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Tag: ‘godfathers

  • Godfathers at war with godsons

    Theirs is a classic instance of the instability of human relationship. They start out as dotting fathers and submissive sons only to end up as foes with rivalry as fierce as that of the biblical David and his rebellious son, Absalom.

    From Senator Godswill Akpabio and Senator Aliyu Wamakko to Senator George Akume and Senator Musa Kwankwaso, it has been the case of a seemingly affectionate relationship turning into a nightmare as godsons and godfathers engage one another in fierce battles for power and influence.

    The recent gale of defections by politicians across party lines has acted as a reminder for a tradition that dates back to the nation’s political history as political godfathers are pitted against their godsons ahead of the 2019 general election.

    From Akwa Ibom to Kano, Sokoto and Benue, the line is being drawn for supremacy battles as godfathers appear determined to prove that they are still in control of their respective states by deploying every weapon in their arsenal towards wresting power from their estranged godsons.

    Their godsons, on the other hand, are bent on proving that they are no longer the political neophytes they once were by deploying the political weapons at their disposal to teach their erstwhile benefactors some bitter political lessons if that is the only way to maintain their hold on their domains.

    With the political atmosphere now charged in the aforementioned states, all is set for a tough battle for power, pride and relevance.

     

    AKWA IBOM

    Prior to the 2015 election, former Akwa Ibom State governor, Senator Godswill Akpabio, and the incumbent governor, Udom Emmanuel, enjoyed a relationship that was the envy of many. Their relationship had begun in 2013 when Akpabio, who was then the governor of Akwa Ibom State, sacked the Secretary to the State Government, Umana Umana, after the latter declared his ambition to contest the state’s governorship election in 2015. In Umana’s place, Akpabio appointed Emmanuel who until then was an Executive Director on the board of Zenith Bank Plc.

    Their cordial relationship saw Akpabio endorsing Emmanuel as the PDP candidate in the 2015 governorship election, which he eventually won. The days immediately following Emmanuel’s inauguration as the governor of the state saw him displaying incredible loyalty to his boss. In his inaugural speech, Emmanuel showered encomiums on his benefactor, describing him as an uncommon achieve. Thereafter, he renamed the Akwa Ibom State International Stadium previously named Nest of Champions, as Godswill Obot Akpabio International Stadium.

    A few months after, however, cracks began to emerge in their relationship. This was after an invasion the Department of State Service (DSS) carried out on the Government House in Uyo where they claimed to have found a stockpile of dollars allegedly belonging to Akpabio. The development was said to have generated a lot of bad blood between the two as Akpabio believed that he would not have been so accused without the sitting governor knowing about it.

    While they were able to manage the ensuing crisis, Akpabio, at a public function earlier in the year, came down hard on his godson when he gave conditions upon which he would support him for a second term. Akpabio said he would only endorse Emmanuel’s re-election and rally support for him if the policies and programmes of the administration were not discriminatory against the Ikot Ekpene geo-political zone.

    “2018 is less than one year to election. All is not well. Don’t allow anybody to deceive you that all is well,” Akpabio had said. “If the hotel in Ikot Ekpene rots after so much money had been expended on the project, would that be a good thing? That road from Uyo to Ikot Ekpene is still the way it was. In the 2018 budget, what is the percentage for Ikot Ekpene Senatorial District?”

    He charged the governor to remove the wedge that stifles development in his zone or get prepared to face the consequences of his action in 2019.

    Indications that the next governorship election in the state would be a hot contest between the ex-governor who recently defected to APC and his former godson became more glaring on Wednesday when Akpabio received into the APC by the party’s leadership.

    While the event was going on, loyalists of the incumbent governor also reportedly held rallies across the Ikot-Ekpene Senatorial District to show solidarity with Governor Emmanuel and the PDP. The party loyalists who gathered at Ritman College denounced Akpabio’s defection as they affirmed their support for the governor.

    Emmanuel had on Tuesday sacked two commissioners from his cabinet for joining the welcome airport in Uyo when the latter arrived the state for the rally where he was received into the APC.

    An elder in the state, Emmanuel Ekpeyong, on Monday signed an advertorial in this newspaper where he alleged that the campaign DG of Governor Emmanuel, Idongesit Nkanga, called on the governor to prepare for war because of Akpabio’s defection.

