Tag: fiction

  • Fact vs. fiction: Debunking misconceptions on abortion issues

    Fact vs. fiction: Debunking misconceptions on abortion issues

    In a world where abortion remains a deeply divisive issue, sparking intense emotions and impassioned debates, the ongoing 3-day training for journalists in Lagos, organised by the Media Health and Rights Initiative (MRHI), shines a light on the necessity of clarity. Experts in media, health and legal advocacy emphasise the importance of discerning between fact and fiction surrounding abortion – all geared towards unravelling the truth, fostering informed discussions and empowering individuals to make decisions rooted in accurate information and understanding.

    Myth 1: Abortion is always unsafe and risky. Fact: While unsafe abortions do pose significant health risks, legal and medically supervised abortions are safe procedures with low complication rates. According to the World Health Organisation (WHO), legal abortions performed by trained healthcare providers under appropriate medical conditions are safer than childbirth. Access to safe abortion services reduces the incidence of maternal morbidity and mortality, highlighting the importance of ensuring women’s access to reproductive healthcare.

    Myth 2: Women choose abortion casually and without consideration. Fact: The decision to have an abortion is often complex and deeply personal, influenced by a variety of factors such as financial instability, health concerns, relationship status, and personal beliefs. Contrary to the stereotype of women choosing abortion on a whim, many individuals carefully weigh their options and consider the potential consequences before making a decision. It’s essential to respect the autonomy and agency of individuals facing unplanned pregnancies and provide them with compassionate support and access to comprehensive reproductive healthcare services.

    Read Also: House mourns Lagos Speaker’s father, declares Dogonyaro’s seat vacant

    Myth 3: Abortion is used as a form of contraception. Fact: Abortion is not a substitute for contraception and is typically sought as a last resort when contraception fails or is unavailable. The vast majority of individuals who have abortions were using contraception at the time of conception. Factors such as contraceptive failure, inconsistent use, access barriers, and sexual assault contribute to unintended pregnancies. Comprehensive sexual education, access to affordable contraception, and reproductive healthcare services are essential in preventing unintended pregnancies and reducing the need for abortion.

    Myth 4: Abortion is only performed for sex selection. Fact: While sex-selective abortions do occur in some parts of the world, the majority of abortions are sought for reasons unrelated to the sex of the fetus. In reality, most individuals who seek abortions do so for reasons such as financial instability, inability to care for a child, health concerns, or personal circumstances. Restricting access to abortion based on concerns about sex selection undermines women’s reproductive rights and fails to address the complex factors driving the demand for abortion services.

    Myth 5: Abortion causes long-term physical and psychological harm. Fact: The overwhelming majority of individuals who have abortions do not experience long-term physical or psychological harm as a result. Research studies have consistently shown that legal and medically supervised abortions are safe procedures with low complication rates. The psychological effects of abortion are also generally positive or neutral, with most individuals reporting relief and a sense of empowerment following the procedure. Stigmatizing abortion and perpetuating myths about its harms only serve to undermine women’s access to safe reproductive healthcare.

    Myth 6: Criminalising abortion reduces its incidence. Fact: Criminalising abortion does not eliminate the demand for abortion; instead, it drives it underground, leading to an increase in unsafe, clandestine procedures. Restrictive abortion laws disproportionately harm marginalized communities, forcing women to seek unsafe abortions that endanger their lives and health. Evidence-based strategies, such as comprehensive sexual education, access to contraception, and safe abortion services, are far more effective in reducing the incidence of unintended pregnancies and the need for abortion.

    Myth 7: Abortion is used as a form of birth control. Fact: Abortion is not a method of birth control and is typically chosen as a last resort when contraception fails or is unavailable. Individuals who seek abortions often do so due to factors such as contraceptive failure, lack of access to contraception, financial constraints, health concerns, or personal circumstances. The decision to have an abortion is complex and deeply personal, and portraying it as a casual form of birth control undermines the diverse reasons why individuals may seek abortion care.

    Myth 8: Abortion is always traumatic and regretted. Fact: While some individuals may experience emotional challenges after an abortion, the majority do not report long-term regret or psychological harm. Research studies have consistently shown that most individuals who have abortions feel relief and a sense of empowerment following the procedure. Feelings of sadness or grief are typically temporary and often related to the circumstances surrounding the decision rather than the decision itself. Providing compassionate support and access to counseling services can help individuals navigate their emotions and make informed choices about their reproductive health.

    Myth 9: Abortion is only sought by young, unmarried women. Fact: The need for abortion spans across age, marital status, and socioeconomic background. Women of all ages and circumstances may seek abortion care for a variety of reasons, including financial instability, health concerns, relationship status, and personal beliefs. Restricting access to abortion based on stereotypes about who seeks abortion care ignores the diverse experiences and circumstances of individuals facing unplanned pregnancies. Ensuring access to safe and legal abortion services is essential for all individuals who may need them.

    Myth 10: Abortion endangers future fertility. Fact: Legal and medically supervised abortions do not pose a significant risk to future fertility. The procedures used in safe abortion care are designed to minimize the risk of complications and preserve reproductive health. Infections or complications that may arise from unsafe abortions are the primary concern for future fertility. Access to safe abortion services is crucial in preventing these risks and protecting individuals’ reproductive rights and health.

    Myth 11: Abortion is morally wrong and should be illegal. Fact: The moral and ethical considerations surrounding abortion are complex and subjective, with diverse perspectives across cultures, religions, and belief systems. While some individuals may personally oppose abortion for moral or religious reasons, it is essential to respect the autonomy and agency of others in making decisions about their own bodies and lives. Upholding reproductive rights and access to safe and legal abortion services allows individuals to make choices consistent with their own values and beliefs, without imposing moral judgments or restrictions on others.

    Myth 12: Abortion is only performed in late-term pregnancy. Fact: The majority of abortions occur in the first trimester of pregnancy, with the vast majority performed within the first 12 weeks. Late-term abortions, typically defined as those performed after 20 weeks of gestation, are relatively rare and usually involve serious fetal abnormalities or risks to the pregnant person’s health. Restrictive laws targeting late-term abortions often fail to account for these medical complexities and can hinder access to necessary medical care for individuals facing difficult circumstances.

    Myth 13: Abortion is only about women’s rights. Fact: While abortion rights are central to women’s reproductive autonomy and bodily autonomy, they also intersect with broader issues of social justice, equality, and public health. Access to safe and legal abortion services is essential for gender equality and women’s empowerment.

  • ‘Fiction fascinates, engages me more than poetry’

    Dul Johnson, a Professor of Literature and Film Studies is currently Dean, Faculty of Humanities, Social and Management Sciences, Bingham University, Karu, Nasarawa State.
    He holds a PhD in African Literature from the University of Jos. He had a brilliant career in the NTA from 1981 to 1996 rising from Producer I to Manager Programmes, winning many laurels. He retired from NTA and moved into the academia from 1996 to date, starting off as Lecturer I in the University of Jos and the Nigerian Film Corporation, Jos. He has also taught at the National Film Institute and the Television College, both in Jos. He later moved to Bingham University as Senior Lecturer, from where he rose to the rank of professor of literature and Film Studies.
    In 2010 he won the International Writers Program Fellowship to Brown University, Rhode Island, USA, where he spent a semester working on his first novel, Deeper into the Night. His other creative works include Shadows and Ashes and Why Women Won’t Make it to Heaven (short stories), Melancholia (a play), which made the ANA shortlist in 2015, and the NLNG nomination in 2018. His novel, Across the Gulf, won the ANA Prose Fiction Prize, in 2017 while his documentary film, There is Nothing Wrong with my Uncle was nominated for Best Documentary in AMAA 2012, and the Basil Wright Prize for best director at the RAI International Ethnography Film festival in Scotland in 2013. The film is being distributed by the Royal Anthropological Institute (RAI) of Britain.
    His other publications include Ugba Uyeh: The Living Legend (a biography) and Women Development, a history of the Development Education Centre (DEC), Bauchi.He holds a B.A. Eng. (ABU), M.A. Eng. (BUK, 1982) and a PhD in African Lit (UniJos, 1992).
    In this encounter with Olayinka Oyegbile, Deputy Editor, he talks about his life as a writer, academic and film maker.

    What sorts of books do you like most?

    Story books; stories about the human condition. These could be in fiction or biographies, as long as they can touch my life; so long as I can feel a part of me in the story; going away with the story. 

    When you read a book, what are the salient things you look out for most?

    I am very keen about craft, especially the use of language (simplicity; the lack of pretentiousness [honesty]: these things get my attention). But even more importantly is the construction, the plot of the story (especially when it is fiction). I am very keen on the handling of the conflict. Above all, I love to read vivid, dramatic and engaging writing. Too many grammatical errors and typos in a book put me off.

    Who are your favourite authors in the world and why?

    Ayi Kwei Armah, Ngugi wa Thiong’o, Thomas Hardy, Dostoevsky, Soyinka, Shakespeare. I think I like them in that order, or at least, I like Armah the most. I like them for various reasons: touching the heart with the human story, profound lessons, and excellence in craft. As you can see, some have stuck with me from the last century – given the time, I would read them again, all over. I’m planning this for many special texts.

    When and how do you like to read?

    I have no particular time or way of reading. In terms of form, I prefer the hard copy, even though for medical reasons I am discouraged from electronic reading. I read when I’m travelling, when I’m lying down, when reclined in a couch. I read in the office, I read at dawn, I read at bedtime. I read whenever there is enough silence and light. Now, with a glaucoma condition, I need much good lighting and good (preferably bold) print to enjoy reading. I read when I am writing.

    What is your preferred literary genre?

    Fiction. Prose fiction as we often put it. And this is both for reading and writing.

    What book or books have had the greatest impact on you and why?

