report, as it is now known in Nigeria’s political history. The report of the majority was decreed into the 1979 Constitution, the basic content of which has formed the nucleus of the subsequent constitutions including the Decree 24 of 1999 otherwise called the 1999 Constitution.

    The authors, Dr Olusegun Osoba and Dr Yusufu Bala Usman, both radical historians, wrote 43 years ago that they never pretended to put forward “a perfect document.” In the true tradition of self-criticism that is the hallmark leftist thinkers, they readily admitted “faults and inadequacies” in the document.

    Unknown to the Not Too Young to Run campaigners (who sometimes make a fetish of age in politics), Osoba and Usman had recommended in Section 145 of their own Draft Constitution way back in 1976 the minimum age of 30 as part of the qualifications to contest for the office president or governor. Forty-three years later, the same provision is being celebrated by youths who now see the man that treated the Minority Draft then as “non-existent,” Obasanjo, as a pathfinder of their future!

    Read also: Oyebode, Falana, others advocate SARS reform

    Similarly, it is significant that the constitutional immunity for the president and governors and their respective deputies was hotly contested by Osoba and Usman during the making of the 1979 Constitution. According to them, the immunity provisions “ contradict violently the fundamental principle of the equality of all citizens before the law and is an unwarranted attempt to shield these high officials of the state from the full rigours of the law as would apply to the other citizens of Nigeria in similar situations of misconduct or improper conduct.” If you ask the anti-corruption agencies the main roadblock in their work today, they would readily tell you that it’s the constitutional immunity for this category of public officers.

    Other similarly remarkable provisions encapsulated in the Draft, but were regrettably rejected by the Obasanjo regime, include those on accountability by those in power; the purpose and management of political parties as well as the appointment of a prime minister by the elected president for the purpose of diffusing power.  Now, talking about the atmosphere of hope that should be created at this period of our history, the leading spirits of the Centre for Democratic Development Research and Training (CEDDERT) should be saluted for their keen sense of historical purpose in resurrecting at this time a document that was once “killed” by a military dictator. The basis of hope is that those desirous of fundamentally confronting the deteriorating Nigerian condition would be equipped by the contents of this publication.

    In the fresh introduction to the publication entitled “The 1979 Constitution and Its Legacy of Catastrophic Succession of Governments, 1979-12018,” Osoba posits that given the enormity of the  “crisis of governance” in the land the constitutional reforms intended in the 1976 proposition might prove inadequate in the circumstance.

    In fact, given the progressive ferments of the 1970s, these two progressive constitution writers could not have imagined the current crisis of the economy, society and politics.  Osoba has, therefore, proposed a “minimum agenda for change” based on the “root and branch” strategy. The proposition ought to stimulate honest discussions among those sincerely working for a progressive transformation of Nigeria.

    Yet a few areas should be isolated in the 1976 efforts of Osoba and Usman that could provide clues on how to tackle the contemporary problems of poverty, inequality, social injustice, insecurity and the dangerous clogs in the wheel of national integration. As far as the making of a people’s constitution goes, compared with the 1979 Constitution the draft put together by Osoba and Usman is indubitably richer in content (from the viewpoint of the genuine interests of the people). And the style of the draft is admirably accessible. Many great constitutions are, in fact, slim in volumes!

    As Osoba and Usman rightly put it, the 1979 Constitution is a deliberate effort at mystification for the selfish interests of the bourgeoisie.

    So, the majority members of the CDC gave the people socio-economic rights in Chapter II of the 1979 Constitution with one hand and took away the rights with the other hand by the non-justiciable Clause.  Since then the struggle has been shifted to the courts and the push for enactment of laws to back up policies tailored securing socio-economic rights for the people. Hence we have had the emergence of legislation backing funding of basic education and primary healthcare and policies on social housing, social insurance and financial inclusion. It must be admitted that all these are at best palliatives and they are never a substitute to the constitutionally enshrined provisions for social- economic rights.

    In contradistinction, Osoba and Usman spell out the  “Fundamental Economic and Social Objectives” in Chapter IV of their draft without the pernicious provision of non-justiciability. Now, if Nigeria had been constitutionally and philosophically run on the basis of the Minority Report with socio-economic rights of the people reigning supreme, the scourge of poverty would not have been ravaging the land so ferociously as it is doing today.  In Section 36 of the Minority Draft, Osoba and Usman propose as follows: “The Federal Republic of Nigeria is committed to a rapid, even, balanced and self-reliant economic development and the state shall direct and plan the national economy. Appropriate planning authorities shall be created at the village, district area, state and national levels to ensure closely integrated planning based on the genuine needs and interests of the people and their full and active participation.”

