Tag: General Mohammadu Buhari

  • In search of African avatars

    In search of African avatars

    (Why the Third World is the lost world)

    With the dramatic ascendancy of General Mohammadu Buhari in the Nigerian presidential sweepstakes and the restoration of electoral normalcy in a larger chunk of the nation, it has become fashionable to dream again about the possibilities for Nigeria in particular and the lost continent of Africa as a whole.

    As this column keeps hinting, the omens about the Buhari administration itself are still not very clear. While some encouraging signals are coming from the retired general and former military autocrat, the incoming administration appears swamped and besieged by some deadwood and dinosaurs from the old order who are bent on stamping their accursed imprimatur on what should be a new beginning for Nigeria.

    From the old volatile west, there have been some rumblings. Some starry-eyed idealists in league with cynical revanchists of the defeated ancien regime are dropping the heavy hints that the dominant political group in the west has sold the Yoruba nation to the Hausa and Fulani feudal oligarchy. It is alleged that a frenzied and wholesale northernization of the power apparatus is proceeding apace while ambitious and perfidious lieutenants of the man known as the Lion of Bourdillon are sharpening their knives for an inevitable confrontation.

    Some of these political anxieties are worthy of analytical consideration. In and out of power, it is normal for any cohesive and organic power formation to bind and bond together. This resilience which comes from strong feudal ties and alliances and the superior capacity to organize itself and disorganize others as the occasion warrants is the secret and source of the strength of the old north. Once it identifies its interests, no other power formations in the nation comes close to the north in projecting and protecting its own.

    Be that as it may, it will be very foolish and strategically shortsighted in post-military Nigeria for any power formation however dominant to imagine that it can impose its will and political eccentricities on the rest of the nation. Nigeria can never return to that past. Those who believe that this is still possible after Abiola and Abacha as well as those who raise the bogey of renewed ethnic domination are merely incapable of dialectical reasoning in all its rigorously paradoxical possibilities.

    Rather than pointing at the inevitability of renewed ethnic domination, the political resurgence of General Buhari merely points at the ineluctability of a new beginning. Until things finally fell into place, the general had been at it for quite some time without any possibility of success even as his adversaries actually imagined that they had seen the last of the old warrior from Daura. While the block voting from the core north certainly helped, it was the explosion in national consciousness and the dramatic expansion of public space and the global means of communication and public enlightenment that set the pace.

    This is why this morning, this columnist solemnly appeals to the general not to allow himself to be captured by ethnic hawks and other tale bearers. The general should see himself as a product of a national upheaval, a pan-Nigerian coalition against evil governance and authoritarian misrule represented by the outgoing PDP government. If by any chance, Buhari is unable to fulfill his destiny as the man to lead Nigeria out of the wood, such is the current political ferment in the nation that many rival claimants would be thrown up by the crucible of contradictions.

    One of the key areas that must command General Buhari’s attention is indigenous knowledge production. Buhari will be the recipient of a thousand papers about how to reform and revamp our educational system but all this will come to naught if there is no fundamental capacity building attempt to indigenize our knowledge system. This is the key to all successful societies and nations from the western powers, China, Japan, India, the Asian Tigers and the advanced societies of the world.

    The largest chunk of the Third World is powerless and backward and will continue to be powerless and backward because it lacks the production of organic and indigenous knowledge to power its political, economic and technological development. Yet, the very notion of a huge chunk of Africa and some parts of Asia and Latin America as the Third World is steeped in remarkable ironies.

    Before it became a veritable and enduring marker of backwardness and underdevelopment, it was the radical and progressive leaders of these countries such as Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Surkarno who proposed the term at the Bandung conference as a way of distinguishing countries within their spheres of authority which pursued a middle road policy of mixed economy as against capitalist and socialist countries which belong to the first and second worlds respectively.

    Yet after the collapse of the Second World and actually existing socialist countries, one would have thought the term Third World would itself disappear, but it has clung to these countries like an ugly limpet. The fact is that if knowledge is power, the production of knowledge is the production of power. Those societies that cannot produce organic and authentic knowledge will only produce powerlessness and utter poverty. This is because poverty of knowledge cannot lead to knowledge of poverty.