    “Nkanga’s speech follows a clear pattern of the PDP in previous elections, and is a pointer to yet another mayhem and violence that the party would adopt in the 2019 elections… so, when Nkanga issued his war cry last night at the PDP stakeholders’ meeting, asking Udom (Emmanuel) ‘to prepare for war’, he was directly urging the governor to go back to the 2015 playbook and procure more guns, machetes, AKTC branded buses and fake army uniforms in preparation for the 2019 elections,” the advertorial partly reads.

    From the fore going, it is crystal clear that the 2019 elections in the state would be a political war.

     

    KANO Kano is another state where an intense political battle between a former godfather and his godson is brewing. The former governor, Rabiu Kwankwaso, and his former deputy cum godson, Abdullahi Ganduje, had enjoyed a robust working relationship while their tenure lasted. Ganduje was deputy to Kwakwanso for eight years as both men steered the ship of the state between 1999 and 2003 and were re-elected in 2011.

    Following the cordial relationship they had, Kwakwanso, in 2014, anointed Ganduje to succeed him in 2015. But signs of a crack in their relationship emerged almost immediately Kwankwaso’s tenure ended as Ganduje, the incoming governor of the state, allegedly rejected a parting gift from his exiting godfather. While other aides of Kwankwaso were said to have accepted his parting gifts, Ganduje, a man noted for his Spartan lifestyle, turned it down.

    Their relationship later took a turn for the worse when members of Kwankwanso’s Kwankwasiyya Movement issued a 48-hour ultimatum to Ganduje to remove his red cap, which they said was a trademark of the ex-governor. Speaking at the 6th anniversary of the movement and 60th birthday of its founder, the Chairman of Hannun Karba, Alhaji Sharu Garba Gwammaja, said Ganduje had betrayed the group.

    He said: “We appeal to the people of Kano to forgive us for presenting Ganduje to them as governor. We are regretting our action and God willing, we will ratify it in the next general election. We hope our apology would be accepted.”

    In a swift reaction to the ultimatum, Ganuje dismissed the threat of legal action against him by the movement if he failed to stop wearing the red cap within 48 hours as “the most laughable, pathetic, clear indication of their ignorance of the law and history of political struggle in Kano.”

    The Commissioner of Information and Culture, Alhaji Muhammad Garba, added that Kwankwaso’s penchant for peddling unsubstantiated allegations might put him on a collision course with the state government. “This deliberate distortion of facts and spreading of falsehood is capable of provoking the government to drop its non-confrontational stance and institute a commission of inquiry to probe the previous administration, particularly on illegal land deals, education and infrastructure,” he said.

    Ganduje’s loyalists thereafter dismantled the structure of Kwankwaso, known as Kwankwasiyya Amana, and substituted it with Gandujiyya Akida. The goal was to enable Ganduje take full control as the leader of the APC in Kano, following what they described as Kwankwaso’s undue interference in the affairs of the state.

    The Special Adviser to Ganduje on Print Media, Alhaji Bala Kudu, said the legacies of Kwankwaso, including the group known as Kwankwasiyya, and its symbol of red-cap, had been defaced in the government house, adding that the main problem between his boss and the ex-governor was that Kwankwaso wanted to be totally in-charge. He does not want to come to terms with the reality on ground that he is now a senator and not the governor of Kano State. “He wants to be dictating to Governor Ganduje,” he said.

    In a recent newspaper interview, Ganduje shed light on why he parted ways with his ex-boss.

    He said: “When I was nominated and after I won the elections in 2015, before handing over, I started seeing some elements of undercuts from his body language.

    “He didn’t attend my swearing-in; he just handed over and left for Abuja because he claimed he had something to do. I said okay and went for the swearing-in.”

    Hopes that the former godfather and his godson would be reconciled was completely ruled out by Ganduje recently when he declared that he had no plan to reconcile with his predecessor.

    Prior to Kwakwanso’s defection to the PDP, Ganduje had said that he was not under any obligation to strike a deal with the Kwankwasiyya faction of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    He said he was completely disillusioned with the unfolding events as well as the level of mudslinging against his leadership at the time he mounted the saddle of leadership as the duly elected governor. He regretted that his administration had been maligned as well as taken to task without justification.

    Ganduje said: “We have had enough of such vendetta which had been raging with no end in sight. We have parted ways with Kwankwasiyya forever. Even the red caps we are wearing had started changing its colour. We are on the road to shedding the red cap toga because we have realised the fact that we have ruled out the possibility of compromise.”

