The Nation Newspaper

Tag: figures

  • Senate rejects FIRS budget over alleged duplication of figures

    Senate rejects FIRS budget over alleged duplication of figures

    The Senate yesterday stepped down the 2016 budget of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) over alleged shoddy preparation of the financial document.

    The upper chamber threw out the report of its Committee on Finance which considered the FIRS budget due to what it described as “the poor preparation of the document.”

    This is coming about four months after President Muhammadu Buhari submitted the 2016 budget of the tax collection agency to the Senate.

    The upper chamber referred the budget to its Committee on Finance for further legislative action on 25th of July, 2016.

    The Senate came hard on its Finance Committee for accommodating what it described as “glaring duplications in the budget estimates.”

    The lawmakers were categorical on their blame that the Finance Committee in its consideration of the N146,165,108, 293 billion budget proposal of FIRS failed to scrutinise subheads of the proposals.

    The Senate also agreed that the report submitted for consideration supported the Committee’s position that more oversight of the budget was necessary.

    Some Senators expressed concern that the FIRS budget estimates were “poorly compiled and incomplete.”

    They insisted that “the days where a partially prepared budget is sent to the Senate are over.”

    Some said the refusal to pass the budget should be “a strong signal to the Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) that there will be no more business as usual in the budget process as the Senate awaited the arrival of the 2017 federal budget.”

    The lawmakers also frowned at what they called “ambiguous figures and questionable inclusion of capital projects” in the budget

    Some of the proposals in the budget included: Office materials and supplies -N440,000,000;

    Library books and periodicals – N68,000,000; Computer materials and supplies- N530,000,000; Printing of non security documents – N1,900,000,000; Printing of security documents- N250,000,000; Maintenance of office furniture and equipment- N90,000,000; Maintenance of building office- N300,000,000; Maintenance of office equipments – N266,000,000; Maintenance of computers and IT equipments- N120,000,000; Maintenance of plants/generators- N170,000,000;

    Cleaning and fumigation services -N750,000,000; Office rent- N885,000,000; Security vote- N250,000,000; Legal services- N500,000,000; Motor vehicle fuel cost – N700,000,000; Generator fuel cost – N750,000,000; Refreshment and meals- N586,000,000; Hire of hall, accommodation and events- N350,000,000; Honorarium and sitting allowance payments- N150,000,000; Publicity, advert and taxpayers education- N2,000,000,000; Medical expenditure- N700,000,000; Postages and courier services- N244,000,000; Welfare packages- N681,000,000; Tax audit investigation and monitoring- N2,500,000,000; and Tax investigation- N500,000,000.

    Other estimates are Purchase of vehicles- N2,300,000,000; Purchase of furniture and equipment-general-N5,180,000,000; Acquisition of land and building- N5,586,300,000; Construction of offices- new projects-N300,000,000; Rehabilitation/Repairs- N4,028,000,000; Rehabilitation/Repair of offices- new projects- N415,000,000; Other infrastructure- ICT New projects- N555,000,000;

    Other infrastructure-ongoing projects- N2,026,000,000; FIRS corporate headquarters- N10,000,000,000

    The senators described some of the proposals as “curious” and wondered why the Finance Committee simply lifted the figures contained in the submission of FIRS into its report for the consideration of the Senate.

  • Review those figures

    •Provisions for rent for President and VP and the huge allocation for Aso Villa maintenance do not reflect present reality 

    Now that details of the 2016 budget have been released by the Budget Office, speculations as to alleged extravagance in some areas could be matched with facts. One item that stands out like the sore thumb is the amount earmarked for the maintenance of the seat of power – Aso Villa. For the year, the government intends to spend about N4billion for general maintenance.

    During the year, the Presidency proposes to spend N1.5 billion on motor vehicles and the accessories while about N48 million is earmarked for rent for the two leaders residing in Aso Villa. This curious item raises posers that should be answered by the Presidency. It is known by all that both the President and his deputy are quartered by the country. They are not affected by the ill-executed monetisation policy introduced by former President Olusegun Obasanjo. Why, then, should they be paid house rents?