    This poverty of knowledge is at the roots of Nigeria’s abysmal poverty and its continuous production of powerlessness in all its dimensions and ramifications despite outlandish oil riches. Unfortunately as the dismal career of our current economic witchdoctor, Ngozi Okonjo Iweala, attests to, and as the large scale looting of our national patrimony and the utter ruination of economy confirms, you cannot redeem poverty of knowledge or gain knowledge of poverty by importing clever examinees from Harvard and other western citadels and sanctuaries of knowledge and power production. They will simply chew the cuds.

    Unless they retool themselves or readapt their analytical skills, Harvard products must reproduce Harvard productions. These glorious citadels of western knowledge and learning and their productions are not meant for the easy consumption of non-western societies. They were not established to help Africa solve its spiritual, economic or political problems.

    Knowledge and power production is not a charity ball. Every society must lift itself up by the bootstraps. Establishing ascendancy in human society is not a tea party. In the brutal and unremitting battle of knowledge production and its concomitant production of power, human societies without organic capacity for indigenous knowledge production must fall by the way side.

    But you do not have to reinvent the wheel. The evolution of human society is marked and characterized by cross-fertilization of ideas with insights from one society or civilization acting as prodding insight for other human communions. Western knowledge production benefitted a lot from Arabic sciences which arguably took its impetus from Egyptian civilization.

    The infusion of philosophical ideals and injection of scientific knowledge which allowed the West to overcome the Dark Age came largely from intellectuals, scientists and philosophers fleeing the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks. When a set of ideas is forcibly imposed on other societies such as we found in Western colonization, it is the equivalent of epistemological rape.

    Yet rape victims often survive to play first violin. It is only in Africa that they appear unwilling to do so. Let us look at the career of two of the Third World avatars who made momentous contributions to springing their respective societies from western knowledge-trap. Although a Cambridge graduate, the late Lee Kuan Yew related to western ideas with considerable aplomb. He was not averse to cocking a snook at western civilization or sneering at what he considered its dubieties. As far as he was concerned Singapore is not America or England.

    He once confessed to an interviewer that his greatest luck was that he was able to identify other colleagues who had the intellectual confidence and self-assurance to take apart any western concept or idea and then see how it can be adapted or discarded in accordance to the Singaporean reality.

    With that, he was able to boost the indigenous knowledge production which transformed Singapore from a Third World colonial backwater to gleaming and glittering First World in one generation. It may help to recall that Yew was of ethnic Chinese stock. The Chinese often view western arrogance with the sublime contempt of the bearers of an older human order.

    The other avatar is our own Obafemi Awolowo. Although a private student, Awolowo gained a degree in commerce in addition to his legal qualification. Yet through sheer mental discipline and extraordinary willpower, he was able to acquire a formidable knowledge of western society and institutions and by leveraging the insights gained, he acquired knowledge of a former colonial dominion which remains unmatched in its penetrating acuity and originality.

    When Awolowo applied the knowledge acquired to his Yoruba people, he was able to frog march them to the frontiers of western modernity within a momentous decade. In terms of knowledge production and political consciousness, this epochal boost has placed the western region of Nigeria at the cutting edge of political sophistication and intellectual awareness. Perhaps the best compliment the west could pay to Awo was when a British prime minister described him as belonging to the first rank of administrators anywhere in the world.

    Yet it needs to be stated that there is nothing preordained and inevitable about the ascendancy and triumph of western modernity over its other rivals. It was a function of random contingency, geography and the spectacular role sheer luck often plays in human and societal affair.

    By the end of the tenth century China was the leading empire-nation in the world with its ocean-going liners and their fabled mastheads described by spellbound observers as huge clouds unfurling in the skies going as far as the port of Mombasa in contemporary Kenya. Artifacts recovered in that ancient port suggested Chinese presence dating back to the seventh century.