    Books which have made an impression, or had impact on me in the past (that has remained with me) are books that reveal the ability of the human spirit to bear pain, to be resilient in the pursuit of a cause no matter the pain and suffering, to be crushed and yet to remain on one’s feet, in one’s belief till the very end, not for the sake of one’s self, but for the sake of humanity. I read Morris West’s novel, Proteus a long time ago and it had that impact on me. Others that have celebrated the power of the human spirit (even when that spirit is mortally wounded or broken) are Thomas Hardy’s The Mayor of Casterbridge, and Tess of the D’Urbervilles, Dostoevsky’s The Possessed, and Chinua Achebe’s Arrow of God. But, here’s the greatest impact, more recent and more profound; it comes from Ayi Kwei Armah’s Osiris Rising. As someone concerned about where Africans have found themselves amongst the human races —my concern about our belief in ourselves, our cultures, our languages, development, education, our values —our rejection of everything that is us, and refusing to see what we are doing to ourselves, I find the book to be doing two things at once: perfectly expressing my feelings, and increasing the burden of thoughts and the pain of my helplessness — our helplessness. It is a book that is masterfully crafted, as if (and indeed, it means) to reveal that Africa does have some of the best minds in the world. It is a book that builds on themes and motifs that Armah had dealt with in some of his earlier novels, especially Why are we so Blest?, Two Thousand Seasons and The Healers. Osiris Rising reveals to us (Africans) our significant place in history (given what we have given the world) and why we have no reasons whatsoever to still be slaves to our enslavers of nearly two thousand years ago. The book celebrates our history, our civilization, intelligence, and strength, but decries the gradual and willful loss of these in our mental enslavement to those that degraded our bodies, souls, and spirit through physical slavery. I haven’t read an African novel this great in craft and profound in meaning.

    As a child what books tickled you most?

    I did not have the privilege of reading books as a child, unfortunately. I didn’t see any books! I grew up a village boy, and came into contact with books for the first time in Secondary School. Of course, I saw books for the first time in Primary School but at a distance; in the hands of the teachers. I don’t remember touching a book with my hands until I was in class six or seven, when I carried our teacher’s books to her house a couple of times. There’s no exaggeration in what I’m saying here. So, I had real contact with books first in Secondary School, but coming into the world of books was something that happened in the university.

    At what point in your life did you begin to nurse the idea of becoming a writer?

    In Secondary School, I think, in my second or third year. That would be 1971 or 72. I have often told this story. It happened the moment I started reading Camara Laye’s African Child! It was my story, too. It was my life. When I finished reading the book, I started writing my own. I didn’t finish it, of course, and I don’t know where the manuscript is, if it exists anywhere.

    Last year your play Melancholia was longlisted for the NLNG Prize. How has this helped to boost your writing?

    It hasn’t done anything to my writing, I’m afraid. At least not a boost. Perhaps winning would have done so, because I would have taken a short leave from work to find the time and quiet to write.

    How has writing shaped or reordered your life?

    One needs a certain degree of discipline to be able to write. Writers may be jolly fellows who like to hang out, and enjoy fresh air, but they also have to subject themselves to the demands of the work at hand, and the kind of control or restriction it places on your movement, even your sleep! You may want, and enjoy a lot of freedom while contemplating the work, but once you’ve started, it imposes maximum control over you. At least, this happens with me. But on a general note, writing makes one a humbler person; you feel all kinds of weight, and are happy when you get out of it sane and sound. And even more so, when people read your work and comment positively.

    You write across all genres – poetry, prose, drama and even short stories- which do you find most exciting and engaging?

    Poetry is tough for me, and I have done very little of it. I have found fiction writing much more engaging, more fulfilling. So much opportunity to travel and explore places and people and minds, all mentally. Sometimes you come out of it beaten and exhausted, sometimes fully rewarded, fulfilled. For me, handling characters in drama is far more difficult than in fiction, more demanding. Drama requires you to create in the character both physical and mental conflict – otherwise it is no drama – and this takes a lot of time and mental labour on your part as writer.

    If you meet your favourite author face to face what would you like to ask him/her?

    Share with me the secrets of your craft; and, tell me if it is necessary to have an audience in mind as I write.

    Of the plays you’ve read which character strikes you most?

    King Lear in Shakespeare’s play of the same title

    What book do you plan to read next?

    Armah’s KMT: The House of Life, is top on the list.

    How do you decide which book to read; friends’ recommendations, familiarity with authors or what?

    Both of these contribute. Sometimes, a mention in an article or a review.

    How do you arrange your private library?

    In no particular order. The only semblance of order is that you might find novels in one place and text books in another. Today you might find Ngugi’s novels or Odia Ofeimun’s poetry collections in one place, the next day they are all scattered in different places and even on different shelves. I wish I could cultivate that discipline.

    Are you a re-reader and how often?

    I am, although not as often as I would like to. George Orwell’s 1984, which I bought and read in 1984, has been on the new reading list, competing with KMT. I would really love to do more rereading than I have been able to do. I am thinking of creating time for that, though. Because I think there is value in it for a writer.

    Disappointing, overrated, just not good: what book did you feel as if you were supposed to like, and didn’t? Do you remember the last book you put down without finishing?

    I can remember, but let me provide an explanation first, before I offend someone unnecessarily. Actually, it is two books and at about the same time; I don’t even remember which fell to the table first. The novels are On Black Sisters Street and Half of a Yellow Sun. I have been an extremely busy bee of recent. I stopped On Black Sisters Street to do something quickly and then go back, but the urge didn’t return quickly enough. For Half of a Yellow Sun, I had got to somewhere around page180 and it seemed to lull for too long, so I dropped it, again with the aim of going back when I had the time. But I’ve been told that I was just at the verge of getting into the real actions of the novel, so, sure, I will go back to finish it.

    If you could require the President of Nigeria to read one book, what would it be?

    I couldn’t place someone not used to reading on a Kafka or a WS, whether the WS is William Shakespeare or Wole Soyinka. I would start him off on Chike and the River, or Eze Goes to School, and then, move on to Things Fall Apart.

     

     

     

     

     

     

  • Of facts and fiction

    Facts they say, are sacred but comments free. Perhaps, this universal prism provides the right angle to examine some of the issues thrown up by President Muhammadu Buhari’s 57th independence anniversary speech.

    In that speech, the President made certain claims that should not escape serious scrutiny else unsuspecting members of the public swallow them as nothing but the truth. For him, Nigeria has in the past two years recorded appreciable gains in political freedom: “A political party at the centre losing elections of state governor, National Assembly seat and even state assemblies to opposition parties is new to Nigeria”.

    Though the President did not give specific cases where these elections were won by the opposition since his regime, the re-run governorship election in Rivers State and the very recent senatorial election in Osun State easily come into mind. Whereas the Rivers’ re-run election was marred by large scale irregularities, the circumstances of the Osun senatorial election and the role of imposition of an unpopular candidate in bringing about that pass are too well known. These shortcomings however, did not detract from the fact that the elections were won by candidates from opposition political party.

    But that is beside the real issue. The problem is not as much with the fact that a party different from the one at the centre won the elections as with the claim that opposition parties’ winning elections is ‘new to Nigeria’ and therefore a credit to the current administration. Far from it! The history of Nigeria’s electoral process cannot bear this claim out. Such a conclusion will definitely pale into insignificance when confronted with the weight of evidence to the contrary especially since the return of democracy in 1999. Lagos State, before the current regime, was for 16 years governed by an opposition political party.  During that period, the opposition won the governorship elections four consecutive times.

    In Imo State, the incumbent governor, Rochas Okorocha, flying the flag of a relatively underrated party, APGA, defeated an incumbent PDP governor during the 2011 governorship election. The case of Adams Oshiomhole of Edo State also followed the same pattern. He won the 2012 governorship election on the platform of the Action Congress AC. This writer cannot forget in a hurry the superlative jargons with which political commentators described that feat by Oshiomhole.  Even then, Anambra State has for three consecutive terms been won by APGA.

    If these facts were lost to Buhari, he should not have forgotten in a hurry that flying the banner of his party, the Congress for Progressive Change CPC, Tanko Al-Makura came from an obscure position to win the Nassarawa governorship election in 2011in a contest with an incumbent governor. Or has Buhari forgotten that he owes his current office to the defeat of an incumbent President? So where do we now fit in the purported feat the President wants to take credit of?

    Given the above, it amounts to a falsification of extant facts to have arrived at the incongruous conclusion that opposition parties’ winning elections is a novel achievement which Buhari should take credit of. It is a sad commentary that the President was misled by his speech writers into such a fallacious conclusion.

    Since the issue attracted Buhari’s attention, the sentiments expressed could be taken as an expression of hope and commitment to free and fair elections. Its veracity will definitely come to test during the coming elections. He has the coming governorship elections in some states to prove that he wants to make history in the conduct of free and fair elections. That chance is still open. Opposition parties winning elections on these shores are nothing new.

    The President would also want to assume some credit for guaranteeing the freedom to associate, to hold and disseminate opinion. But he went off tangent in his conclusion that recent calls for restructuring are responsible for agitations in some quarters for the dismemberment of the country. It is exactly the other way round. Restructuring is viewed by many as a therapeutic response to agitations for self-determination especially, in the face of the inability of the government to attend to nagging national questions.

    Agitations for restructuring, true federalism, devolution of powers or resource control predate the current regime. That was why we had the various national conversations during the regimes of Obasanjo and Jonathan. Perhaps, the inability to implement the pristine recommendations of those conferences is part of the reasons the agitations have festered.

    If the agitations are now widespread as we have seen in recent times, they are perhaps an indication of the insensitivity of the current regime to and its manifest inability to take along the sensibilities of the constituents in its governance agenda. It is not enough to blame calls for restructuring for the rising agitations for self-determination. Neither is it helpful disparaging genuine discussions on restructuring on the faulty claim that they emboldened some groups to canvass for the dismembering of the country.

    That suggestion is at best, a clear attempt to blackmail, frighten and intimidate canvassers of genuine conversation on the systemic deficits that have held this country prostrate over the years. The target is to give restructuring a bad name and dampen the momentum of agitations. So what type of political freedom is Buhari talking about in the above circumstance? In dismissing the calls so offhandedly, he left no one in doubt on his serious aversion to genuine discussions on the way forward.