    In retrospect, if the running of the Nigerian political economy had been informed by such a constitutional provision in the last 40 years, the scandalous social inequality plaguing the Nigerian society could not have arisen.  Instead, Nigeria could have at least evolved into a social democracy without a bloody revolution. The Scandinavian countries that are always rated higher in human development than the richer capitalist countries actually apply these social democratic principles in running their economies.

    Besides, the devolution of powers embodied in Section 36 of the Draft cited in the foregoing is the type for which the people should struggle and not the devolution of powers to governors who are emperors and looters, as the ethnic and regional champions of “restructuring” are unwittingly framing the question.

    The Nigerian federalism should be made to work for the people and not only for the factions of the ruling class located in the various regions and ethnic groups. It is remarkable that Osoba and Usman rigorously make this genuinely federalist argument in the 43 –year old report. Indeed, if the provisions of Chapter II of the 1999 Constitution (an inherited item from the 1979 Constitution) had been made justiciable, governments in Nigeria would be taken more seriously in tackling poverty and inequality.

    In the same vein, the profundity of the argument of Osoba and Usman in their debate with the authors of the Majority Draft on national integration should command the attention of those approaching the National Question from a progressive perspective.

    The Minority Report argues against “state citizenship” which contradicts the “national citizenship.” If the formula provided by Osoba and Usman in 1976 had been assimilated in the economy, polity and society the bloodletting arising from the episodic wars of the  “indigenes” versus the   “settlers” could probably have been avoided. Today, the advocates of ethnic and geographical restructuring dominate waves.

    In fact, restructuring is presented as the panacea to all Nigerian problems. National unity is becoming anathema in some quarters dominated by ethnic and regional champions. The voices of the separatists are getting more strident.  This is a clear degeneration from the 1976 situation when Osoba and Usman were even criticising the authors of the Majority Draft for advancing the cause of the unity of the elites only as against unity of the whole people. This is how they put the matter: “This is not unity or consensus based on a minimum agreement by all concerning the need to protect and promote the real interests and well-being of the masses of Nigerian people of whatever origin. It is our view that no genuine political unity or consensus is possible in the Nigerian context without such an honest and firm commitment among the various sections of the national   leadership to the genuine interests of all our people…”

    Chapter II of the Minority Draft defines Nigerian citizenship. According to the draft, a person could become a Nigerian citizen by birth, registration, and naturalisation. Significantly, dual citizenship is prohibited while spouses of Nigerian citizens not wishing to be Nigeria are to be given a special immigrant status at the discretion of the president, who should also have powers to deprive disloyal person citizenship. The ambiguity on the citizenship by birth which is a subject of the APC response to Vice President Atiku Abubakar’s petition at the tribunal might have been unwarranted if the 1999 constitution had made the provision as simple as the Minority Draft.

    It is always intriguing when members of the ruling class rationalise the manipulation of religion by saying that the word secularity is not in the constitution. They insist that the intent of the constitution is to say that Nigeria is a multi-religious country and that the government should promote tolerance among adherents of the two main religions of Christianity and Islam especially. If only Obasanjo had listened to Osoba and Usman 43 years ago, the seeming ambiguity would not have been in the public sphere as the Minority Draft states clearly and simply in Section39 as follows:  ‘The Federal Republic of Nigeria is a secular republic and the state not be associated with any religion but shall actively protect the fundamental right of all citizens to hold and practice the religious beliefs of their choice.”

    So it is clear that with this publication CEDDERT is illuminating the discussions about the future of Nigeria from a most credible vantage. And the intervention is quite timely. After all, the light that could arise from the enormous heat generated so far in the restructuring debate is the possibility of the proposals being distilled into the process of making a people’s constitution.

    This publication should be a useful material in the hands of those interested in writing a people’s constitution.

  • Oyebode, Falana, others advocate SARS reform

    The Coalition for Good Governance and Justice has held a workshop for the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), reports ADEBISI ONANUGA.

    At inception, the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) unit of the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) set up for crime prevention and control recorded many successes.