    By the beginning of the twelfth century, Portugal had emerged as the first truly modern nation-state. But it was precisely at this point that the Chinese mandarinate became embroiled in a murderous power struggle with the feudal dynasty over the destiny of the nation which led to China being closed off to the outside world for centuries.

    By the time the veil was lifted, the world had moved on. In the case of the Portuguese, geography and location led the intrepid sailor, Vasco da Gama and his successors, towards Africa and India rather than towards Latin America and its vast riches and vaster colonial possibilities.

    Even then, the race to full western modernity was a ding-dong affair among western nations, with Portugal yielding ascendancy to Spain and with Holland economically trumping the Spaniards barely sixty years after gaining independence. England completed the military and economic rout of the early colonial powers only for England in turn to be militarily and economically shellacked by the emergent American superpower. In all these struggles for ascendancy, it is the nation with superior knowledge that always prevailed.

    If it is of any comfort, we might as well add things have not always been this bleak and dreary in Africa. When the Portuguese adventurers arrived in the old Kongo Kingdom around present day Angola, they met a society vastly superior in organization and cohesion to the one they left behind at home. They loitered around listlessly a bit, hoping to encounter the mighty army which underwrote this might empire.

    Alas, there was no army, only a loosely coordinated and rudimentary fighting force not much better than a hunting pack. The emperor had no clothes on. The Portuguese could not believe their luck. They then proceeded to sack the empire with clinical cruelty. In the next few decades almost all the surviving inhabitants were captured and transported as slaves to the new colony of Brazil through the new slave port of Luanda.

    The lesson to be learnt from all these encounters is that knowledge matters and human capital is the driving agency behind all societal advances. It will take at least three decades and three generations of unbroken progressive leadership to reverse the damage done to Nigeria and its capacity to produce its own organic human capital. We will be lucky if the damage is not more fundamental and irreversible.

    It may well be the time to resume the search for African avatars all over again. Pandit Nehru once ordered that if India could not clothe itself, the proud nationals of the new country should go naked. Within a few years, India had achieved self-sufficiency in the production of apparels. Nehru was tapping into the subliminal pride of the people of an ancient empire. They would have recalled that Indians used to joke about the poor quality of western fabrics when western adventurers finally made it to the Indian subcontinent five hundred years earlier.

    At this critical point, Nigeria and Africa need leaders who will mend the broken spirit and resuscitate the collapsed morale of the founding continent and original cradle of mankind. This is the crucial significance of what appears to be a new beginning in Nigeria.

  • Okon to accompany Bode George to exile

    Okon to accompany Bode George to exile

    Over since retired Commodore Olabode George publicly declared that he would voluntarily head for exile if General Mohammadu Buhari won the presidential election, tongues have been wagging as to whether the old sailor would make good his threat, now that the no-nonsense general has been elected president.

    But it seems as if the man famously known as Lagos boy has been stalling and stonewalling about “checking out”, like the even more famous Andrew. Why should a sailor be afraid of the open seas?

    But it appears that the ever proactive Okon is having none of that nonsense. Okon is a traditional believer in the saying that a man’s word should be his bond and can be a very nasty enforcer indeed.

    The euphoria that greeted General Buhari’s victory had hardly died down when the mad boy crashed into snooper’s bedroom dressed like somebody headed for Siberia even as he carried a colourful basket oozing the aroma of akara, ewa aganyin, sawa and other Lagosian delicacies. A hungry snooper was more interested in the contents of the bag.

    “Okon , what is that bag?” a gamey snooper inquired with a cajoling voice.

    “Oga no be for you, na small chops for dem Lagos Boy Bode George”. Okon replied.

    “But why?” snooper asked with a hint of disappointment.

    “Oga abi you don forget say the man say him go vamoose if dem mala general come win? Naim I say make I come take permission follow am  make sure say him reach dem oyinbo obodo. If he no want go again, I go get dem Eyo boys for Isale Eko make dem flog am well well”, the mad boy screeched like a man possessed. At this point, snooper could hardly resist bursting into laughter. But Okon simply pressed on with the offensive.