    It is not enough to decree that such talks can only be undertaken at the level of the national and state assemblies. Neither will issues be resolved by placing the blame for the rising agitations on the doorsteps of leaders of communities where the agitations emanate. Both the blame and solution lie on the response of the government to emerging national challenges. And as can be deciphered from the President’s speech, he carries a mind-set that is unhelpful in the circumstance.

    The national and state assemblies where he wants the conversations to take place are also circumscribed by the same systemic and structural debilities. It is not surprising that the same interest group opposed to any form of structural alteration has found them willing tools in spurning genuine efforts to amend sections of the constitution. We have not forgotten in a hurry how the National Assembly recently threw away proposals for devolution for powers and the national outrage that followed it.

    It is obvious Buhari is averse to any form of discussions on vexatious issues of our federal order. He sees such discussions as an attempt to break up the country. By the same inference, he can neither drive any discussions in that regard nor provide the necessary executive prodding that will drive the process. For him, everything is all about security, securing the country and force. Fronting security concerns each time serious national issues arise is in my view, a subterfuge for evading reality.

    But even in the area of his greatest competence- security, is this country better secured today with all the criminalities and threats to life and property? If anything, the recurring deployment of soldiers across the country under operation this or that, to fight social vices attests to upsurge in insecurity in the land. This should instruct that we tinker with undue fixation on extant structures, institutions and processes that have kept the components polar apart and stultified genuine efforts at national development.

    It is time to think outside the box rather than enslaved by a status quo that has at best remained counterproductive. It is high time we democratized the political process by electing civilians into the highest political office in the country. Buhari’s handling of genuine democratic engagements, his preference for force in resolving civil concerns constitute a sad reminder to the years of the locust denoted by military rule. That is the unfortunate signal each time he responds to nagging national challenges. Ironically, force has proved inherently defective in genuinely and permanently addressing some of the issues that confront this country many decades after Independence.

     

  • Economic recovery: Fiction or reality?

    SIR: Nigerians have reacted to the news that the recession is over. The latest National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) report says Nigeria has moved out of recession: “Economy grew in second quarter 2017 by 0.55% from -0.91% in first quarter 2017 and -1.49% in second quarter 2016. This in effect means Nigeria has exited recession”.

    To ordinary Nigerians, economic development or upward trajectory of the economy should have a significant effect of improving lives, boosting individual purchasing power through up-to-date payment of workers salary, and availability of food on our tables etc. The reality is that most Nigerians workers are not paid for several months; at the moment of writing, university lecturers and doctors are on strike over non-payment of allowances. Parents who withdrew their wards from schools for inability to cope with school fees are still struggling. Prices of food, beverages remain out of reach.

    Recession does not end on the pages of newspapers; certainly not the statistical data or graphs that reveal the actual health status of a nation. The market people – common man on the street and individual homes should be in the best position to give a clean health bill through their personal experiences.

    At the moment, Nigerian economy is still tied up to oil and gas sector. With crude oil prices stabilising and the crude production increasing to 2.2m per barrel, my fear is that in the event that OPEC asks us to cut production or militants strike again and cut production to what it was before the country slid into recession, what would happen?  NBS report did not reveal much in other sectors like agriculture in which this administration promised as alternative to the mono-cultural economy the country has operated for decades.

    Several factors are working against the administration’s bid for diversification. Currently, farmers are not able to do much for fear of Fulani herdsmen while those who could even attempt it are confronted by high cost of fertilizer and farm tools. The other challenge is the Boko Haram that have sent virtually 95% of farmers in the North-east into IDPs camps. Until this menace is tamed, we can’t say we are moving towards food sufficiency.

    The economy is still fragile and vulnerable, just like an egg; it can break at any time considering the weak and polices. Unless we focus on the reality and not trying to score a political point especially as we approach 2019 elections, will still be cerebrating emptiness.

    Recession is still on and Nigerians are still in pains. The president himself has affirmed this by saying “exit from recession nice if felt by ordinary Nigerians”. Frankly speaking, the president got it right again by not playing to the gallery as he did when he first returned from London that he has not been this sick. But the hyenas and the jackals around him always say the opposite for political gain.

    The truth is that the report does not yet reflect the reality on ground.?

     

    • Alifia Sunday,

    Ilorin, Kwara State.

  • FICTION: When fantasy becomes a reality

    FICTION: When fantasy becomes a reality

    I am very sure, the dream of every young teenager is to see their fantasies play out in real life. But that they never seem to understand that if life was an open cheque that could really go bad. As an underage girl, I wasn’t quite different from those in the fantasizing world but looking back, I think reality and its attendant effect dawned on me abruptly.

    The day was precisely 3rd June 2000, when I met “Alex Martins”. Funny enough, he was to be the beginning and end of my fantasies, in terms of who a real boyfriend should be. I had met him through a mutual friend and the chemistry that sparked in the course of our handshake sent a lot of shivers down my spine. After that meeting, one thing led to another and we began to see ourselves “in camera”. I got so engrossed that I became ” love blinded “, started seeing things from his own perspective, entered into the emotional world with his name as my password and the unfolding event from the emotional world was enough to make me want his love the more, thus praying for an eternal relationship with a fairy tale ending. Soon he started pushing advances at me, wanting to be intimate. By the way, here was I, a virgin and naive, but also too “love drunk” to resist.

    I finally gave into the pressure, maybe it was part of the fantasy. Listen, I had barely known him for 2months although I was worried, we fixed a date and a venue. Trust me, as the D-day finally came, I was anticipating with love and fear, the last thing I remembered was that I was dressed at my best because I was going to be giving out the map to my hidden treasure. I had sneaked out of the house to the hotel, of course with Alex’s helping hand. We had secured a room, after which we got emotional. Having let my guards down and loose, with one thrust, reality dawned on me that I had been “incorporated” into ” womanhood”. To be fair, love making with him had been a mixture of pain and pleasure, after which, sleep was the next thing on my mind.

    The morning after got me becoming a realist and traumatised, I had woken to an empty room and a stark naked lady, which was obviously me. After getting dressed, I called Alex but his number was not available. For the rest of the day, I kept trying the number but all to no avail. At this point, I need to say, I felt used, stupid, scared, foolish and trust me, these feelings weren’t helping matters. Mum and dad on their own part, were furious and breathing fire down my back after they found out the whole escapade. In my naivety, and sensing trouble, so I had to tell them. When I was done, we got into the car and headed for the hotel. At the hotel, we enquired from the receptionist about Alex Martins, but she said that there was none by that name according to the visitors’ list.

    After two weeks, I found out I was pregnant.This was the last straw, as my parents made up their mind, as regarding my case. I was to be sent to the village, to stay with my grandparents, thus effectively ending my city life, as all my schooling henceforth, was to be in the village.This marked the beginning of my long process to self-realisation and ‘reality’.

    I need to take a little break, as Ifunaya, my daughter runs up to me, asking that I see her report card. I honestly have tried to hate her, but all I get is me just loving her. She has her father’s facial features but a lot of my mother’s independence and tenacity. Every time I see Ihunaya, and that is for the past six years, I see the tangible seed of my silly mistake.

    I have grown up, a wiser and smarter woman, with a beautiful daughter to go with. Certainly, reality had set in and all my fantasy has evaporated, leaving him with the full weight of life’s reality in its wake.

  • ‘Fiction is my life’

    ‘Fiction is my life’

    Dr Lola Akande is a senior lecturer in the department of English, University of Lagos, and the author of What It Takes and In Our Place. In this interaction with Dorcas Egede, she discusses the thematic thrust of her new book, her zeal to create fictional works and more things to expect from her, among other things

    How long have you been writing?

    I started writing in 2011. This is not my first novel; actually I started by writing short stories by 2010, and by 2011, I completed a collection of short stories. I haven’t published it even as we speak, but in 2012, I got to know that Evans Publishers were calling for submission of short stories for an anthology. I submitted three stories from my collection. They wrote to say they accepted my story, and it was published in an anthology.

    I published my first book in 2012, “In Our Place” and it was published by Macmillan. Sadly however, it never entered the market. Even though it got reviewed in virtually every newspaper, I didn’t like the presentation. I remember I personally made the effort to take the book to media houses and a reporter would look at it and say, “This is children’s book.” The Guardian in reviewing it described it as a novella. I couldn’t blame them because the presentation of the book made them view it that way.

    So, I had a meeting with the managing director of Macmillan and expressed my displeasure about the way they presented the book. He apologised and explained to me that it was so packaged to make it affordable for their target readers – secondary school students; which I understood. But then it wasn’t going to serve my own purpose. So, I asked if there was a way they could upgrade it until it became a recommended text for secondary school students, then they could start producing it to suit that purpose. After several meetings, we couldn’t reach an agreement, so I had to ask them to return my right.

    What inspired your new book, what it takes?

    I had a very difficult PhD from the University of Ibadan. One of the reasons it was very difficult would be that I also had my own problems before I went in for the programme. I had recently lost my job owing to a government decision to liberalise the pension industry and created the pension reform act of 2004, which allowed for employees to contribute to their pension, alongside their employers. Prior to this time, we were private sector pension managers, employed by the federal government to compel employers in the private sector to save mandatorily for their employees.

    With this new act, we were all told to go home. I’m a widow and have two children. When I had this job, I used to tell people that I would die if I should lose my job, because I couldn’t think of how I was going to survive without it. I depended solely on my salary, and then I lost the job. Many of my colleagues went into business, some were so traumatized that they died from the shock and maybe the thought of how they would continue living without a source of income.

    I had to start thinking of a way out; then I recalled that during my first degree at the University of Ilorin, many of my course mates used to call me professor, because I used to read a lot, even at home, they used to say, “Lola is so academic.” Recalling these things, I decided to go back to school; so I registered for an MA in English at the University of Ibadan. This was between 2004 and 2006. There was no break for me, for as soon as I finished the Masters programme in 2006, the University wrote to me that they wanted me to continue with my PhD. And that’s what happened.

    However, I found out that it wasn’t so much about how much effort I made or how good I was, there were other factors, politics, intrigues I didn’t really reckon with. Now, before I started the programme, my children were in secondary school, and I was hoping that I would be able to finish and get a job, and then be able to see them through the University. But then, they finished from the university and I was still running my PhD programme.