    While the government and its supporters have sought to justify the provision on the ground of the quality expected from the giant construction company, Julius Berger, and the need to project the image of the country well, some analysts have raised poser on the appropriateness of the figure at a time that Nigerians are being asked to tighten their belts in preparation for harsh economic climate.

    We find it difficult to match the provision against the decay of infrastructure in the country. The universities are in sorry state as students continue to sit on window frames and some on the floor in auditoriums to receive lectures. Research grants are now rare and linkages with foreign universities are hard to come by.

    Only recently, the Minister of Health, Professor Isaac Adewole, announced that the Federal Government would make attempts to upgrade facilities in selected federal hospitals with a view to stemming the tide of capital flight through medical tourism. The power sector remains a puzzle. Privatisation and the elaborate road map launched for the sector under the Jonathan administration have failed to yield fruits, and the economy remains in the wood.

    The budget itself is being largely funded with deficit financing owing to the depleted revenue inflow that could be traced to the slump in oil prices. These are issues posing a huge challenge to the Federal Government at the moment. Yet, the Boko Haram insurgency in the North east continues to make demands on the central purse with troops to be fed and kitted and displaced persons to be sheltered and fed. Military equipment are to be provided and large-scale destruction of infrastructure to be fixed.

    One reason Nigeria remains a sleeping giant is the disposition of leaders to live like emperors of yore. The level of commitment to the public good has been abysmally low. We call on members of the executive and legislative arms of government to show dedication to the task of building a new nation. They must live by example; that is tighten their belts before seeking the understanding of their compatriots.

    This is not the time to engage in frivolous spending. It is rather a time to concentrate on the essentials and build for the future.  It is a time that leaders are expected to be willing to make necessary sacrifices. Besides, opulence is not generally associated with President Muhammadu Buhari and Vice President Yemi Osinbajo. One factor that attracted the electorate to the pair was the image of disciplined, Spartan men who were coming to office to serve; give rather than receive from the country. They cannot afford to betray the trust reposed in them.

     

  • When human life is reduced to figures

    SIR: My journalism professor once taught us that in news writing and reporting, premium must be placed on human life especially in time of natural and human disaster. This perhaps informs why so much death reporting is seen in our contemporary media reportage in conflict prone areas. The idea behind laying emphasis on human life is that those in authority should take action and avoid future occurrences of avoidable deaths.

    In the recent past, a lot of killings and wasting of human lives have taken place across Nigeria. Majority of these were deliberately done in the most gruesome manner devoid of any civility. One of such human cruelty still very fresh on our minds was the attack on some farming communities in Agatu Local Government Area of Benue State where over 300 persons including women and children were reportedly killed and property worth millions of Naira destroyed by suspected Fulani herdsmen. The mainstream as well as social media were flooded with graphic pictures of this catastrophe. As it is typical with the Nigeria state, the response to this crisis was extremely slow.

    Unlike elsewhere in the world where matters relating to unwarranted killing of human beings is taken seriously, same cannot be said of Nigeria. Weeks after the Agatu massacre, the governor of Benue State Samuel Ortom could only afford to send his deputy to assess the situation and give him feedback. The President only issued a statement about setting up an investigative panel. There was a clear lack of interest by leaders at all levels (national and state) regarding the plight of the victims of this unwarranted human crime. The few leaders who visited Agatu did so to simply score a political point.

    The Inspector General of the Nigeria Police visited the area to “have first hand information” of what actually happened. The community gave account of the situation on ground and the casualty figure of around 300. The police boss promised to investigate and punish those who perpetrated the heinous act. Hope was rekindled and the Agatu communities were optimistic that justice will take its course. Weeks later, the IG was quoted to have said that the killings in Agatu were blown out of proportion. No one including the IG himself however denied the fact that innocent lives were destroyed in Agatu. The police boss did not give any detail of his investigation stating whether any arrest was made, or what strategy he has put in place to forestall future occurrence of violence of that magnitude.