    “Oga, no be joke at all at all. I dey hope say dem wuruwuru man no go say na Israel he wan go becos I no go take dat from am”, Okon screamed. Snooper was now alarmed.

    “And what is your problem with Israel?” snooper demanded.

    “Ha oga, no be dat place dem say when dem quench dem go wake after three days? We know dey dat kind army arrangement.” The mad boy snarled and then moved closer eyeing snooper with a knowing smile.

    “Oga, I hope say dem Lagos Boy go leave him beautiful wife behind for obodo”, Okon whispered with malignant mirth.

    “And what is your own with his wife?” snooper queried.

    “Ha  Oga, Okon dey Kampe. Like dem juju man for Uyo go say, a trial will conceive you!” At this point, snooper chased away the mad boy.

     

  • Buhari’s General endorsement

    SIR: First of all, I will like to congratulate General Mohammadu Buhari on his victory as Nigeria’s President-elect. However, the celebration should not also go like that without extracting some important lessons learnt for record purposes. When Buhari contested the years 2003,2007,2011 elections, we all rejected him as our candidate but when Nigerians are now facing hardships, they quickly embraced change.

    Buhari is the one that can sharpen the economy of this country; his victory can be described as a resounding general endorsement. Kudos should also be given to President Jonathan for creating an enabling platform for smooth conduct of the election and for also conceding defeat by congratulating the elected President. Our Expectations are high and it is our hope that he will fulfill all the promises made.

     

    • Comrade Olawoyin Edris

     olawoyin4u@gmail.com.

  • Closure, and a new beginning for Nigeria

    Closure, and a new beginning for Nigeria

    At a critical point during the Second World War, Winston Churchill, arguably the greatest Englishman of all time, told his embattled compatriots: It is not the end. It is not even the beginning of the end. It is the end of the beginning.”Last Sunday, as the results of the closest, truest and most modern presidential election in the history of Nigeria began to tumble in, a great blast of fresh air coursed through the entire length and breadth of Nigeria. History was being made before our very eyes.

    Throughout the preceding night even before the voting booths officially closed, bush exit polls had been predicting a landslide victory for the opposition candidate, General Mohammadu Buhari, the once and future ruler of Nigeria. To be alive at this very moment and in Nigeria is to witness the bounteous blessings of history. It has never felt better to be a Nigerian. God is probably a Nigerian. No other profligate country had been this promiscuously pampered by the forces of history; or has been this invested with such a legendary run of good luck.

    Lenin famously noted that while there are decades when nothing happens, there are weeks when decades happen. It has been such a week in Nigeria, when contradictions germinating and maturing for decades are suddenly resolved by the people themselves, opening the vista for fresh contradictions and conflicts.  Stuff happen all the time, as they say in America. It is not historical contradictions and political conflicts that we must fear, it is the lack of will to resolve them.

    Yet when all is said, it has been a close run thing. Nigeria loves to live permanently at the edge of the abyss of chaos and anarchy. And just when it is about to tip and topple over, common sense intervenes until common sense becomes uncommon and senseless all over again. The political class, a grand oxymoron by Nigerian standards, begin to work their wonder again and an edgy nation is returned to the edge. The journey of the national and international magi commences all over again.

    It is not entirely surprising then that by last Monday, the great surge of fresh air had been superseded by an eerie and edgy calm. There was a razor-edged tension in the air. People began deserting the streets in droves. Rumours circulated of an imminent truncation of the electoral process reminiscent of the June 12 1993 abridgement of the will of the Nigerian electorate. There was a sense of déjà vu in the air. We have been through this pass before.

    The silence from Aso Rock, Nigeria’s seat of power, was as profoundly eloquent as it was profoundly disturbing and unsettling. Something nasty was definitely going on. Perhaps there was an attempt to circle the wagons in one final last ditch standoff to retain power that has been so flagrantly thrown away. Then the international community rumbled, noting ominously their displeasure about attempts to prevent the will of the Nigerian people from prevailing and hinting darkly about the dire consequences of any attempt to terminate the electoral process.