    It took me six years to finish the programme, and that was even because of the system we have in UI; the system saw that every PhD programme terminates at the sixth year. So, I didn’t register for the seventh year because my supervisor and I would have been queried. It didn’t need to have dragged on for so long. Besides, I wanted to do a full time programme, but my supervisor didn’t allow me, even after I told him that I didn’t have a job and all I wanted to do was study.

    It was very difficult. I suffered humiliations that I didn’t imagine possible. I can’t begin to describe it. Frankly, if I saw half of what I went through before the programme, I wouldn’t have gone for it. In the end, the end did not justify the means. I nearly lost my life. Do you know what it means not to know how you’re going to feed, yet you have a programme you’re running? You continue to pay fees. This programme is about writing, and you’re writing without anybody reading it; you don’t know if you’re making progress or writing nonsense. My supervisor did not touch my thesis until five years after I started the programme. Do you know that can make one go crazy?

    So, when I eventually finished, I had to sit and ask myself questions, “Did I go through all this suffering just to get a PhD and apply for a job? There had to be more than just getting a job with the certificate. Through the programme, I had grown accustomed to being hungry, to not having money, to begging for my daily bread, crying before my children because I didn’t know how I was going to get their school fees, to my children playing the role of mother and telling me not to worry. My chidren also attended the same university. They had seen me being humiliated many times. I needed to find out why, I concluded that maybe I was wrong thinking the PhD was to give me a meal ticket and help me take care of my children. Maybe God wanted to use me to conscientise the system; maybe – just maybe God just wanted to use me to use my writing to correct the ills in the system; and see how much impact my writing would have.

    How much of your personal experience formed material for the book?

    I was never sexually harassed by any lecturer. Anything about sexual harassment in the novel is fiction and a little bit of other’s experiences. So, it’s not all about my experience, I also asked questions from colleagues. In fact, some of the experiences were from my first degree.

    How would you bring your unpleasant experiences to bear in your relationship with your students, now that you’re also a lecturer?

    I put down my experiences from my bachelors degree to my masters, you know, while I was in the civil service, I did a masters degree in public administration to further enhance my career. Little did I know I was going to lose my job. So, what I have in the book is my experience and those of other colleagues over the years.

    How will your bitter experiences, as it were, affect your relationship with your students?

    Well, first I have to acknowledge that we’re all human beings and therefore, we’re all flawed and we tend to react differently to pressure. Now, as a lecturer, I understand some of the pressures my own lecturers were going through at the time in terms of workload, which I also tried to put into the book. They are under pressure with so much to do. Therefore, even when they do not intend to act badly to students, they could. A student just came in to see me, but he can’t because I’m busy. But then, he may not understand what we’re doing is important; to him, we may just be chattering away. Sometimes the student doesn’t know what the lecturer is going through. The story is actually told from the perspective of a student and the way he sees the system, it may not necessarily represent the entire truth. But having said that, I have also seen cases where people finish their PhD programme and become lecturers in the same department with their supervisors. Now, because of what their supervisors made them go through, they become enemies. This is one of the problems we have in the university. Having had a rough PhD programme myself, I’m able to appreciate more what students go through, so I try as much as possible not to behave or act in ways that will frustrate them. I can only say that I try; my students will be in a better position to say how I’m faring in that regard.

    How long did it take to put the book together?

    It took about a year, because I didn’t have a job. When I came to the realisation that I needed to write, I told myself I didn’t need to look for a job immediately.

    What has been the response so far and how far do you see this work going?

    The response has been encouraging so far. I sent it to some universities’ heads of department of English, as at yesterday, I had received messages from four of them, telling me that they had recommended the text for their students and they will call me next week to tell me the number of copies. While one university’s HOD said to me, “I have your book in my hand; I’ve read it and I’m not comfortable with this. Why will someone in the system write a thing like this? I’ve also read about it in the media and I don’t like what I’ve read. Most of my colleagues have read the book and their responses have been encouraging. About how far I see the book going, I want to trust God to help take it far, and that those who are concerned will accept it in good fate, and not see it as someone trying to criticise the system, because literature is not public relations; it’s supposed to be about praising. It is supposed to teach the truth, and value and reform a society till it becomes better. I hope it gains universal appraisal, such that universities across the globe, Africa especially will adopt the text. This is so that we can use the powers that we have as lecturers with caution and compassion.

    Any other work in the offing?

    I am repackaging In Our Place, then before I took the decision to write what it takes, I’d started working on something and had written up to chapter two before the idea to write this one came up and I abandoned that. I look forward to going back to it. And of course, there’s also my collection of short stories, which I’m yet to publish.

  • Stranger than fiction

    •The extent some Nigerians will go to make quick money is baffling

    A little  over two weeks ago, a raid by security agencies, apparently acting on a tipoff, on 10 houses on Abeokuta and Ibadan streets in the Ilasamaja area of Lagos, revealed extensive oil bunkering activities taking place in 12 diesel oil wells in the buildings. This was certainly an extensive and well organised, albeit, criminal enterprise. The wells within the premises were reportedly linked to oil pipelines through which diesel was siphoned and stolen. Indeed, so lucrative was this business that a landlady of one of the affected buildings, ejected her tenants, choosing to rely on the bounteous proceeds from criminal oil bunkering as her source of livelihood.

    We commend the Lagos State Commissioner of Police, Mr Fatai Owoseni and his men, the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), the Lagos State Emergency Management Agency (LASEMA) and the Lagos State Fire Service, which mobilised to the affected areas in readiness to respond to any unanticipated emergencies.

    Equally heart-warming is the fact that, according tote LASEMA’s General Manager, Mr Michael Akindele, the agency got a distress call through the 767 toll-free lines from a caller complaining about the illegal activities being carried out in the buildings. The coordination and cooperation with which the various agencies responded to the challenge, with each professionally playing its specialised part, is a welcome departure from the institutional rivalry and lack of harmony that often marred successful response to emergencies in the past.

    No less worthy of applause is the patriotic Nigerian, who alerted the security outfits to the criminal activities that led to the discovery of the expansive bunkering network. Some other persons in his shoes could have sought to become part of the illegal business for pecuniary gain, rather than reporting to the concerned authorities.

    Even then, there is the need for greater vigilance by Nigerians in various communities, rural or urban, in noting suspicious people or activities in their areas, with a view to promptly alerting the police and other security agencies. The corollary, of course, is that the security agencies themselves must do everything in their power to cultivate and win the confidence of the general public so that people can feel free to report criminal behaviour without harbouring fears that their identities will be exposed to criminal elements.

    Some eyewitnesses told the security agencies at the crime scene, that illegal bunkering had been going on for over two years in the affected buildings, with trucks coming in the dead of night to evacuate illegally tapped diesel. But for the whistleblower who exposed the pernicious business, the illegal bunkering would most likely have continued with the serious dangers it poses to security of lives and property, environmental pollution and degradation as well as the health dangers it constitutes, both for the health of those engaged in the business and those who live within the vicinity.

    Given the highly combustible nature of petroleum products, Lagos State and indeed the country are quite lucky that no serious tragedy had occurred at Ilasamaja before the thriving business was unveiled and halted. It is certainly a measure of the deep protracted economic crisis that has plagued the nation for over a decade now that, so many people are prepared to engage in any  activity, especially those that manifestly destroy health and even pose grave dangers to their lives, just to make money. It is also an indication of the terrible deterioration of positive moral values in our society that many Nigerians are not bothered about the ethical implications of their behaviour once some quick money is to be made.

    We commend the Lagos State government, which has sealed up the buildings and the oil wells while also directing that residents immediately relocate in the interest of public safety. However, the government should see this as a wakeup call for its urban planning and environmental protection officials to work closely with security to intensify the search for other places across the state, where criminal activities are being clandestinely undertaken with significantly negative implications for the wellbeing of all.

     

  • 173 authors in race for NLNG $100k literary prize

    173 authors in race for NLNG $100k literary prize

    The race is on for this year’s edition of the Nigeria Prize for Literature sponsored by Nigeria LNG Limited which focuses on the Prose Fiction genre.

    It has 173 authors gunning for its most coveted 100,000 prize money.
    This year’s entries, which came in response to a call for entry published in February, were Wednesday handed over to the panel of judges the prize’s advisory board chair Emeritus Prof Ayo Banjo at a ceremony in Lagos.
    Although there was no winner for its Children Literature category last year, the prize’s sponsor and the advisory board are optimistic, saying this year’s promises to be interesting, considering the entries we have got which is lower than the number in the last cycle of prose fiction competition.
    They, therefore, enjoined the judges led by the distinguished Professor of English Language of Prof Dan Izevbaye, Bowen University, to continue the tradition of excellence and integrity the prize is known for.

    “Today, we hand over the 173 entries received for this year’s edition of the competition and I have strong confidence that with their (the judges) very rich knowledge, experiences and competence, the process will again throw up a book of high quality,” Prof Banjo said.
    According to NLNG’s General Manager, External Relations, Kudo Eresia-Eke, the submissions would be pruned based on editorial excellence, creativity and story plot, with the aim that a final winner may emerge in October to coincide with the anniversary of the company’s first shipment of LNG cargo.
    The last winner of the literature prize in the Prose Fiction category was Chika Unigwe in 2012 who beat 213 authors to the prize, which was established in 2004, with her book On Black Sisters’ Street.

    This year’s prose fiction award will run concurrently with NLNG’s prize for literary criticism which has two entries. It was introduced in 2013 and carries a monetary value of N1 million.
    Alongside Prof Izevbaye, who was one of the earliest members of the panel judges when the prize started, the award will be adjudged by Prof Asabe Usman Kabir, a professor of Oral and African Literatures at Usman Danfodiyo University, Sokoto and Prof Isidore Diala, a professor of African Literature at Imo State University, Owerri and first winner of the award for Literary Criticism. Prof Kojo Senanu of the University of Legion is the international consultant.

    Other members of the board are Emeritus Prof Ben Elugbe and Prof Jerry Agada.