    The herdsmen were quoted to have confessed that they attacked Agatu communities in retaliation to the killing of their cows; a clear indication that they were judges onto themselves. This high level of impunity only encourages lawlessness and promotes bitterness and division. It thus appears some groups are above the law, untouchable, un-punishable and indeed invisible.

    The Nigerian state has for long failed to protect the lives of the most vulnerable in society. The Fulani herdsmen have continually inflicted havoc on farming communities in most of Nigeria’s central states of Benue, Plateau, Nasarawa, Kogi, Taraba and Southern Kaduna. These attacks usually happened during farming seasons, thus destroying both lives and farmlands. Till date, there is no known conviction for any Fulani herdsman for the killing of defenceless farmers who try to protect their crops from destruction by cattle rearers.

    The value for every single life should be a motivating factor for all concerned to ensure that the apparent neglect to issues that leads to killing and destruction of property is taken more seriously. Some people have argued that Nigerians are gradually accepting violence to humans as an unnecessary evil. But again no society ever accepts deliberate destruction of innocent lives as a norm.

     

    • Hangeior Degarr,

    Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

     

  • Facts, figures on alleged $20b missing oil fund, by PwC

    Facts, figures on alleged $20b missing oil fund, by PwC

    Is $20 billion oil cash missing? No, says accounting giant PriceWaterhouseCoopers (PwC), in its forensic audit report on the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). It said $1.48 billion is missing, and directed NNPC to refund the cash to the Federation Account. It also also recommended how NNPC can be efficiently run to forestall a recurrence. EMEKA UGWUANYI reports.

    After about a year–and–a-half, the allegation of stolen $20 billion oil fund in which the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) was fingered as the culprit has been laid to rest, following the release of the report of the PriceWaterhouseCoopers (PwC) last month.

    But there is need for the Federal Government to implement some of the auditors’recommendations to enhance the corporation’s efficiency.

    The missing oil money saga started on September 25, 2013, when the former Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor, now Emir of Kano, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, wrote President Goodluck Jonathan, alleging that between January 2012 and July 2013, NNPC lifted 594,024,107 barrels of crude oil worth $65,332,350,514.57.

    According to him, of this amount, NNPC paid only $15,528,410,098.77, representing 24 per cent of the value. This indicated that the NNPC was yet to account for, and pay to the Federation Account, over $49.8 billion or 76 per cent of oil lifted in the period.

    On September 27, 2013, the President passed the letter to the Minister of Petroleum Resources, Mrs. Diezani Alison-Madueke, to explain the allegations against the NNPC. The minister forwarded the letter to the former NNPC Group Managing Director (GMD), Andrew Yakubu, on September 30.

    On October 4, 2013, the minister forwarded the explanations of the GMD to the President. Nothing was heard on the matter for over a month.

    The NNPC presumed the Presidency and CBN were satisfied with the explanations until it was learnt that on December 8, 2013, the contents of the CBN’s letter were leaked to the media, including the online publications. That is how one of the most controversial issues of the nation started. In view of the weighty allegations, the Senate Plenary directed its Committee on Finance to investigate the alleged unremitted $49.8 billion.

    The NNPC also explained to the public what happened. The Corporation stated that the CBN governor did not understand the workings of the oil industry and how revenues from oil lifting were remitted to the Federation Account, adding that the CBN actually understated the figures of the lifting by NNPC by 4.13 per cent. The Corporation explained what equity crude, royalty oil, tax oil, volume for third party financing and NPDC equity volume are, just to buttress its point.

    NPDC (Nigerian Petroleum Development Company) is an arm of NNPC. Yakubu stated that remittances of proceed from each of the five streams are made according to statutory and production arrangements, adding that all remittances due to the Federation Account had been made into that account.

    In the same period, the Coordinating Minister of the Economy and Minister of Finance, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, directed the Inter-Agency Committee comprising the Federal Ministry of Finance, Budget Office of the Federation, Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), NNPC, Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) and the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) to reconcile the various figures given by the two agencies of the government, CBN and NNPC.

    The Inter-Agency Reconciliation Committee had at the end of its job, established that $39 billion of the alleged that $49.8billion had actually been remitted to the Federation Account and Mrs Okonjo-Iweala announced that the Committee was still working to reconcile the balance of $10.8 billion.