    Tuesday stole in and by then it was already too late. The democratic genie and the spirit of a new Nigeria powered by the sovereign will of the electorate had already been let out of the bottle. You cannot abort a flight already on cruise speed, or as Abiola, an earlier martyr of electoral shenanigans would put it, you cannot terminate a full pregnancy. In this respect, Godsday Orubebe’s temperamental buffoonery and well-rehearsed ploy to disrupt proceedings amounted to nothing but the last sigh of political swamp dwellers.

    After that, a powerful ray of light began forcing its way through the dark clouds that had enveloped the nation. The gale of fresh air returned. Optimism filled the air again. By that time, the tallying of votes had reached such a state that any rational person must conclude that there could be no come back in this one for even the greatest comeback kid, shoes or no shoes.

    By then sheer electrifying drama and typically Nigerian political magic took over. The streets which had dramatically emptied in anticipation of millennial mayhem began filling once again miraculously. The scent of victory was in the air, and the people could smell and sniff its sweet perfumed fragrance. Yet there was still an underlying tension.

    Then at about twenty minutes after 5pm, the television screen began flashing what is perhaps the greatest news and miracle of the Fourth Republic. At first, it looked like a great hoax. It was too good to be true. In a dramatic intervention of lucidity and enlightened self-interest, Goodluck Jonathan dismounted the high horse of power and shamed the hawks that had held him hostage by conceding victory to General Mohammadu Buhari.

    The entire country minus one or two sections erupted in wild jubilation. Car horns honked with manic rapture. It was a great moment to be a Nigerian. Yours sincerely joined in the wild celebrations and it was a bleary-eyed columnist that crawled into bed on Friday morning. Once again, Nigerian has been granted a dramatic reprieve from the hangman’s noose.

    Whatever his legendary foibles and defects of character, Goodluck Jonathan has redeemed himself by showing character and a great sense of an ending when it mattered most. Many commentators have called this his finest hour, and we are not about to take this away from him. It surely takes an uncommon nobility of spirit to withstand the temptations to plunge your country into anarchy and chaos for the sake of personal ambition. Alas, had Jonathan demonstrated this steeliness of character and patriotism much earlier, the course of Nigeria’s history and his own public record might have been the better for it.  The rest is for historians.

    By this victory, General Mohammadu Buhari has made history, with echoes of old Abe Lincoln, a fabled serial loser who became a sure winner by sheer force of personality. But history is also a remorseless and implacable continuum. The Lincolnian mystique is made of legendary sternness, backbreaking personal discipline, forthrightness and steeliness of character leavened by compassion, kindness and a sense of justice and fair play. Historical greatness and this Lincolnian ideal of immaculate statesmanship are waiting for the Nigerian general.

    When Buhari survived a mysterious assassination attempt sometime ago, this column noted that he was on the cusp of history. That prediction has now been fulfilled, despite the aspersions cast on the column by some primitive tribesmen who have refused to be fully socialized; who confuse bovine rudeness and incivility with sociological emancipation.  The Buhari ascendancy represents a divine closure and a miraculous new beginning for Nigeria.

    General Mohammadu Buhari is the last born of his mother after a long string of children from a successful womb and was adoringly referred to as “Auta” or last born by his beloved mother. In Hausa culture, the last child of a mother in advanced years is known as “Auta”. It is a profound metaphor for gynecological closure. Abidakun, the Yoruba call it. In the astral political circuits in which Nigeria is currently orbiting, Buhari represents closure as well as the possibility of a new beginning.

    It seems strange and confounding that history can appear so seamless in its impossible symmetry. Thirty two years after forcibly terminating a manifestly corrupt and dissolute civilian dispensation, General Buhari has returned as the democratically elected president of Nigeria. As it was thirty one years ago, so it is if not worse for Nigeria.  In the interim, military messianism has collapsed under the weight of its own contradictions.