    Late last month, Kwakwanso defected to the PDP to pursue his ambition of contesting for the position of the president in 2019. But Ganduje dismissed his remark that he could defeat President Buhari should the PDP give him its ticket, saying that Kwankwaso’s political structure had been dismantled in Kano such that he had lost grip of the realities of Kano politics.

    Even though Ganduje does not see Kwakwanso as a political threat, political observers believe that his defection to the PDP would pave the way for severe battle between him and his predecessor in the coming election.

     

    BENUE

    Benue, the state that prides itself as the food basket of the nation, will be the cynosures of all eyes in the coming election with the frosty relationship that has developed between the former governor, George Akume and the incumbent, Samuel Ortom.

    Akume who is the godfather of APC in Benue State, had foisted Ortom on the party after the latter lost the PDP primary election to Emmanuel Jime. From that moment, the godfather and his anointed candidate, Ortom, entered into a political pact that saw the APC sweeping the PDP out of power in the state. While the partnership appeared like one that would endure eternally, developments in the state began to throw spanner in their relationship.

    The rift between the once jolly friends further nosedived when Ortom reshuffled his cabinet and allegedly flushed out perceived Akume’s loyalists. The governor retained four commissioners and seven advisers who were not known to be in any way linked to his predecessor.

    About 48 hours after sacking the commissioners loyal to Akume, Ortom dealt another blow on his benefactor when he fired the Executive Chairman of Benue Internal Revenue Service (BIRS), Mrs. Mimi Adzape-Orubibi, and his Urban Development Board counterpart, Richard Agwa, who are close associates of Akume.

    It was learnt that Ortom’s clampdown on Akume was borne out of speculations that the ex-governor had preference for another person ahead of 2019 elections. Before his defection to the PDP, Ortom had accused Akume of issuing him a red card to leave the party.

    The crack in their relationship widened when the Speaker of the Benue State House of Assembly, Terkimbi Ikyange, said to be loyal to Akume, was impeached. The development left Akume with eight loyal lawmakers and Ortom with 22.

    Political observers believe that the removal of the speaker was meant to consolidate Ortom’s firm grip on the political structure in the state ahead of his defection to the PDP and the coming election.

    In a move to get back at the governor, the eight lawmakers loyal to Akume served an impeachment notice on Ortom. The plot to oust him was reportedly coordinated by the sacked speaker. But the move hit a brick wall after a Makurdi High Court presided over by Justice Theresa Igoche issued an interim order restraining the eight lawmakers from going ahead with their impeachment process against the governor.

    Experts in political matters believe the battle for the soul of the state would get fiercer in the coming days with the ex- godfather and the estranged protégé going for each other’s jugular to win the election. Last Sunday, the state APC, in an advertorial in this newspaper, signed by the party chairman, asked Ortom to focus on issues and stop distractions in the state.

    “The All Progressives Congress in Benue State has called on Governor Samuel Ortom to attend to the main issues contained in the preliminary report released by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) on Monday, July 31, 2018. The governor was linked to an alleged fraud to the tune of over N22bn by the report,” the advertorial read in part.

    SOKOTO

    The lingering battle between former Sokoto State governor, Aliyu Wamakko, and his successor, Alhaji Aminu Tambuwal, has remained a subject of concern in the Northwest state. It is one of the states where the godfather and the godson will vigorously lock horns to determine who takes control of the state’s political machinery.

    Before their relationship went awry, both of them had enjoyed an unalloyed friendship and good working relationship, which made Wamakko to describe Tambuwal in the build up to the 2015 elections as a “patriot who is religiously committed to the even socio-economic development of the state.”

    Speaking on the choice of Tambuwal as the party’s gubernatorial candidate in the state, Wamakko said back then: “Was never a misplaced priority and the people of the state will not regret.”

    Few years after paving the way for Tanbuwal to become the governor of the state, Wamakko has begun to sing a different tune as his relationship with his godson has turned sour. While Tanbuwal has defected to the PDP, to enjoy some political freedom and consolidate his control of the state, according to political commentators, Wamakko insists that Sokoto remains an APC state and that he is still in charge.

    Tambuwal returned to the PDP with 18 state lawmakers, leaving Wamakko with 12. But political analysts strongly feel the number of lawmakers loyal to any of the politicians does not guarantee who will control the state in 2019.