    But when the Finance Minister and the CBN Governor appeared before the Senator Ahmed Makarfi- led Senate Committee on Finance, Mrs Okonjo-Iweala held on to the $10.8 billion balance but the former CBN Governor held on to $12 billion as the  unremitted revenue to the Federation Account.

    The Group Executive Director of Finance and Accounts, NNPC, Mr. Bernard Otti, to prove accountability of the alleged missing funds, gave a breakdown of the $10.8 billion unremitted funds as follows: Unpaid subsidy $8.49 billion, Maintenance of National Strategic Reserve$0.37 billion, Product and crude oil losses $0.72 billion and cost of pipeline vandalism and repairs $1.22 billion.

    The CBN Governor later insisted that the amount unremitted to the Federation Account was $20 billion and gave a breakdown as follows: outstanding $12 billion, $6 billion gross revenue earned by NPDC, and $2 billion being payments to third parties. The CBN governor stated that NPDC, being a subsidiary of the NNPC, must remit all its revenue to the Federation Account in line with the constitutional requirement in Section 162 (10) c.

    He also questioned the legality of NNPC floating subsidiaries to do business and keep their funds, and also the propriety of the process of incorporating NPDC and the strategic Agreements it entered into.

    The issue of subsidising kerosene also came up before the Senate Committee as well as the resistance by Nigerians when the government wanted to stop fuel subsidy, including kerosene in 2012. The report of the Committee was debated on the floor of the Senate at plenary and it adopted most of the recommendations of the Committee. It, particularly, resolved, based on the recommendations of the Committee, that the allegation of the former CBN governor that some money was missing was false and that no money (be it $49.8billion, $20billion, $12billion, or $10.8billion) was missing.

    On kerosene subsidy, the Committee observed that the government policy on the issue was ambiguous, an issue which made the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Petroleum to toe different lines on the matter.

    To ensure transparency and clarity on the issue, PriceWaterhouse Coopers (PwC) was appointed to look into the allegation and come out with an independent findings. According to the findings, total revenue generated, including additional revenue upon investigation, was $69.34 billion while actual remittance was $50.81 billion. Unremitted revenues by NPDC were $5.11 billion while petrol (PMS) and kerosene (DPK) subsidy was $8.70 billion. The costs attributed to domestic crude was $2.65 billion and other costs not directly related to domestic crude oil operations was $2.81 billion) while salaries and benefits was $1.52 billion.

    Monthly operations was $0.48 billion and other third party payments, including training course fees, estacode, and consultancy fees, and other vendor payments was $0.81 billion while the NPDC signature bonus was $1.75 billion and its taxes and royalties $0.47 billion. Therefore, updated expected refunds by NNPC/NPDC to Federal Government is $1.48 billion, the report stated.

     

    The facts, figures

     

    The PwC submitted its report on February 2, this year. The auditing firm stated that its findings bear out some of the key points that were made on proper reconciliation and accounting for crude oil revenues and related subsidy claims, costs and expenses defrayed, and the matter of Oil Mining Leases (OMLs) transferred to the NPDC. It said that the gross revenue generated from Federal Government’s crude lifting for January 1, 2012 to July 31, 2013, was $67 billion reported by the Reconciliation Committee and the total cash remitted into the Federation Accounts in relation to these crude oil lifting, was $50.81 billion and not $47 billion as earlier reported by the Reconciliation Committee.

    “The balance of the generated revenue is accounted for as follows: Revenue reported by NPDC of $5.11 billion by its then Managing Director Mr. Victor Briggs during the Senate hearings will be accounted for through the financial statements of NPDC, and any dividend declared will flow into the federation account. Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) and Dual Purpose Kerosene (DPK) subsidy was $8.7 billion, NNPC’s initial costs verified and accepted by the Senate of $2.65 billion, additional NNPC costs, following the audit $2.81 billion.

    “Added to the revenue is the unremitted NPDC signature bonus due for divested assets and taxes/royalties totalling $2.22 billion. Hence the net amount attributable to the Federation Account following the above summary is $1.48 billion,” the report stated.