    And you cannot step into the same river twice. Thirty one years ago, Buhari rode into town in a military tank. This time around he is coming on foot. The proverbial soldier on horseback has now been replaced by a civilian waving a broom. It is a poor talisman for a nation in acute distress. General Buhari inherits a country polarized and badly divided along ethnic, religious and regional fault lines. A vicious insurgency has completely devastated the north eastern fringes of the nation. To compound matters, the economy has virtually collapsed and the treasury badly burglarized.

    Thirty one years ago, General Buhari and his military colleagues thought they were on a rescue operation. This time around with a motley crowd of ill-assorted politicians, the retired general is on a salvage mission. No Nigerian leader has been saddled with a heavier burden and responsibility amidst great expectations. If the euphoria that greeted his victory is anything to go by, the nation may soon find itself engulfed in a crisis of expectations.

    The pains are real and throbbing. Virtually all the federating sections of the country are hurting and complaining about their lot in the forced union of disparate nationalities. Every significant segment of the nation has had its comeuppance. There are those who are still suffering from the trauma of the civil war.

    There are those who believe that Nigeria owes them a decent rehabilitation and succour having devastated their homestead while prospecting for oil. There are those teeming northern masses who are victims of a pernicious social system of exclusion and enslavement. In anger and disillusionment, many of them have taken up arms against the fatherland. The Yoruba people tend to rue the loss of their destiny.

    This is a situation of dire emergency. President Buhari must learn how to think out of the box of normal amelioration and conventional development. He should come up with a Bureau of Higher Culture and National Integration. Officials of this agency acting in concert with economic experts must come up with an organogram for the vertical and horizontal integration of our people, taking into consideration the cultural uniqueness of the constituting units.

    A vertical integration will involve nothing less than the equivalent of a Marshall Plan for the north of the country and a National Recovery Economic Blueprint for the whole of the country which will accelerate economic growth without encouraging corruption and criminality. In the circumstances that we have found ourselves, it is impossible to achieve a horizontal integration without taking a look at the structural configuration which has turned Nigeria into a warring camp of enemy nationalities.

    One thing General Buhari had going for him in his first coming was a burning nationalism and a sense of duty and responsibility, Thirty years after being ousted, there is nothing to suggest that Buhari’s passion for his country has in any way diminished. As his opening speech clearly and touchingly demonstrates, these are redemptive resources for a new beginning for the nation.

    As we have noted, General Buhari’s renewed ascendancy represents a powerfully symbolic closure for the Nigerian nation and the possibility of a new beginning. In human history, it is rare to have a person come back to power twice and after a thirty year interval. But given the provenance of the party, the circumstances of its formation and the specificity of its insertion into the political process, it may amount to asking for too much to expect a radical rupture with the past.

    No government can solve all the problems or meet all the aspirations of the people. If only General Buhari can set the nation on the path of righteousness and rectitude despite the entrenched forces and vested principalities of reaction even in his own party who will try to take him hostage, he would have met his historic obligations. This is the meaning of closure and a new beginning.

    As MD Yusuf departs…..

    Snooper mourns the death this past week of a senior friend of columnist, avid reader of column, occasional intellectual sparring partner, Katsina nobleman, former Inspector General of the Nigerian police, iconic spook and constant northern star, Mohammadu Dikko Yusuf aka “MD”. Oh papa, why now? Why not tarry awhile to witness Nigeria on the cusp of momentous changes?

    The last time snooper met the great man at the precincts of the Eko Suites in Lagos, he was battling age related infirmities: limping and horribly hobbled. It was a painful sight. But MD remained as cheerful and witty as ever, casting sublime jokes about the state of the nation. There was always something about this illustrious scion of the Katsina Fulani aristocracy which reminded one of the saying that nobility must have its obligation.

    A refined and supremely cultured man of great kindness and courtesy, MD was one of the most remarkable and accomplished Nigerians of the post-independence epoch, rising from the relative obscurity of the Northern Nigerian bureaucracy to national superstardom as the Inspector General of the police. Northern Nigeria has never produced a more cerebral cop.