  • BIAFRA: The facts, fiction and driving forces

    BIAFRA: The facts, fiction and driving forces

    The pro-Biafra demonstrations that have swept through certain South East and South South states in recent caught many by surprise. Driven largely by elements of the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB) group, the agitation has eclipsed anything that its precursors like the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra ever achieved by way of media attention. Assistant Editor, Dare Odufowokan, in this piece reviews the true strength of the Biafra agitation as well as its main drivers.

    President Muhammadu Buhari got elected on an election plank with a promise that if he got elected, he will immediately set about ending the Boko Haram insurgency in the northeastern part of the country. He defined the crisis in that part of the country as unnecessary while vowing that under him, never again will any part of the country be allowed to slip out of the control of the federal government.

    After his election, he announced plans for ridding the northeast of insurgents and gave clear instructions to security commands as to what should be done immediately to ensure an end to the maiming and killings in states like Bornu, Yobe, Adamawa, Gombe, Bauchi, Taraba,amongst others.

    The crisis weary people of the zone applauded him and bought into his anti-insurgency policies. Civilian volunteers formed themselves into cells and went about helping the military to clear the villages of dissidents. Liberation armies moving into the communities were received with love and smiles while insurgents, unlike before, had their movements and locations revealed to security operatives by the locals. With all these happening, hope of an end to the bloodletting in the northeast heightened.

    But while the President and his military tacticians continue to find more ways of achieving the set goal of ending the insurgence by December, the glimmer of hope currently on the horizon appears threatened following disturbing news and reports of fast spreading and sometimes violent agitations in the southeast and south south zones of the country by people demanding for the actualization of what they call the Sovereign State of Biafra.

    According to reports from Onitsha, Nsukka, Owerri, Aba, Enugu, Asaba and other towns in the zones, young men and women are daily flocking to join the protesters, who have embarked on peaceful protest rallies across cities in Igboland and the Niger Delta, the areas they described as part and parcel of the proposed Biafra Republic. To make matters more worrisome, the agitators are daily winning over sympathizers towards their cause.

    The crisis heightened as members of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) during the week, shut down markets in Aba, Abia State, in continuation of its three-day one million protest march calling for the release of their detained leader and Director, Radio Biafra, Nnamdi Kanu. The protesters in several groups, with each numbering no fewer than 5,000, marched through Azikiwe, Cemetery, Asa, Faulks, Aba-Owerri and Osisioma Ngwa from where they forcefully closed all the markets in the city.

    Shop owners who had already opened for business were seen hurriedly closing their shops. The two groups later converged at the ever busy Azikiwe/ Asa road junction causing a heavy gridlock as they marched through Faulks to the Ariaria International Market where they had Saturday warned traders not to open for business.

    Similarly, Movement for the Actualization of Sovereign State of Biafra, MASSOB, said it had mobilized over 2,000-members for a peaceful protest in Ebonyi State. In a statement, the factional leader of the group, Uchenna Madu, said in Abakaliki that the body was protesting indiscriminate arrests and detention of its members by the federal government.

    “We are unstoppable in this nationwide protest. No amount of intimidation, harassment, arrest and detention will prevent us from showing our grievances over the action of the Federal Government and the police. They have been arresting us and we want to let them know that there is limit we can endure all their actions. We have been very peaceful but the federal government and security agents are pushing us to the wall”, he said.exercise to checkmate influx of hoodlums, arms and ammunition into the state.”

     Concerns

    The presidency, few days back, while admitting that the development in the southern part of the country is a serious problem after all, said the President has directed Governors of the states in the region to immediately halt the agitations in the interest of peace in the country. The Special Adviser to the President on Media and Publicity, Mr Femi Adesina, stated this recently while fielding questions from journalists.

    According to Adesina, the President is worried that the agitations in the south will distract the his administration and affect its delivery on promises made to Nigerians. He however promised that all necessary things would be done to ensure that it does not escalate beyond mere agitations

    Elder statesman, Dr. Tunji Braithwaite, recently lent his voice to the matter when he urged President Buhari not to joke with the ongoing secession threat. According to him, it will be at the country’s peril to take it lightly.

    “President Muhammadu Buhari should not take the issue of the agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra lightly. It will be at the country’s peril to take it lightly. Politically, when there is no justice, we cannot get peace. It’s now a matter of social justice. Social injustice, as the Igbo activists have alleged, is fuelling the agitation for secession,” Braithwaite said.

    It was a worried Imo State Governor and Chairman of Progressives Governors’ Forum, Chief Rochas Okorocha, who announced that he is currently arranging a crucial meeting with other governors in the South-East, over the growing agitation by protagonists of Biafra.

    Governor Okorocha in  a statement through his Chief Press Secretary, CPS, Mr. Sam Onwuemeodo, said the leadership of Ohaneze Ndi Igbo, and other stakeholders in the geo-political zone, were also being invited to talk and agree on how to check the activities of pro-Biafra groups in the area.

    “The meeting is expected to take place this weekend in Owerri, the Imo State capital.   Already the Governor has begun to make all the necessary contacts to ensure that all those expected to be at the meeting, would be in attendance”, Onwuemeodo said.

    It will be recalled that  Okorocha had earlier, while taking exception to the pro-Biafra violent protests in some of the South-East states and few other neighbouring states, disassociated the governors and leaders in the South-East states from the MASSOB protest, describing the whole exercise as “embarrassing, disturbing, counter-productive and to a large extent, distracting”.

    According to Governor Okorocha, the pro-Biafra protests could not be in the interest of the south-east people but were only sending wrong signals to the rest of Nigerians. “It has become increasingly necessary for the governors in the zone, Ohaneze leaders and other stakeholders in the area to meet, to call a spade, a spade”, Okorocha said.

    The Governor  also said that “at the end of the Owerri meeting, the governors and other leaders will take a common position and will also invite the leaders of the pro-Biafra groups for a meeting, to let them know the socio-economic and political implications of their activities, including their demand for sovereignty in a united Nigeria”.

    Okorocha insisted that  the governors and leaders in the zone could no longer sit and watch the whole situation degenerate, even as he also noted that the Igbos as a people cannot afford to have its own kind of Boko Haram. He wondered why the pro-Biafra apologists kept quiet all these years only to resume their protests and activities this time and few months after the new administration in the country came on board.

    Even the #BringBackOurGirls (BBOG) group has observed with great concern the uprising in the South East on the Biafra issue and called on the federal and the state governments in the South East to explore ways of addressing the grievances of the people.

    Speaking during the daily sit-out of the group, one of its members, Chris Okenwa called on the federal government to handle the rising issue of Biafra before it will escalate to higher problems.

    “The government should look at this issue. We cannot afford to have another insurgency in our hands. We need the government to handle the uprising and dialogue with the parties involve. We are fighting for the soul of Nigeria. We should also speak on this issue,” he said.

    Also speaking on the issue, another member, Deji Kolawole explain that the agitation for Biafra and other separatist movements that have arisen in Nigeria was as a result of lack of development adding that the government should develop every part of the country irrespective of tribe.

    ” All this agitation is a symptom of lack of development. It is an agitation for development. These people are there to fight for themselves. The government should have a developmental plan for the whole Nigeria so that nobody will be left out. Until we have development everywhere, we will continue to have all this problem,” he said.

    Driving forces of the agitation

    The new agitation for the actualization of Biafra, though commenced by the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB), has also received immense support from other pro-Biafra organizations like the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra ( MASSOB), Biafra Zionist Movement (BZM), Bilie Human Rights Initiative and Biafra Alliance (Australia). There is also the Radio Biafra, which has become the

    These various groups had at one time or the other before now, championed various agitation for then actualization of the Biafran state. MASSOB for instance, before it broke into factions and became severely weakened by internal wrangling amongst its leadership, was in the for-front of what nearly became an armed struggle against the Nigerian state.

    Ralp Uwazurike founded MASSOB in September 1999, with a promise to give the people of the Eastern zone a country of their own. Many willing Igbo youths quickly joined MASSOB. But today, Uwazurike has lost control of his followers as his group is now in splinters with the quest to make Biafra a reality abandoned.

    Under the leadership of Ralph Uwazurike, the organization organized rallies and sit-ins across the length and breadth of the southeast. But following incessant clash with security agencies, its leader were arrested, detained and prosecuted. Many of its men are still going through trial in various parts of the country.

    The group also built a house at Okigwe for wounded ex-Biafran soldiers who were relocated from their settlement at Orji River to Okigwe. Aside daring the Nigerian government on many occasions, MASSOB printed Biafra currency, postage stamps, driver’s license, flag, coat-of-arms, and so on. But the items were yet to be put to use anywhere before MASSOB disintegrated.

    So bad was the crisis within MASSOB that in December 2014, members of a faction of the troubled group reportedly sacked Uwazuruike from his mansion, The Biafra House, at his hometown, Okwe near Okigwe in Imo State. The house had been used as the headquarter of the group for many years before then.

    The faction took over the mansion and threatened to deal with their erstwhile leader should he ever come near it. Findings reveled that Uwazuruike now resides in his house at New Owerri, Imo State capital and hardly visits Okwe. The Biafra House, according to recent visitors to the place, is now a ghost of its old bubbling self as it now harbor miscreants and jobless youths posing to be Biafran agitators.

    In 2013, Bilie Human Rights Initiative and Biafra Alliance (Australia) presented a joint petition and summary of a court case they instituted against the Nigerian Government to the Australian government. In a meeting organised by Biafra Alliance (Australia), in conjunction with Radio Biafra, London, in Canberra, Australia recently, the groups said the petition was part of the sensitisation programme aimed at highlighting the sufferings of Southeastern Nigerians at home.

    It was gathered that the pro-Biafran groups were represented by four-man delegation led by Nnamdi Kanu, Director of Radio Biafra, London, who travelled from United Kingdom to Australia; Mazi Okezie Oguh, the leader of Biafra Alliance (Australia) and two others. The Australian government, it was learnt, was represented by high-ranking officials in the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, situated at the R.G. Casey Building, on John McEwen Crescent Barton, Canberra, who received the written submission.