    The crisis between Tambuwal and Wamakko, it was learnt, led to the governor’s dissolution of the State Executive Council (SEC). The SEC political brickbats between the two leaders. Fifty per cent of the dissolved council was said to be loyal to Wamakko.

    The cold war reportedly blew open at the National Convention of the APC when Wammako’s man, Abubakar Makama Mainasara, contested against the National Vice Chairman of the party, Alh. Inuwa Abdulkadir, backed by Tambuwal.

    It was learnt that shortly after, a rally allegedly sponsored by the state was staged in Sokoto against Wammako, who got wind of the plot and hurriedly left the state. A top government official in the state was reported to have said: “It is time for the governor to draw a line between him and Wammako. The SEC had to go because 50 per cent of the commissioners were foisted on Tambuwal. Those who want to remain with Tambuwal can conveniently pledge their loyalty and those for Wammako should follow him. The two leaders are certainly no longer on the same page politically.”

    With the tumultuous crowd that welcomed Wamakko to the state recently, and Tanbuwal’s dislodgement of his ex- bosses’ footprint and supporters in the state, pundits are left in a quandary as to where the pendulum of election victory will swing to in 2019. Will it be Wamakko or Tanbuwal? Only time will tell.

     

    Previous dispensations

    Breakdown in relationship between godfathers and godsons is not a new phenomenon as there have been such cases even in the republics before the current one.

     

    KALU VERSUS ORJI

    If there is any political relationship that anybody could wager that it would not crash, it was the one between two former governors of Abia State, Orji Uzor Kalu (the godfather) and Theodore Orji (the godson).

    As the governor of Abia State, Kalu had made Orji his chief of staff and subsequently anointed him as his successor. In the build-up to the 2007 elections, the ex-governor had, following his fallout with ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo, left the PDP to form Progressive Peoples Alliance (PPA) on whose platform he and his successor contested the presidential and the governorship elections.

    Few weeks to the 2007 elections, Orji was arrested and detained by the EFCC for what his supporters called spurious charges. He was not on the ground to campaign and seek the support of the people, but his benefactor adequately filled the gap for him.

    The elections held and Theodore, who was in detention, emerged victorious, thus making history as the first Nigerian to win an election in detention. But no sooner had he been sworn in than crisis erupted between him and his godfather. Theodore and his loyalists accused Kalu of wielding too much influence on him and consequently did not allow him to carry out his duties.

    Theodore, popularly called Ochendo, subsequently broke ties with his former boss and returned to the PDP. He reportedly frustrated his separated godfather from returning to the PDP when the latter attempted to return to the party.

    Theodore was also reported to be behind the withdrawal of the Bachelor’s degree awarded to Kalu by Abia State University. Kalu had described the action as the latest in the failed attempts by Theodore to silence him.

    Kalu’s failure in the senatorial election in a state where he was governor for eight years is attributed to the complete effacing of his footprint in Abia politics by his former godson.

     

    SARAKI VERSUS SARAKI

    Nigerians were treated to some political drama in the build-up to the 2011 governorship election when the casts, made up of the Olusola Saraki family, differentiated between blood relationship and political interest.

    The Senate President’s father, the late Dr. Olusola Saraki, who was the acclaimed godfather of Kwara politics, had wanted his daughter, Senator Gbemisola Saraki, to succeed her brother, Bukola Saraki, at the Government House, but Bukola disagreed.

    His refusal compelled the father and his supporters to defect to the Allied Congress Party of Nigeria (ACPN) where Gbemi was handed the governorship ticket and she contested against the Bukola-backed Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Abdulfatah Ahmed.

    At the end of the election, Ahmed, backed by Bukola, humiliated the latter’s sister and father at the poll. He consequently demystified the late Saraki’s demi-god status in the state. The development, it was learn, triggered serious misunderstanding in the family. But the feuding parties later reconciled.

    Pained by how his son, Bukola, humiliated him at the polls, the late Olusola Saraki reportedly said: “What happened to me during the last election was a misfortune. I never expected it. But I know that was how the Almighty Allah wanted it, and I have taken it as a human being. “Since I never expected that it would be my blood that will change the face of Kwara, which he did to my satisfaction and admiration of everybody, I have to accept this too as my own fate.”

    He also spoke about how his son made efforts to reconcile with him, saying: “On the second day of the election, I travelled to USA, and four days after the election, Bukola came to see me in Los Angeles to apologise.