    PwC further stated that NNPC  provided information and explanations on the difference between the gross revenues and aggregate remittances leading to a potential excess remittance by NNPC of $0.74 billion, without considering the expected remittances from NPDC. Other indirect costs of $2.81 billion which were not part of the submissions to the Senate Committee hearings have been defrayed to arrive at this position.

    “NNPC and NPDC should refund an aggregate amount of $1.48 billion; this is after taking account of the excess remittance described above and outstanding self-assessed taxes, royalties and signature bonuses for divested assets transferred to NPDC. The transfer to NPDC of remainder interests in Oil Mining Leases (OMLs) divested by Shell were validly made to NPDC on the basis of a legal opinion provided by the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) to the Senate Committee on the matter.

    “By reference to the submission to the Senate Committee, NPDC reported crude oil revenues of $5.11 billion (net of taxes and royalties) in the period. Subject to defrayment of its costs, the AGF’s opinion holds that NPDC/NNPC are expected to, ultimately, effect a remittance to the Federation Accounts by way of net revenue (dividend) payment to NNPC. NPDC has not declared a dividend to NNPC on the basis of which remittances are to be made to the Federation Accounts in line with the AGF’s opinion. The matter of dividend (net revenue) from NPDC should be followed up for final resolution.”

    The auditing firm said that on the  subsidy on DPK (kerosene), the Presidential Directive of October 19, 2009 was not gazetted and there is no legal instrument cancelling the subsidy on DPK. The Senate Committee had also concluded that all that was required was for the Federal Government to propose appropriation for the unappropriated subsidy for the period in a supplemental budget. DPK subsidies in the review period amounted to $3.38 billion, according to the Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency (PPPRA).

    The report further stated that the NNPC Act provides that “… Such money as may be received by the Corporation in its operations or in relation to the exercise by the Corporation of any of its functions under this Act, and from such fund there shall be defrayed all expenses incurred by the Corporation.”The Corporation defrays its costs and expenses (including the costs of its loss making subsidiaries), from crude oil revenues in line with the provisions of the NNPC Act.

     

    Recommendations

     

    The report noted that the application of the foregoing principle has resulted in the potential excess remittance situation, and indicates that NNPC operates an unsustainable model. It stated that 46 per cent of proceeds of domestic crude oil revenues for the period was spent on operations and subsidies. The Corporation is unable to sustain monthly remittances to the Federal Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) and also meet its operational costs from the proceeds of domestic crude oil revenues and have to resort to third parties to bridge the funding gap.

    “At today’s crude oil prices at 62 per cent drop from 2012 levels), if NNPC’s subsidies and operational costs are maintained and crude oil production volumes are maintained at current levels, the Corporation will exhaust all the proceeds of domestic crude oil sales and still require additional third party funding for the deficit.  This means that the Corporation will have no funds to make any remittances to FAAC.

    “In view of the provisions of the NNPC Act which appears to grant NNPC a “blank” cheque to spend money without limit or control, and the gravity of the unsustainability of the NNPC operating model and its implications for remittances (or potential lack thereof) going forward, the NNPC Model must be reviewed and restructured as a matter of urgency. The NNPC Act should be reviewed as its visions contradict the requirement that NNPC be run as a commercially viable entity.”

    The forensic audit report, like the Senate Committee on Finance’s Probe report, clearly stated that all the revenue generated from Federal Government crude lifting for the period of January 1, 2012 to July 31,  2013 amounting to $69.34 billion was fully accounted for. The report also didn’t indict the NNPC over the allegation of unremitted or missing oil revenue. Therefore, anyone or organisation still circulating information about any unremitted or missing oil revenue or that NNPC was indicted in any report over the allegation is only either being mischievous or displaying disdain for truth, the NNPC boss stated at a forum in Lagos.