    However, apart from their diplomatic efforts abroad to get recognition for the Biafran nation from world leaders and nation states, neither of the two organizations ventured to come home in pursuit of their agitation. Consequently, they are not known to have any sizable followership here in Nigeira.

    The Biafra Zionist Movement (BZM) was founded in 2010 by a United Kingdom-based lawyer, Benjamin Onwuka, who said it was founded to give “seriousness” to the Biafran dream. Onwuka, who hails from Item in Bende local government area of Abia state, back then, claimed the movement has the backing od Igbo intellectuals in the Diaspora, particularly those residing in the United States and South Africa .

    Before relocating to Nigeria to campaign for the cause, Onwuka shuttled across Nigeria, Europe and America canvassing support for his agitation. Having found its teeth, the group sent an application to the United Nations for an observer status for the Republic of Biafra. The application was submitted to UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon. Another application for an independent status was sent to the African Union with a request to convene a meeting of Heads of State and Government.

    After a number of violent protests which included the invasion of the Government House, Enugu and holding the place to ransom for nearly four hours, as well as the violent attempted hijack of a television station, Onwuka and members of his group were declared wanted by the Nigerian Police Force.

    On their last known outing, the BZM members, who were led to the television house by Onwuka, killed a police sergeant and wounded another Inspector who were among a four-man police patrol team that rushed to the scene to stop them. A member of the group was also shot dead by the police team.

    Onwuka and many of his men had escaped before the policemen arrived, according to the eyewitness. But days after, police said that the BZM leader and 12 members of his group have been arrested by a team of security operatives who gave them a hot chase while trying to escape into Independence Layout of the Coal City.

    He is still in detention facing trial. The last that was heard of him was in June this year, when he accused Federal High Court judge, Justice D. V. Agishi, sitting in Enugu of being biased just as he requested that the case against him be trans­fered to another court. And with him in jail, the BZM natural became docile.

    But just when the government and the people of Nigeria felt the end had come for the Biafran agitation, Kanu emerged again with IPOB. With incessant attacks on the federal government through his Radio Biafra alongside other hate speeches, he won several Igbo youths over to his pro Biafran ideologies and in no time, became the new face of Biafran Zionism.

    Radio Biafra “mission statement”

    In one of his numerous broadcasts as monitored online, Kanu stated the mission statement of his controversial Radio Biafra thus:

    “The ONLY PURPOSE for the existence of Radio Biafra London is to set a largely misinformed public free from the twin evil of tyrannical rule of a cabal of ill-educated and institutionally corrupt men and women and the sponsored sectarian killings directed against Christian Southerners living in Northern Nigeria by terrorists operating in the name of Islam. It will also serve to articulate a solution to the plight of impoverished and confused Igbo families abandoned by their leaders in Northern Nigeria to a fate worse than those endured by black slaves in plantations in the Americas.

    Radio Biafra London will use and deploy every available resource to campaign for the rights of all oppressed indigenous peoples of Southern Nigeria to determine how they wish to structure their societies and live their lives. Radio Biafra London would broadcast debates on issues of national and international importance affecting the lives and rights of the indigenous peoples of Biafra and indeed indigenous people of all ethnic persuasions in Nigeria.

    Radio Biafra London further wishes to give advance warning to all looters, embezzlers, kidnappers, sponsors of terrorism, child traffickers, corrupt judges, crooked university lecturers, murderous Nigerian security forces and all thieving individuals masquerading as public officials who steal public funds thereby preventing developmental projects from impacting positively on the lives of the ordinary people. These looters and workers of iniquity will be named and shamed.

    There will be no hiding place for common thieves who use the cover of high political offices to steal in the name of Nigerian politics. For Radio Biafra London, there will be nothing like no-go-areas in what can be reported, discussed and analysed. The governing principle of the Public-Right-To-Know of the issues affecting their lives will be rigorously upheld.

    Ever your loyal servant, Nnamdi Kanu.”

    How IPOB was built

    While many people would easily say Kanu built up followership for his new organization, IPOB, by merely using the Radio Biafra to reach out to Igbos in Nigeria, The Nation findings revealed that the Igbo activists did more than just that. Unknown to the authorities, the Radio Biafra boss and some leading operatives of his organization made several visits to the country in pursuit of membership.

    According to a source within the organization, IPOB benefit immensely from the crisis within MASSOB and the detention of leaders of the BZM. He explained that most of Kanu’s foot-soldiers are former members of the two troubled organizations, who, in search of new leadership and direction, easily gravitated towards IPOB.

    “It is wrong for people to say we were just an online organization. Aside using Radio Biafra to spread the messages, we also left the comfort of our home abroad to come down to Nigeria secretly on many occasions to talk to our people and recruit membership. As far back as 2013, we had cell leaders all over the southeast.

    I can tell you that many members of MASSOB and Zioninst Movement joined IPOB out of the need to continue to be identified with the Biafra struggle. Many who were disenchanted with the crisis in the organizations or the detention of their leaders saw in Kanu and IPOB another lifeline and opportunity to continue the struggle.

    If you want to understand this better, go to the Biafra House in Okigwe, which used to be the headquarters of MASSOB, or the BZM offices in Owerri and Aba, you will discover that the people there now are IPOB members. They joined us because at a time, Kanu, through Radio Biafra, was the only Igbo man still talking about actualizing Biafra.

    Amaryllis, the former PR Coordinator for Radio Biafra, confirmed these nocturnal visists in her video confessional when she spoke of how she toured the south-southern states to talk to people about Biafra. According to her, it was her discovery that contrary to claims by Kanu, who probably visited earlier, that there were already many converts in the south-south willing to be part of the agitation, few person bought into the idea, that made her lose interest in Biafra.

    Others, including some leading light of the Biafran struggle, were deeply involved in the 2015 general elections that the struggle suffered badly. But people who are committed to freedom regrouped under IPOB and continued the groundwork for what you are now seeing. Many of the people you see out there came back home from abroad to be part of this struggle,” he said.

    The social media, findings revealed was another major source of IPOB’s membership. It was gathered that over the last three years, the organization opened several social media groups using phony manes to avoid suspicion, to recruit membership across the length and breadth of the country.

    “Many social media pages and groups opened with names that had nothing to do with agitations, were used to reach out to our people. It was easy to remain undetected because all discussions were done in Igbo language. We got a lot of our youths interested in the struggle through constant contact on the social media,” our source added.

    The nation also gathered that the loss of the presidency by former President Goodluck Jonathan and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) also provided veritable ground for recruitment by IPOB. “Many of our people were pro-Jonathan, not for any other reason other than the fact that he is from Biafra. His loss disconnected them from the Nigerian nation.

    Naturally, it was easy to revive the Biafran topic with them and get them interested. PDP leaders also fanned the embers of disconnect by raising fears that the Buhari administration will deal with Igbos for not voting for him. The body language of the ruling party too helped us to spread our message and before you know it, members came in droves.

    There were also some non-agitation groups scattered all over Igboland, working for politicians. But because their Principals lost their positions within the defat of the PDP, it was easy to talk them into Biafran agitation. That is why I can assure you that if we call for protests or any action, the streets will be full. We have the people willing and ready to follow us,” our source added.

    Reasons for renewed agitation

    Founder of the Igbo Youth Movement (IYM) and Deputy Secretary of the Igbo Leaders of Thought (ILT), Evangelist Elliot Uko, while shedding light into the renewed agitation for Biafra, explained why re-living Biafra Republic is attractive to Igbo youths and how best to approach the crisis.

    “The younger generation of Ndigbo are bitter about the structure of Nigeria. They believe that the structure is skewed against them, in politics, in education, in the provision of social infrastructure, and the agitation for Biafra is real. Personally, I don’t agree with them. I’m not advocating for secession, but I know that they are not miscreants because I’ve been talking with them for years. In fact, when Ralph Uwazurike visited me in August of 1999 at Toyin Street in Ikeja and told me that he would establish MASSOB the following week.

    Even though I didn’t attend the event, as I was discussing with him, I told him that he was merely taking advantage of something that has been there in the minds of Ndigbo. Biafra is sacred to Ndigbo. Biafra is about blood, the blood of three million Ndigbo, some killed in cold blood in pogroms in the North; some died out of hunger and starvation; millions of children died of kwashiorkor; people who died in the battle field armed with only two bullets against a much larger and better armed army. It elicits emotion, and it’s the major thing that you can use to manipulate Igbo people to cause trouble anywhere. It’s real. Those who want Biafra are real,” he said.

    He also added that: “The Biafran issue is not about Ralph Uwazurike, Nnamdi Kanu or any individual. I formed my first organization, as a teenager, Igbo Youth Congress, at Delimina Restaurant, 12 Adelabu, in Uwani, Enugu in 1981, 34 years ago. And I know that the most emotional and easiest formula to spark interest and followership among Igbo Youths is the dream to re-live Biafra Republic. They find it so attractive because they believe that not only is Nigeria drawing them backwards but also that they will never get justice in Nigeria due to the envy and hatred of some ethnic groups towards Ndigbo. At one of our meetings, in the early 80s, we took a vote, and over 80 per cent of the youths voted that we should take up arms to fight for Biafra, 34 years ago.

    Again, in Lagos, we were holding monthly meetings in my apartment at 36 Ajakaiye Street, Ikeja, 10 years later, in 1991, we took a vote, and over 90 per cent voted that we should take up arms and fight for Biafra. I’ve been organizing seminars and dealing with Igbo youth for decades, I know that the option of Biafra is so attractive, and it’s a reality. It’s not about Uwazurike and Kanu. In fact, those characters are merely taking advantage of a fact that is on ground, that Nigeria has been unfair to Ndigbo, to the extent that the new generation finds it unacceptable. So, the demand for Biafra is real. They are not miscreants. They are contributing their own money, fighting for what they believe in.”

    Explaining why the agitation for Biafra has continued several decades after civil war, Chief Checkwas Okorie, founder of embattled All Progressive Grand Alliance, APGA, said the issue for the agitation for Biafra has to do with agitation for self-determination by people wish to be treated with fairness, equity and justice.