    But today, they have become notorious for violation of rights and extra-judicial killings, with calls intensifying for its disbandment.

    Members of the Coalition for Good Governance and Justice were in Uyo for a three-day training of SARS men and officers of the Akwa-Ibom State Command.

    The theme was: Continuous Relevance of SARS under the current democratic dispensation.

    No fewer than 200 officers and men of SARS, anti-cultism, anti-kidnapping and other units of the command participated.

    ‘In the news for wrong reasons’

    Professor of International Law at the University of Lagos, Akin Oyebode, in his paper titled: The rule of law between SARS and armed robbers: Case for adherence to rule of law and constitutionally guaranteed rights by officers and men of SARS department,  noted that since its creation, SARS had been in the news more for bad reason than good.

    Oyebode recalled that SARS came into being in an effort to eliminate all armed threats to peaceful co-existence in the society.

    He believes that SARS is Nigeria’s answer to SWAT and such like paramilitary forces across the world charged with combating  urban crime and virulent elements of the underworld who deprive the people of their peace.

    Oyebode, however, stressed men of SARS must hold the right to life and the presumption of innocence as well as the principle of commen-suration  sacrosanct in their law enforcement efforts.

    “A situation in which trigger-happy operatives shoot first before asking questions or loss of life is occasioned by ‘accidental discharge’ is not only untenable but deserving of good and effective sanction.

    It would seem, therefore, that special forces such as SARS are a necessary evil in today’s world but nothing is to be spared in ensuring that they operate within the ambit of law lest they become a remedy worse than the disease they were set up to cure in the first place.

    “Accordingly, since SARS is a law enforcement agency, it goes without saying that it is duty bound to abide by the dictates of law.

    “Any agency of government which acts with impunity has no place in an environment which upholds the rule of law,” he argued.

    Falana: Challenge infringements

    Activist-lawyer Femi Falana (SAN), who spoke main theme,  agreed with Prof. Oyebode that rather than disband SARS, operatives of the squad should be continuously trained, equipped and motivated to deal with dangerous crimes in the society.

    Convinced that police brutality cannot end in an atmosphere of impunity, Falana urged the National Assembly to repeal Section 84 of the Sheriff and Civil Process Act.

    The section provides that a judgment creditor cannot garnishee the accounts of a public institution without seeking and obtaining the fiat of Attorneys-General.

    He argued that the colonial legacy cannot be justified under section 287 of the Constitution which stipulates that the decisions of the High Court, Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court shall be enforced by all authorities and persons in Nigeria.

    He also argued that since the human rights community and individual civil rights advocates alone cannot successfully protect the people from the increasing wave of human rights abuse by security forces in the country, it is time that the victims of human rights abuse were mobilized to defend themselves.

    “Therefore, the human rights community should immediately embark on massive enlightenment programmes to empower the people to challenge the infringement of the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights Act.

    “Indigent members of the public whose human rights are violated by the police and other law enforcement agencies are enjoined to contact any of the committees of the 125 branches of the Nigerian Bar Association spread across the country,” he said.

    Falana said as part of the reform strategy, SARS operatives who subject criminal suspects to torture should henceforth be identified and prosecuted while any of them convicted should be made to pay part of the damages to any victim.

    The learned silk  referred to the Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015 which if implemented, can put an end to the atrocities of the SARS and other law enforcement agencies.

    He stated for instance that the law has banned the police from subjecting criminal suspects to torture or degrading or inhuman treatment.

    Falana pointed out that victims of human rights abuse have the right to file an application in a high court in the state where the violation has occurred or may occur.

    “Even the dependants or representatives of any suspect killed in police custody or in any other detention centre may file a civil claim in a high court for damages payable by the Nigeria Police Force or any other authority or person,” he said.

    He advised  indigent citizens who cannot afford the services of legal practitioners to secure the enforcement of their abused fundamental rights have the right to request the Legal Aid Council to provide legal representation for them.

    In the alternative, victims of human rights abuse have the right to lodge a complaint or submit a petition to the National Human Rights Commission or the Office of the Public Defender or Non-Governmental human rights bodies including the Nigerian Bar Association.

    ‘Police must operate by law’

    Mrs. Gloria Egbuji who presented a paper titled: Promoting democracy through law abiding law enforcement officials, noted that police could only promote democracy when they respect the laws and know the limit of their power.