     

  • Dissecting figures from Osun poll

    Dissecting figures from Osun poll

    One week after the all-important governorship election in Osun State, the tension it generated has sufficiently cooled down to allow a sober look at the result. While the All Progressives Congress candidate, the incumbent Governor Rauf Aregbesola, polled 394,684 votes, his main challenger, Iyiola Omisore, obtained 292,431 votes. By the result, the governor was empowered to continue in office for another four years. The APC faithful have been celebrating since, while the Peoples Democratic Party that fielded Omisore could not believe that the federal might could ever fail to deliver as it did on August 9.

    But, through the figures, the people of Osun said a lot that have not been reported. Let me first declare here that I am not looking beyond the figures. This is not to say that there is no truth in the contention that a lot might have gone wrong.

    First, the general principles. Aregbesola won in 22 local government areas, while Omisore made the mark in eight. Both candidates made more than the mandatory 25 per cent in the 30 local government areas and, by that, the spread factor counted for nothing. In every election, candidates usually have their strongholds. Aregbesola’s were Ilesa East and West LGAs, Osogbo and Olorunda, as well as Irewole and Olaoluwa. Being evenly distributed among the three Senatorial districts, it was a vindication of the pre-election APC claim to state-wide popularity.

    On the other hand, Ife Central, South and East LGAs rallied round their son, Omisore. Outside the three, the PDP standard bearer failed to make sufficient impact elsewhere. In my view, a candidate could claim anywhere he records two-thirds of the votes as his stronghold. But, a candidate could record clear victory in an area where it led his main opponent with more than 20 per cent of the votes, but below the two-third mark. The APC thus had clear victory in  Irepodun, Ifelodun, Ede South, Obokun, Egbedore, Ila, Ejigbo, Boripe and Atakumosa East. The PDP did not record such a feat outside the Ife enclave.

    The marginal fields where neither party recorded up to 10 per cent lead over the other were Boluwaduro, Ifedayo, Odo Otin, Orolu, Oriade, Atakumosa West, Ife North, Ayedire, Isokan Ayedaade and Ede North. Of particular note are Ayedire where the PDP led with only 89 votes, Boluwaduro where the party led with a meager 144 and Ifedayo where it won with 243 votes. In reality, these are, therefore swing LGAs.

    Further, the results show that Omisore polled 73,038 votes in the four Ife LGAs, about double APC’s 39,419. The PDP candidate’s Ife votes represent about 25 per cent of the total votes for the party. Similarly, the APC candidate recorded 71,477 of the 113,106 votes from the six Ijesa LGAs. Both candidates recorded more than 35 per cent of the votes cast in the stronghold of the other.

    The import of the electorate’s decision is that the people of Osun are not particularly averse to any party or candidate and ideological stance may not count for much in elections held in the state in the near future, particularly next year.

    It might be wrong to come to the conclusion that the 2015 elections would follow similar pattern in the 30 LGAs. First, variables could have changed, especially as determinants of voting pattern in local, state and presidential elections are never the same.

    However, it means that the candidates for the various offices would play major roles in determining voter behaviour. Where identification with parties and ideology is very strong, choice of candidates might not count for much, but in a state where the people do not care much about that factor; it might be the most important factor.

    Second, the part played by some defectors from the PDP to the APC just before the election could have contributed to the spread of the party’s vote. This implies that the party needs stability of its structure to hold on to the lever of power. How it manages the primaries to pick candidates for national and state legislative seats could affect its fortunes at the poll. A lot would depend, too, on how well the PDP handles the internal dynamics, first, in holding the party together in the face of the defeat just recorded, and two, satisfying the yearnings of the party members when the time comes to decide those to fly its flag next year.

    The heavy role played by financial inducement in the election is an indication that every candidate for the next elections should be prepared to grease palms. It is an indication that the clamour for “stomach infrastructure” might not, after all, be limited to Ekiti State. It is also a pointer to the continued relevance of godfathers in Nigerian politics.

    In view of the results of the governorship elections in Ekiti and Osun States, there is a need for scholars of Political Science and Political Sociology to come up with authoritative studies on the changing dynamics of politics, especially in the old Western Region. It will equally be useful to authoritatively determine the part played by federal might in the conduct and outcome of elections in this part of the world.

    Certainly, the last has not been heard of the Osun elections.