    “Later, he made all manner of influential and highly respected people to beg me, and I realised that if I want peace to reign in Kwara, and for opposition party not to be given chances like it happened in the last election, I have to listen to him.

    “The crisis is in two arms. We have settled the political aspect, it remains the family aspect, because Gbemi is still very angry, and I am behind her for that. We will also settle that later.”

     

    OBI AND OBIANO

    The choice of Willie Obiano as APGA governorship candidate in the 2013 Anambra State election was seen in many quarters as a right decision by the former governor, Peter Obi, and the party leadership.

    Obi and Obiano worked together at Fidelity Bank, and both were also school mates at the famous Christ the King College (CKC) Onitsha.

    Going by this long standing cordial relationship between them, it was easy to sell the candidature of Obiano to the people who looked forward to seeing the duo continuing working together to move the state forward.

    The division between the former good friends was said to have begun before the election took place, but Obi was said to have carried out the campaign as if he was seeking re-election and used the resources of the state to ensure that Obiano emerged victorious.

    Allegations bordering on misappropriation of campaign funds, among other issues, were said to be the beginning of their falling apart. The crisis got worse during the handover ceremony at the Alex Ekwueme Square in Awka when Obi announced that he left over N75 billion in cash and investments for his successor.

    Obiano’s camp, however, denied the claim, saying that there was no such money left behind by

    Obi. After a long period of attacks and counter-attacks between the two ex- Fidelity Bank workers, Obi, who moved to the PDP in the twilight of President Goodluck Jonathan’s tenure, felt it was time to remove Obiano from office when the latter’s first term ended last year.

    Trusting in the support he enjoyed when he was the governor of the state, Obi threw his weight behind Obaze Oseloka, who emerged the PDP candidate, to wrest power from Obiano.

    Unfortunately for Obi and Oseloka, who worked as secretary to the state government during the ex-governor’s tenure, the electorate refused to vote for his candidate. Obiano made his benefactor and his candidate to bite the dust at the poll.

     

    DUKE, IMOKE AND AYADE

    Before the country returned to democratic government in 1999, former governors of Cross River State, Donald Duke, and his successor, Liyel Imoke, were said to be best of friends. The two gentlemen, it was learnt, belonged to the same group, which is very influential in the state. The chummy relationship was said to have continued until the end of Duke’s tenure in 2007.

    Duke served as governor for eight years in line with a previous arrangement which also provided that Imoke would also rule the state for eight years. Shortly after Imoke succeeded his amiable, fair complexioned friend, their relationship became frosty as Duke, who was perceived as the godfather, could no longer have the ears of Imoke, the godson. From that moment, things began to fall apart.

    The rift between the ex-governors was said to have been aggravated by the huge debt allegedly left behind by the Duke administration. The Cross River State Government under Imoke reportedly coughed out N700 million monthly to pay debts.

    Observers said the payment was a huge strain on the finances of the state, considering the fact that the state was getting a paltry N1.2 billion as federal allocation, with the balance of N500 million after the deduction not even enough to pay salaries of civil servants in the state.

    The debt arising from the multi-billion naira Tinapa project by Duke was also said to have been a huge burden on the Imoke administration. Today, there is believed to be a wide gulf between the former godfather and his estranged godson.

    Just like Duke and Imoke began their relationship on a good note, the incumbent, Dr Ben Ayade, also began his relationship with his predecessor on a robust note. At various times, Ayade lavished praises on Imoke, describing him as a brilliant leader who left behind a secured and buoyant state.

    But Ayade is said not to be enjoying the full support of Imoke as he used to in the past. Imoke is said to be unhappy with the governor’s style of establishing a new political order in the state. Observers believe that Imoke is at the moment only playing along with the governor, but could show him his other side when the chips are down.

    It is yet to be known if Imoke would work with Ayade in the coming election, but feelers from the state have it that the governor is prepared to go all the way with or without his predecessor’s support.

     

    Why godfathers fall out with godsons- Sociologist

    Associate Professor of Sociologist at Adekunle Ajasin University, Akungba, Akoko, Ondo State, Dr. Rufus Tinuola, in a telephone interview with our correspondent, said the concept of godfatherism in Nigerian politics may not be easy to eradicate.

    He said: “I am not sure the issue of godfatherism can be eradicated because the cost of contesting for an election here is too much. This is why the people in power keep recycling their children in power so that they can keep perpetuating themselves in positions of authority.