    She noted that the Police as an arm of law enforcement officials, must protect lives and enforce the law in accordance with the legal documents.

    Egbuji said where police work in accordance with the law, they become major support and critical in democracy for smooth running of government.

    Dwelling on the code of conduct for law enforcement officials, she urged  them to at all times fulfill the duty imposed on them  by the law by serving the community and protecting all persons against illegal acts, consistent with the high degree of responsibility required by their profession.

    Speaking on The roles and functions of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad, Executive Director of Centre for the Rule of Law, Olasupo Ojo traced the historical emergence of SARS as a tactical unit of the Police Force, its activities over the years vis-à-vis the rights of the citizenry.

    He submitted that the key to  understanding and successful application of the training in human rights to their career in the police is to always approach it from the interconnected human rights perspective in order to be human rights compliant.

    ‘Tackle corruption’

    A consultant educationist and human rights activist, Debo Adeniran, who delivered paper on the sub-theme: Understanding Corruption and the Role of the Police in curbing it, said if the country aspires to build a civil police force, it must first locate correctly why corruption is prevalent in the force and carry out the necessary institutional reforms as well as systemic overhaul to make the society a better place to live for this generation and those to come.

    He said: “The Police force is vital to guaranteeing peace, protection of lives and properties which are essential ingredients  for growth and development.

    “Thus, any society that is serious about stability and socio-economic advancement must pay premium attention to its civil force.”

    He, however, noted that “the under-funding, ill-equipment, lack of proper training and motivation of the Force led to the proliferation of several anti-corruption agencies to tackle different corruption related cases.

    IGP speaks                                                                                                                                                                                  In his goodwill message, the Acting  Inspector General of Police (IGP) Muhammed Adamu reiterated what he had said in his maiden address on assumption of office.

    He said his appointment represents a call to duty and a charge to restore the dwindling primacy of the Police within the internal security architecture of Nigeria.

    He urged participants and other police personnel to always be at alert to judge their behaviours within and outside the public space as they carry out their duties as law enforcement agents.

    Commissioner of Police in Akwa Ibom Police,  Mr. Zaki Ahmed, said the training came at the right time.

    Communique

    A communiqué issued after the training noted the increase in police brutality and abuse of human rights as well the consequential degradation of police-citizen relationship.

    It observed that the protection of human rights should be seen as a priority in the discharge of the duties of the police; that Police officers have inadequate knowledge of their code of conduct, and that there is need to encourage and inculcate reading habits in officers and men.

    Among the recommendations are:

    • Police should be motivated to perform effectively.
    • There should be demilitarisation and re-orientation of SARS.
    • Police officers indicted for human rights abuse should be made to pay part of the damages awarded by courts in favour of the claimants.
    • Illegal parade of suspects and media trial of armed robbery suspects by the Police should be abolished.
    • By virtue of section 2 (xi) of the Anti Torture Act, 2017, the parade of criminal suspects has been criminalised.
    • Killing of every armed robbery suspect should be investigated by a coroner.
    • Properties and monies belonging to armed robbery suspects should be forfeited to the government and not cornered and distributed by police officials.
    • SARS should be completely demilitarised while the police operatives should be well trained, equipped and motivated.
    • Governments should provide incentives and insurance package for SARS operatives.
    • Apart from operatives in the intelligence section, others SARS personnel who are on duty should wear police uniforms.
    • Operatives must undergo compulsory training in human rights while police personnel in SARS should not serve for more than four years SARS.
    • National Assembly and Houses of Assembly should amend Section 84 of the Sheriff and Civil Process Act and similar laws.
    • There is a need to re-configure SARS.
    • SARS functionaries should inculcate new values emphasizing respect for rule of law and fundamental human rights.
    • Efforts should be made to adhere to international best practices in relation to the operation of SARS.
  • Falana, Jukuns raise alarm over unreported killings in Taraba

    THE Jukuns in Taraba State yesterday raised alarm over a series of killings by gunmen and suspected kidnappers in the southern part of the state within the last few weeks.

    Activist lawyer Femi Falana (SAN) and the Junkun Development Association of Nigeria, at a news conference at the  Falana and Falana law firm, Adekunle Fajuyi Way, GRA, Ikeja, expressed concern over the killings – many of which they lamented “go unreported”.