  • Finally, newspapers harmonise their figures

    Finally, newspapers harmonise their figures

    It has taken the agency of President Goodluck Jonathan’s state of emergency proclamation to coax the often heady and damned-the-statisticians Nigerian media into some uniformity of statistical presentation. In the past few days, the media have managed to present to a sceptical country a united front in reporting figures, events and places in the war against Boko Haram insurgents. Emergency was proclaimed last Tuesday. Between then and Saturday, the newspapers kept to their old habit of publishing contradictory figures on the same event, whether they involved deployment of troops or casualty. For instance, on Saturday, a newspaper reported “not less than 50” Boko Haram militants killed; while others respectively reported “hundreds” or “35” or “20” or “21.” Indeed, there was no agreement at all. But by Sunday, by some incredible coincidences, there was no newspaper left that differed from its neighbour in reporting figures, places, names and even tactical deployment of troops in the war against terror. The synchronisation seemed to have been engendered by the gods.

    Two reasons are responsible for this miracle. One is the ubiquitous ‘sources’ to which reporters famously attribute their difficult and sensitive stories. And the second is, as expected, the military spokesman, Brig-Gen Chris Olukolade. Cavorting between these two sources, the media have finally and effortlessly achieved reportorial convergence and poise. The miracle has also led to “super accurate” presentation of statistics. Henceforth, on the surface, readers needn’t fret over discrepancies in anything, whether of casualty figures or of names of settlements captured from the militants. Whatever one newspaper gave its readers was as good as those given by other newspapers to their readers. The facts and figures are seemingly indisputable and even bankable. A reader can safely quote them anywhere and anytime; they appear immutable.

    On Sunday, May 19, the newspapers, to the last, reported that the JTF captured 65 militants fleeing from their rustic redoubts and seeking refuge in Maiduguri. Ten militants were also reported killed. None of the newspapers doubted the figures, nor did they warn their readers the figures could not be independently confirmed. Between Monday and yesterday, the papers were irreverently in full blast, publishing figures and accounts provided by the military spokesman and other unnamed sources – all presented as incontrovertible facts. The figures were so good that by Monday’s and Tuesday’s newspaper reports those fleeing Borno State and escaping into Niger Republic, whether innocent victims or militants, were said to number 2,000. Five Boko Haram strongholds were also reported to have been overrun by the JTF, 14 militants killed and 120 captured. Who did the counting? Who confirmed the fallen strongholds? Surely there are enough lessons from the coverage of the Iraq War, especially its beginnings, the WMD controversy and its accompanying sexed-up dossiers, to make the Nigerian papers exercise more caution.

    If the media do not check their reporting of the crisis in the Northeast, especially issues surrounding the state of emergency, they may end up ridiculing themselves for having become the uncritical mouthpieces of the military. Irrespective of who they choose to support, or what sympathies they prefer to have, it is urgent for them to reintroduce professionalism into reporting the crisis. Caution is needed, attribution must be examined closely, and claims and counterclaims need to be subjected to time-honoured principles of journalism. The media may wish to support the JTF and embrace its accounts of the war, for patriotic reasons as they claim, but they have a greater responsibility to the public to feed them with the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth. For in the end, the media will survive the crisis and hope to exhibit the maturity and judgement needed to emerge from the crisis with their reputations intact.

    While the Baga controversy dominated the news, were local media establishments invited to the town to see for themselves, to either corroborate the JTF account or disprove it? The government resorted to generating its own satellite images to counter foreign accounts of the alleged massacre, but even those images were never really published. How many reporters are covering the war in the Northeast, providing accounts of atrocities, if any, or writing about the evidently dramatic and positive changes in the attitude of the JTF to the local populace in the war theatre? Rather than sit in distant towns waiting for military bulletins of the war, quoting unsubstantiated figures and accounts, the Nigerian media should rediscover their values, insist they need to be close to the battlefield to report the heroism of our troops, the sacrifice of patriots and the sufferings of innocent victims. Nothing else will do; certainly not the figures provided by the military and regurgitated in a state of suspended animation by a press that is struggling to regain its standards.