    “I am not sure it can be eradicated as far as Nigerian politics is concerned. We can only be talking of solution to such problem in countries where elections are not expensive. ”

    Looking at the concept sociologically, the university don said: “We can take it from the Talcot Parson’s Functionalist approach to the study of human society. Here, you look at the issue of traditional social structure where elders have some specific roles to play as far as the development of the human society is concerned.

    “They are respected in opinion, they have experience, and the younger ones tend to rely on them at least for effective functioning in the human society. They are the custodians of knowledge. An attempt to have godfathers in politics can be viewed from that background—traditional social structure.”

    He continued: “Another thing, sociologically speaking, climbing a ladder to the top can be an ascribed one and it could also be an achieved one. It is ascribed when it is an inheritance and it is achieved when it is due to our personal efforts, and in this way now, you talk about money. It is generally believed that it is a kind of investment. The elders will always want to invest in the younger ones and when you make such an investment, you are expected to reap the dividend of your investment.

    “It is believed that the younger ones don’t have the means and it is important for them to rely on the older ones to get all these things. That is the essence of godfatherism.

    “Looking at it from the perspective of Karl Max, who spoke about social stratification in human society, talking about the rich and the poor, godfatherism is a strategy by the rich which in this case can be in terms of money or experience to maintain their status and protect their investments.

    “This is why you see these rich people supporting the government of the day. It is a strategy to protect their estates so they can maintain their status and remain relevant in the society.”

    Tinuola further said: “Another thing you look at is the economic perspective. In Nigeria, the cost of contesting an election is very high. Most of these younger ones cannot afford it, so they have to rely on the elders to get this kind of money.

    “The elders see this as a kind of investment from which they must have dividend. It is this issue of dividend that causes problem. Very many of the younger ones don’t know what is on the ground as far as that position is concerned before venturing into it. It is when they get there that they realise that what this man is asking me to give him is too much and I will not be able to meet the yearnings of the people. That is one of the causes of the problem between godfathers and their sons.

    “When it comes to appointments, this can cause problems too when the demands of the godfathers are not met. The major problem has to do with the authority itself. When you have the instrument of authority and there is a godfather somewhere who because he gave you money or did something for you begins to dictate to you. This prevents the godson from taking independent decision and it causes problems.”

  • Anambra and its godfathers

    Anambra and its godfathers

    On November 18, the people of Anambra State will go to the polls to elect their governor. Observers believe the election is a proxy battle involving veteran political godfathers in the Southeast state. Correspondent NWANOSIKE ONU reports. 

    Governor Willie Obiano of Anambra State is leaving nothing to chance to ensure that he wins a second term mandate during the November 18 governorship election.

    But, Obiano who was elected three and half years ago on the platform of the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) has to contend with three major candidates representing three political parties. They are Dr. Tony Nwoye of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Mr Oseloka Obaze of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Mr Godwin Ezeemo of the Progressive People’s Alliance (PPA).

    The three opposition candidates are determined to upstage the ruling party aside and occupy the Agu-Awka Government House come March 17, 2018, when Obiano’s first term would come to an end.

    One aspect of the November 18 governorship election that has elicited debates across the state is the calibre of people backing the opposition candidates. Since the opposition parties rounded up their primaries, people often gather in clusters on street corners, shops and offices to analyze the three candidates and their chances.

    In Anambra State, a number of people have emerged over the years as political godfathers. They are people like Sir Emeka Offor, Dr Alex Ekwueme, Prince Arthur Eze, Dr ABC Orjiakor, Chief Ernest Obiejesi (Obijackson).

    It was obvious during the APC primary that Arthur Eze was behind Nwoye’s candidacy. Similarly, former Governor Peter Obi’s name was linked with the aspiration of the PDP candidate, Obaze.

    For Obiano, since Obi defected to the PDP prior to the 2015 general election, former National Chairman of APGA, Chief Victor Umeh, has taken over the role the former governor played during the 2014 governorship contest.

    From all indications, the only person among the front runners that does not appear to have a godfather is the PPA’s Ezeemo.

     

    Eze’s generosity

    Prince Eze’s influence was pronounced during the APC primary, where Nwoye emerged as the party’s candidate; the philanthropist bankrolled the entire project, to ensure that his protégé clinched the ticket.