    The association’s National President, Bako Benjamin, said no fewer than 148 Junkuns abducted from their houses in the last few weeks are still being held in captivity by gunmen.

    He said there are other victims, who are Yoruba, Igbo, and other tribes, adding that the association could not give their names because they did not have them.

    Benjamin said the situation in Takun communities in southern Taraba  State is worse than what is happening in Zamfara State.

    “In the past, people get removed from their cars, if you are traveling in a flashy car on the roads and they take to the bush. But today, because people have avoided the roads, they go to houses and removed people from their houses and demanded for ransom and sometimes, even after ransom is paid, they still kill them.

    “As we speak, one Alhaji Mayo, who runs some filling stations in Takun, he was removed from his house, taken to the bush and they used his phones to call his family and demanded N200 million. They negotiated and after selling a lot of his property, they managed to raise N105 million, which they collected.

    “As if that was not enough, they told the wife to drive all the man’s cars to a location. They took all the cars and drove them away. Just yesterday (Saturday), the younger brother called and said they have been impoverished. The man is still with them in the bush in captivity.

    “A hotelier, Ahmadu Emmanuel, they wanted to abduct him from his house. He resisted, he was shot dead in cold blood. That was two weeks ago.

    “One Sule Audu, a medical doctor, they abducted him too from Takun. They asked for N10 million. After they mobilised and tried and sourced the money and delivered, they switched off their phones. Another group used another phone to call the family and said, ‘where is the money?’. They said ‘we’ve given you the money’ and they said they must have given it to another group. Look, your man is with us, better go and look for another N10 million to secure his release. The daughter, who is also a doctor, just collapsed and she is still in a coma as we speak.”

    He listed other people abducted by from their homes as including one lawyer, Yagura Lena, who still being held after a ransom was paid; one Joy Ubadene, who is still in captivity and a member of the state assembly, Osia Aiyegbe, who was killed after a ransom was paid.

    “We are in deep trouble, far worse from what is happening in Zamfara. Our people no longer travel home and those at home have started leaving to join their families in Lagos. Except something is done urgently, the Jukun communities in Taraba would become extinct,” he said.

    Benjamin said commercial activities have grounded to a halt throughout Taraba.

    Benjamin and Falana urged state governors, together with the president, to take charge of the situation by setting up appropriate policing agencies.

    He lamented that state governors have abdicated their responsibility to the President, adding that is why the impression is being given as if what the country has is a federal police force.

    Falana said the 1999 Constitution (as amended) envisaged that police powers shall be managed by the president and the governors.

    “Between 2003 and now, the National Assembly has established Civil Defence Corps with powers to bear arms. In addition, the Prison Service, Customs, Immigration, and others are also allowed to bear arms whereas Section 214 of the Constitution says, there shall be only one police force in Nigeria.

    “So if the Federal Government sets up forces and other agencies that can bear arms, why are state governors shying away?” he asked.

    He noted that the President once expressed the fear that a state that cannot pay salaries cannot be allowed to arm young men and women.

    He contended that if the security of the country must be ensured, the salaries and allowances of security personnel for every state should be deducted from the source so that the question of not being paid would not arise.

  • Falana seeks information on $60b oil revenue loss from Kachukwu

    Activist lawyer, Femi Falana (SAN) has requested the Minister of State, Petroleum Resources, Ministry of Petroleum Resources, Abuja to furnish him with information on $60 billion oil revenue loss.

    He said the amount represented what the federal government refused to collect from International Oil companies as at August 2017.

    He claimed that in a letter dated November 5, 2015, he drew the attention of the minister, in his capacity as Group Managing Director of the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), to the refusal of the regulatory agencies in the ministry of Petroleum Resources to enforce the production Sharing Contracts signed with the International Oil Companies by the federal government.

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    He further recalled that the minister in a public statement sometime in August 2017, disclosed to the media that the country lost not less than $60 billion due to the refusal of some public officials to implement the agreement.

    He also recalled that the acting Chairman of the Revenue, Mobilization, Allocation and Fiscal Commission, Mr Shetima Bana on January 19, this year confirmed the loss of oil revenue arising from the non-implementation of the said production sharing contract.

    Falana requested the minister to furnish him with the information within seven days of receipt of his request failure of which he threatened legal action against the federal government at a federal high court.

    He said the request for the information on the oil revenue loss was made pursuant to section of the provision of the Freedom of Information Act.