    Despite his princely antecedents, MD in his youth was a flaming radical and supporter of the Socialist principle of human development, just like his cousin, the late Usman Bala Yusuf and his distant kinsman Umaru Yar’Adua.  Kai, there was always something about these katakata Katsinawa. What if Ekaterinburg had come to Katsina? It was a contradiction which once prompted snooper to dismiss the old man as a purveyor of polo socialism.

    A man with the memory of classic undercover agent, MD quietly and with avuncular bonhomie reminded snooper of this impudent infraction after yours sincerely had delivered the eighty fifth anniversary lecture of the Yoruba Tennis Club on September 11, 2001. Needless to add that MD was the only civilian with the balls to squarely confront General Abacha in the darkest hour of military despotism. It was so surreally foolhardy that many thought it was a hoax. But it seems that even a mad dog must recognize a raging furnace.

    MD was so humble and unassuming that as Inspector general, he was once arrested for wandering while taking a leisurely evening stroll around Ikoyi by an impudent cop and was taken to a station in Obalende. For a moment, the presiding officer was too consumed by self-importance to look up. When he finally did, he jumped up in frozen and derelict attention.

    “HAIGEEEE”, he moaned. The rogue cop sensing that his evening meal was a coiled cobra threw his gun away and crashed through the window. Almost forty years after, they are still waiting for him to come and collect his police pension. May the noble spirit of MD rest in peace.

  • APC wins Jigawa elections

    APC wins Jigawa elections

    ALL Progressive Congress (APC) has won all the three Senatorial seats contested in last Saturday general election in Jigawa state.

    The APC’s presidential candidate, General Muhammadu Buhari won the presidential election in the state.

    Declaring the presidential election result, the returning officer – Professor James Ayatsa – who is the Vice Chancellor of Federal University Katsina, announced that General Buhari scored 885, 988 while President Goodluck Jonathan scored 143, 904 votes.

  • Magical realism in Yoruba politics

    Magical realism in Yoruba politics

    A wind with magical portents is blowing across the Nigerian landscape. With the announcement of  Yemi Osinbajo, a notable professor of Constitutional Law,  as the running mate of General Mohammadu Buhari in the forthcoming presidential election, the battle to redeem or redefine Nigeria seems to be joined  at the electoral level in a way it has not been in a long time. There is a great rousing of the Nigerian multitude.

    For close comparison, we may have to go all the way back to the federal elections of 1964. In that electoral slugfest, what was known as APGA, an unstable and fraught coalition between the old Action Group and the NCNC, battled it out with NNA, an alliance of convenience between Chief S.L Akintola’s NNDP and the ruling NPC.

    The elections ended in a constitutional stalemate with the President, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, initially refusing to call on the federal coalition to form a new government. It was the opinion of the revered Zik that the elections had been so badly compromised through rigging and other forms of electoral malpractices that it didn’t make sense to declare anybody a winner. After some tense negotiations and parleying, Azikiwe relented and Balewa was persuaded to form a broad-based government of national unity. But the background crisis lingered on and eventually led to a truncation of democracy with grave consequences for Nigeria.

    But why go back to fifty years ago when there have been other federal elections, in 1979, 1983, 1993, 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011? The point is that there is something very predictable about military-organized elections.  In terms of high drama and sheer unpredictability, military-ordained elections cannot begin to compare with pre-military era elections.  In 1979 and 1983, Chief Awolowo’s party stood no chance against the pan-military cartel known as NPN.

    The 1993 presidential election did not elicit much passion among the populace until it was annulled. The two parties, famously dismissed as government parastatals by Chief Anthony Enahoro, were seen as products of “army arrangement” totally lacking in emotional and organic connection to the people.  In 1999, AD, the restricted and narrowly based party of Awolowo’s  ideological heirs, even in alliance with APP stood no chance against the military inspired political monopoly known as PDP.  The elections of 2003 and 2007, under General Obasanjo’s watch, were in reality military exercises conducted under electoral camouflage.