    “Most of the young men on the street agitating for Biafra were born after the war and so looks like they do not know what led to the war. They cannot understand why their own people since they were born are invariably different from their peers in other parts of the country. The South-east has suffered the most neglect from the Federal Government of Nigeria in terms of road construction. Even under  former President Jonathan’s administration, it was not any better.

    The Buhari’s administration has just begun, so we cannot blame him that much. The matter was not picked up because Buhari became President; the Biafran agitation had been there practically since early 90s. But if  Buhari manages to address the agitation, the issue will die down. After all the Niger-Delta militancy preceeded the late President Yar’Adua. But his political moves doused the tension in that region with the initiative of amnesty,” Okorie said.

    PDP National Youth Leader, Abdullahi MaiBasira, in a statement in Abuja, said President Buhari and his party should be held to account for the escalation of the agitation, “which threatens the unity and national security interests of Nigeria as an indivisible entity.” The PDP also called on the ruling party to ensure and guarantee an inclusive administration that would promote harmony among all sections of the country.

    The party further noted the seemingly lack of any clear-cut policy direction that concerns the development, mainstreaming and inclusion of young people in the country by the Federal Government, insisting it is a worrisome issue that brings to question the ruling All Progressive Congress’ campaign promise to generate and give 3 million jobs annually to Nigerian youths.

    “The fact that none of the President’s ministerial appointees confirmed by Senate is below 40 years also puts to question APC’s belief for the next generation of leaders, mentorship and transfer of responsibility. So far, the resultant effect of this lack of clear-cut policy is the stagnation of the economy and laying-off of thousands of people from their jobs.

    “Rather than the use of force as an option, which usually fails as a solution in this type of self-inflicted socio political problem, President Buhari should, as a matter of national interest and practical necessity, make haste to call representatives and leaders of the Sout East for discussions before the situation deteriorates,” the party said.

     Rejections and denials

    Former governor of Delta State, Chief James Ibori, whose pictures were used during protests in the state by IPOB members, was among the first set of Southern Nigerian personalities and groups to dissociate himself from the movement agitating for the creation of Biafra republic, saying Nigeria remains indestructible. In a statement by his media aide, Mr Eluemunor, Chief Ibori denied any affiliation or association with the protesters and warned against the use of his pictures during protests.

    He also stated that the peace that the country enjoyed for 45 years after the civil war should not be broken by residues being dug up by some people to further divide the nation and betray efforts at national reconciliation and development. This he said must not be allowed.

    A pro-Igbo group, the Igbo Information Network says neither MASSOB nor IPOB has the mandate to speak for the Igbo, arguing that the agitations may not be unconnected with hidden selfish interests. As the group’s leader, Chuks Ibegbu, puts it, “we can no longer continue to pretend that all is well when some groups capitalize on our sad experience of the past to try to railroad us into fighting another avoidable civil war.

    Uwazuruike is today enjoying his stupendous wealth in his palace in Owerri and he occasionally makes noise about his Utopian Biafra on the pages of newspapers. The promoter of Radio Biafra, Nnamdi Kanu, was a MASSOB member. He fell out with Uwazuruike some years ago and he ran away from Nigeria and formed the Indigenous People of Biafra whose communication arm is Radio Biafra.

    It is because the power of communication and information is great that Nnamdi Kanu has been able to win the hearts of some Igbo to the envy of Uwazuruike. “The truth about all these pro-Biafra groups is that they have never made any efforts to feel the real pulse of their people. Before we went to a war in the past, the opinion of Igbo and Eastern Leaders of Thought were gauged by Gen. Ojukwu.”

    Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Wike, also warned that his administration will not tolerate pro-Biafra agitations within the state. Wike, who spoke through a statement signed by his Special Adviser on Media and Publicity, Opunabo Inko-Tariah, said he was peeved by the activities of the group.

    The governor stressed the indivisibility of Nigeria and added that the actions of the protesters were capable of stimulating chaos in the state. He also warned against insidious actions by anybody or group in the state.

    “The governor, who was peeved by the protest by members of the Indigenous People of Biafra in Port Harcourt, warned that such a demonstration will not be brooked by his administration. Emphasising the indivisibility of Nigeria, the governor said the actions of IPOB members are capable of stimulating chaos in the state,” the statement read.

    Wike warned that as the Chief Security Officer of the state who swore to an oath to protect lives and property, he would not tolerate actions that would lead to the breakdown of law and order in the state. He, however, dissociated himself and the state from the protest, adding that legal machinery has been set in motion against any group that tries to breach the peace in the state.

    Also, the Imo State Governor, Rochas Okorocha, dissociated his government from the reported violent protests in Rivers, Anambra, and Delta states by IPOB members. In a press release by his Chief Press Secretary, Mr. Sam Onwuemeodo, Okorocha regretted the ugly development, saying that such violent protests in the name of Biafra would not add any value to the development of the South-East.

    Okorocha said, “The governors and leaders of the South-East condemn the protests, especially when they were carried out in the name of Biafra. If a section of the people in the South-East or even the whole people in the geopolitical zone protest over the bad shape of the federal roads in the area or protest over the total negligence of the geopolitical zone, every governor and leader in the area would support that but not to protest over an issue that is neither here nor there.”

    “The South-East is an integral part of Nigeria and the governors and leaders from the area believe in the unity of the country and would always work towards sustaining the unity. And as far as the governors and the leaders of the South-East are concerned, those behind the campaign for Biafra have their ulterior motive, which has nothing to do with corporate interest of the Ndigbo in Nigeria.”

    Way forward

    Proffering solution to the reasons advanced by supporters of the agitation, Braithwaite, who says he cannot say whether the southeast is marginalized or not, urged the federal government to quickly put in place a system that will protect the interests of all persons and groups in the country.

    “I am not saying that the people of the South-East are being marginalised or discriminated against. The people of the South-East are saying so. They are the ones crying out. I cannot answer that question one way. But let us put in place a system where everybody would have a sense of belonging. People would not revolt in an environment where their interests are protected. The overdependence on oil is also an issue. There are many other resources that can be exploited in this country that can bring more revenue than oil,” Braitwaite said.

    The Igbo socio-cultural organization, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, urged the Federal Government to exercise restraint in handling the various groups clamouring for the actualization of Biafra. The President of the Ohanaeze Youth Council, Mazi Okechukwu Isiguzoro, in a statement, said dialogue was the only way out of the various agitations.

    He called on the Federal government to address various cries of marginalization in the South-East zone. The statement read in part: “We are circumstantially compelled to take a definitive stand and position on issues that have the ability to threaten our corporate existence as one indivisible nation.

    “Following agitations of neglect in the political appointments made thus far by the President Muhammadu Buhari administration from our compatriots in the south east, the needless call for the secession from Nigeria by MASSOB, the treasonable felony been perpetrated by one Nnamdi Kanu, under the aegis of Indigenous People of Biafra(IPOB), and his Radio Biafra, his arrest and the simultaneous coordinated protest rallies that followed as the its aftermath, is of great concern to us and calls for caution and deeper reflection for us as people and nation.

    “To the extent that we are not satisfied in the happenings in the polity particularly as it affects our region,it remains imperative that we submit our yearnings with a voice of reason. It stands as an immutable and sacrosanct fact that the unified and continuous existence of Nigeria as an indivisible entity cannot be compromised on any score.

    “The hyperactive agitators and proponents of secession perhaps have not sat down to count the cost of a divided nation which will borne by the igbos nation particularly our Youth whose future and strenuously built investments stand at risk.

    “The business concerns of igbo businessmen and women extend across all geopolitical zones of the country the north and south,these meticulously built investments running into trillions of naira cannot be mortgaged on the plinth of unbridled sentimental proclivities,As we believe that Mr.President is a listening Leader and we can achieve more through peaceful dialogue.”

    As a quick win strategy to end the uprising in the South East, President Buhari has been tasked to set up a national mediation committee made up of credible statesmen and women to be led by Bishop Mathew Hassan Kukah to actively work out the most transparent mechanisms to achieve lasting peace and reach the most acceptable and democratic panacea to the agitations.

    In a statement signed jointly by the National Coordinator Comrade Emmanuel Onwubiko and the National Media affairs Director Miss Zainab Yusuf of the Human Rights Writers Association Of Nigeria (HURIWA) said President Muhammadu Buhari must avoid the mistakes of previous administrations such as the then President Olusegun Obasanjo who used brutal force to seek to crush dissenting voices from some communities thereby compounding the destructions that has led to heavy financial penalties that has been imposed on the Nigerian State by the court of law.

    HURIWA said the current President Muhammadu Buhari must be wary of adopting any military and violent measures against the civilian pro-Biafra protesters in order not to be personally dragged before the global crimes court- ICC in The Hague Netherlands for prosecution over crimes against humanity.

    It said everything must be done to stop bloodshed and forceful quelling of the unprecedented pro-Biafra agitations by purely unarmed protesters. The Rights group has also demanded the immediate and unconditional release from the underground cells of the Department of State Service of the Director of the Europe Based Radio Biafra and leader of the Free People of Biafra (IPOB) Mr Nnamdi Kanu who is being detained as a political prisoner even after a court of law freed him on bail.

    Uko, explaining what must be done to stop the agitation, called on the federal government to addfress the issues of true federalism in the interest of peace in the country. He said: “That Nigerian leaders chose to shy away from the truth by going round in circle while dodging the real issue, does not in any way mean that solution could be found by cutting corners.

    There is no other way to move Nigeria forward in peace and unity without addressing the national question. Our political structure, the 1999 militarily inspired constitution are some of the reasons why millions of our country men do not believe in Nigeria. That is the most urgent task facing any government. When we revert to true federalism, all our problems will be reduced including corruption, unemployment, secession, etc.”

    Human rights lawyer, Mike Ozekhome (SAN), said that the Buhari-led federal government should avoid the use of brute force in finding a solution to the renewed agitations for Biafra Republic by certain groups in the country. Ozekhome, while giving examples of countries that forcibly broke up in the past, said the federal government must urgently look into why the Igbos are calling for secession even after the end of the Biafra Civil War.