    But nothing lasts forever, and change is the only thing constant in human evolution. Not even the most tightly controlled and artificially regulated military contraptions can withstand the vicissitudes of time.  It was only after the election of 2011, as a result of a series of strategic errors and lapse of concentration, that the pan-Nigerian glue that binds the dominant party has come unstuck with its military knuckle unraveling. Events are prising apart the vice-grip of the ruling coalition on Nigeria. But even then the PDP would have shambled ahead but for the emergence of the APC.

    This is why whether we like them or not, or whether we are grateful to them or not, we must give kudos to the brains behind the formation of the APC.  The APC is a triumph of will and political engineering over national adversities.  Like all ersatz coalitions, it may be lacking in ideological solidity, but what it lacks in political gravitas is more than made up for in the sheer grit and determination, the ferocious focus on the ball, of its principal partners.

    This is the first time in the post-military history of Nigeria that such a broad-based opposition coalition has been successfully cobbled together to challenge the status quo. Only those who have in themselves the spirit of pan-Nigerian possibilities and the ability to be at home in any corner of Nigeria’s expansive but fractious space could have come up with such a coalition. It is in the nature of human societies to set up their most politically talented children for execution.  Being at the frontiers of political consciousness, visionaries see what others cannot see. Like genius in other fields, it can be profoundly disruptive of the normal order.

    This is why the next two months will be very interesting indeed.  Already, panic and hysteria have invaded the hallowed and complacent sanctuary of power and debased status quo. We are beginning to hear some strange noise. A rogue presidential mastiff has even compared the reigning king to Jesus with the ancient Bethlehemite worsted in comparison. Stranger rituals are been enacted on a daily basis in the name of democracy.  In Ekiti, the majority lawmakers have been banished by the minority lawmakers and the federal authorities do not appear unduly perturbed. There is a biblical denouement about all this which portends the end of these times.

    Just as they were fifty years ago in 1964, the Yoruba people are also central to the current crisis in a way no historical pundit could have foretold. The current platform for change is powered by a core alliance between the current dominant political tendency among the Yoruba and nascent forces of change in the old north. Sixty years ago such an alliance was not only unthinkable but would have been tantamount to political heresy. This is not to talk of 1983, 1993 and 1999. It is sheer magical realism in the political theatre. History moves in very strange ways and those who are fixated on old battle formations often remind one of Don Quixote charging at some imaginary windmill while the world has moved on.

    But just as it was the case fifty years ago in 1964, the Yoruba political elite are hopelessly split down the middle this time around too while the overwhelming majority of the Yoruba populace are clamouring for change.  When this disjuncture between elite and popular aspirations prevails, the Yoruba political mob tries to wrest control precipitating a situation of revolutionary anarchy which quickly infects even the most backward and compliant sectors of the nation.

    Like every other multitude and even more so in a federated hell of collapsing federal will, the predominantly urbanized Yoruba people feel the hurt more acutely. Food is in short supply. The roads are impassable. The native herbalists have fled and modern drugs are in dire shortage. The home has  become an abode of hopelessness and a heightened awareness of insecurity  drives everyone to fear , panic and mutual loathing.

    Since the political mob or the masses lack the clarity of thought needed for an emancipatory political project or the knowledge regimen critical to transformative politics violence and industrial bloodletting become the order of the day.  For the entire society, political and social hallucination sets in. There are reported and repeated sightings of a putative messiah who will come and redeem the people. This vision of apocalyptic redemption is the outlandish fantasy of a famished people.

    Sometimes, the avenging messiah is sighted rumbling through the skies flashing the inevitable victory sign.  Magical realism without which a distraught and disorientated people can perish takes the place of political reality. Voodoo healers and other assorted miracle workers take over the polity, bypassing regular and traditional structures of politics.

    Like all conquered people trapped between the alienating necessities of western political modernity and the hobbled templates of traditional governance, the Yoruba people as we have seen often  resolve the contradictions in favour of political magic. It is the creative resolution of pressing contradictions at the level of ancient symbolism. Curiously enough, it was in Ile-Ife, the iconic founding metropolis of the unified Yoruba race, that this drama of political shamanism was enacted recently. It is to this that we must now turn.