    According to him “The United Nations Charter and the African charter of Human and Peoples Right both recognise the rights of people of the world for self determination as to how the world will co-exist and live together.

    But will these approaches satisfy the pro-Biafran agitators? Or are they likely to insist on nothing short of the actualization of their dreamland – Biafra? These are questions that only events of the future can answer. Until then, the country may continue to grapple with the effects of this new threat from the land of the rising Sun.

     

  • Akwa Ibom election petition tribunals: Separating facts from fiction, half truths and lies

    Akwa Ibom election petition tribunals: Separating facts from fiction, half truths and lies

    For every good reason there is to lie, there is a better reason to tell the truth.” – Bo Bennett

    In its characteristic way, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Akwa Ibom State is seeking to manipulate the system to get reprieve from crimes it committed during last elections by adopting the roles of a victim. According to a news report, circulated by the party’s propaganda machine, it claimed its members are being harassed by the Department of State  Security (DSS), alleging that this agency of government is aiding and abetting the opposition at the venue of the electoral tribunals currently sitting in Abuja.

    Reading this report, one wonders if the State Chairman of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in Akwa Ibom State, Obong Paul Ekpo, can recall vividly three months ago how  his party obviouly used the same agency and other security forces to harass, intimidate and kill innocent voters, who dared to resist snatching of ballot boxes by PDP political thugs. Why is PDP raising alarm over alleged harassment of members now the muzzle is facing it?

    As was expected, reportage of ongoing Akwa Ibom State Election Petition Tribunals have become highly controversial, reflecting conflicting interests in the state. On one side are reports from media correspondents on ground in Abuja, where these tribunals are ongoing and on the flipside are political appointees based in Uyo, who rely on second hand information, which are further sieved and skewed before release to the public through state sponsored media outlets and online platforms.

    Funny enough, these government apologists readily circumvent thorny questions raised as cases progress to exaggerate momentary and inconsequential issues, devising well known publicity stunts to sustain lies even though it would have been a lot easier to accept facts staring everyone in the face.

    Whatever is their reason for this deception, it is more important to note that ongoing election tribunals are different from previous ones as they have so far shown independence of the Judiciary, giving hope that the rule of law shall prevail above gimmicks and undue influence. The onus is therefore on both petitioners and respondents to argue their case on points of law regardless of whatever is peddled outside court rooms. This is the first and most critical fact.

    Secondly, supporters of the interim government are at liberty to present various shades of truth about what transpires in court daily, but they cannot undo major gains already made towards recovering what was stolen from the people. Their indiscretion cannot alter a dot in the coming judgment as it will be based on proven facts as stated in law “the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth”.

    Another stanch fact is that the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, and most of their candidates, including Udom Emmanuel, Godswill Akpabio and others, are before state election petition tribunals in Abuja, to defend allegations of stealing the mandate of Akwa Ibom people during the last elections. Hard pressed Akwa Ibom people have risen as one in a historic move to recover their mandate from a regime that has held them captive for nearly a decade and they will stop at nothing to ensure all respondents answer for their roles in manipulating a simple and straight forward electoral process into some twisted, complicated farce.

    To achieve this feat, the people are determined to take the whole stretch as could be seen in dispassionate testimonies of principal witnesses currently recounting their personal experiences of massive electoral irregularities, fraud and violence allegedly perpetuated by PDP and its agents in active connivance with some corrupt INEC officials. There are recorded evidences proving that April 11 elections in Akwa Ibom State were far cry from credible, free and fair elections stipulated in the 1999 Nigerian Constitution (as amended) and 2010 Electoral Act (as amended).

    Incidentally, these evidences and testimonies are received regularly in court notwithstanding what lies are peddled about them afterwards. The fact is, having listened to and adopted these evidences and testimonies, the tribunals may rely on them to deliver judgment.

    Above all, from available records published by Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, one can decipher the whole story on how electoral fraud were committed by the INEC in Akwa Ibom State. All it takes is a closer look of voter accreditation computed by INEC staff at polling units across the state compared to what INEC Permanent Voter Card, PVC, readers automatically computed and sent to INEC servers in the Headquarters unknown to Okojie and his cohorts.

    Before going through the records, recall that on the 2nd of April, 2015, the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, issued a very clear directive to all its officers that ONLY the “Card Reader” electronic machines be used for the accreditation of voters for the governorship and State House of Assembly elections scheduled for April 11, 2015.

    This directive was reportedly confirmed a couple of days later, by Prof Attahiru Jega, the then Chairman of INEC, during a world press conference where he maintained that the April 2 INEC directive, emphasizing that in places where there are card reader malfunction up to 5 pm, elections in these places should be shifted to Sunday, April 12, 2015. Incidentally, there was nowhere in the over 2,500 polling units across Akwa Ibom state that field officers of INEC reported the malfunction of their card readers meaning there was nowhere in the state where elections were shifted to Sunday, April 12 as such  governorship and state house of assembly elections held on April 11 without problem but how come the numbers computed into the INEC server, which were automatically generated when  Permanent Voters Card (PVC) were verified at the Polling Units across Akwa Ibom state are different from those hand filled in FORM EC 8D by INEC staff at these  polling units? The fact is, those results written in forms EC8D were doctored by INEC staff unaware that back-up PVC verifications were being simultaneously documented in the INEC servers in Abuja!

    Shouldn’t it bother all concerned how the accreditation of voters in Akwa Ibom produced two (sets) of numbers per local government by the same electoral body, one handwritten on FORM EC 8D and the other automatically accredited by INEC Server via PVC; #Akwa Ibom? Answering this question will confirm that indeed an electoral fraud was committed.

    Can INEC explain the following inconsistencies in voter accreditation?

    Abak LGA | Form EC 8D = 45, 358 Accredited | INEC Server = 25,546 Accredited, Eastern Obolo LGA | Form EC 8D = 14,592 Accredited | INEC Server = 6,521 Accredited, Eket LGA | Form EC 8D = 53,576 Accredited | INEC Server = 26,472 Accredited, Esit Eket LGA | Form EC 8D = 28,279 Accredited | INEC Server = 18,812 Accredited, Essien Udim LGA | Form EC 8D = 89,313 Accredited | INEC Server = 8,729 Accredited, Etim Ekpo LGA | Form EC 8D = 45,922 Accredited | INEC Server = 15,481 Accredited, Etinan LGA | Form EC 8D = 44,228 Accredited | INEC Server = 3,383 Accredited.  Also, Ibeno LGA | Form EC 8D = 19,032 Accredited | INEC Server = 11,980 Accredited, Ibesikpo Asutan LGA | Form EC 8D = 39,467 Accredited | INEC Server = 22,512 Accredited, Ibiono Ibom LGA | Form EC 8D = 64,623 Accredited | INEC Server = 10,369 Accredited, Ika LGA | Form EC 8D = 34,697 Accredited | INEC Server = 10,487 Accredited, Ikono LGA | Form EC 8D = 45,666 Accredited | INEC Server = 10,767 Accredited, Ikot Abasi LGA | Form EC 8D = 24,958 Accredited | INEC Server = 9,956 Accredited andIkot Ekpene LGA | Form EC 8D = 52,335 Accredited | INEC Server = 23,218 Accredited.

    Note also Ini LGA | Form EC 8D = 33,554 Accredited | INEC Server = 6,850 Accredited, Itu LGA | Form EC 8D = 27,808. Accredited | INEC Server = 15,557 Accredited, Mbo LGA | Form EC 8D = 13,853 Accredited | INEC Server = 8,545 Accredited, Mkpat Enin LGA | Form EC 8D = 35,412 Accredited | INEC Server = 7,623 Accredited, Nsit Atai LGA | Form EC 8D = 24,748 Accredited | INEC Server = 9,606 Accredited, Nsit Ibom LGA | Form EC 8D = 13,090 Accredited | INEC Server = 13,088 Accredited, Obot Akara LGA | Form EC 8D = 35,836 Accredited | INEC Server = 13,189 Accredited, Okobo LGA | Form EC 8D = 24,280 Accredited | INEC Server = 13,745 Accredited, Onna LGA | Form EC 8D = 54,050 Accredited | INEC Server = 15,864 Accredited, Oron LGA | Form EC 8D = 27,468 Accredited | INEC Server = 17,142 Accredited, Oruk Anam LGA | Form EC 8D = 81,021 Accredited | INEC Server = 21,753 Accredited, Udung Uko LGA | Form EC 8D = 14,094 Accredited | INEC Server = 11,165 Accredited, Ukanafun LGA | Form EC 8D = 48,271 Accredited | INEC Server = 9,846 Accredited, Uruan LGA | Form EC 8D = 38,006 Accredited | INEC Server = 11,599 Accredited, Urue Offong/Oruko LGA | Form EC 8D = 8,141 Accredited | INEC Server = 5,405 Accredited and Uyo LGA | Form EC 8D = 47,990 Accredited | INEC Server = 38,022 Accredited

    In summary, Total Form EC 8D = 1,158,624 Accredited | Total INEC Server = 437,128 with a wide difference of 721,496, more than 50% error yet Akwa Ibom state was among the states that first published election results!

    Figures do not lie and, if the ‘sanctity of the ballot’ (borrowing the phrase from Obong Victor Attah), and by extension, credibility of last elections were founded on voter accreditation, using Permanent Voter Card machines, then one can rightly assert that there was no election in Akwa Ibom state especially on April 11 considering gross discrepancy between FORM EC 8D, compiled by reportedly compromised INEC staff, and those automatically computed by PVC readers and sent to INEC servers.

    Going forward, none of those sham elections (Governorship and State House of Assembly) held on April 11 would be deemed credible using records from PVC readers’ printout from INEC servers. For instance, it is safe to question Form EC 8E compiled by reportedly compromised INEC staff which says Governor Emmanuel Udom got 996,071 votes. How did he get these outrageous figures when PVC readers printout from INEC servers say there were only 437,128 accredited voters in Akwa Ibom State for the April 11 governorship? Mystery surrounding facts such as this is what the election petition tribunals seek to unravel not mannerism of witnesses or whether they spoke correct grammar or not.

    Ukpong, writes from Uyo.