    Nwoye has always been loyal to Eze, even before he defected to the APC from the PDP. Observers say what endeared the Oronto Oil magnet to the medical doctor-turned politician was his poor background. Nwoye, a former student union leader hails from Nsugbe, Anambra East Local Government Area.

    Besides, Nwoye is also believed to have equally shown humility and penchant for helping the poor and needy, the way the billionaire business man does. Eze’s philanthropic gestures for political parties did not start today, as he had always spread his wealth across board to all the political parties even at the federal level.

    During the PDP era, he did it. Prior to the last general elections, he extended that gesture to the incumbent President Muhammadu Buhari’s bid to govern the country on the platform of the APC.

    Though Nwoye is equally believed to have a deep pocket, political analysts say it was Eze that was behind the victory of the APC candidate during the recent party primary.

     

    Obi’s influence

    It is common knowledge in Anambra that Obaze owes his emergence as the PDP candidate in the coming governorship election to former Governor Obi, who had earlier sworn that he would not be alive to see Obiano retain his seat.

    The former governor was believed to have held meetings with stakeholders and distributed cash to delegates before the recent PDP primary.

    It was accused of being behind the delay in submission of the delegates’ list to the Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike and his Ekiti State counterpart, Ayodele Fayose, who conducted the primary.

    Obi’s reason for backing Obaze is not farfetched. Both gentlemen have come a long way. The PDP candidate was a key member of Obi’s administration during his eight-year stint as governor, as the Secretary to the Government (SSG). But the former governor’s main reason for supporting Obaze is not unconnected with his purported disagreement with Obiano after he was sworn in as governor.

    Before the emergence of Obiano in 2014 as APGA candidate, Obi had jettisoned aspirants who were regarded as possible candidates such as Uche Ekwunife, Chinedu Idigo and Dubem Obaze.

    The choice of Obiano by Obi then followed their good working relationship at Fidelity Bank, where Obiano was Executive Director, while Obi was the Chairman.

    But since the relationship got sour, Obi had been working underground to unseat his successor, who he accused of biting the fingers that fed him. To ensure that Obaze got the ticket, Obi practically schemed out other contestants to pave the way for him to emerge.

    But, indications are that Obi may have it tough this time around installing another person as governor, because the central government that had his ears is no longer in power. Besides, most people are not happy with him because the incumbent governor they accused him of foisting on them has allegedly failed the state.

    Again, some people prefer Obiano’s style of leadership to that of Obi, who they say was eating alone, while they were suffering.

    Be that as it may, Obaze is believed to be a candidate that has no baggage and therefore he is marketable. He is widely regarded as a candidate that has what it takes to lead Anambra to glory, irrespective of the person sponsoring him.

     

    Umeh’s role

    Obi almost single-handedly made Obiano governor during the last election in 2014. But, the defection of the former governor to the PDP paved the way for Umeh to step into his (Obi’s) shoes. Umeh is the Director-General of the Obiano Campaign Organisation. Obiano relies heavily on Umeh and his deputy, Dr Nkem Okeke, to lead the party to victory come November 18 poll.

    Obiano who has acquitted himself well since taking over the saddle as governor was widely seen as a political neophyte before he was drafted to run for the 2014 governorship. Political observers believe the governor is still learning the political rope. They see his wife, Mrs. Ebelechukwu Obiano, as more grounded than the husband, as far as politics is concerned.

    Apart from Umeh, some others with deep pockets like the controversial Bishop of Ozubulu, Aloysius Ikegwuonu, is solidly behind the governor.

    He is alleged to be a drug baron and the reason behind the Ozubulu massacre on August 6, 2017 where 13 Catholic worshippers were killed by unknown gun men. Ikegwuonu is a great fan of Obiano.

    There are other millionaires working underground to make sure that the governor retains his seat. Those backing Obiano include members of other political parties.

     

    Whither Ezeemo’s godfather?

    The last of the major contenders is Ezeemo. He does not appear to have a godfather. Before now, he had been lamenting about the influence of politicians using money to influence the electorate, describing it as ugly.

    The only good thing working for him in this election is his penchant for helping the less privileged, widows, the poor and youths in the society.

    Ezeemo has been an advocate of Independent Candidacy in politics, so that people would not be coerced into unnecessary spending. But his sermon may not reach heaven, because of the economic situation of the country.

  • Anambra 2017: Godfathers, aspirants plot new schemes

    Anambra 2017: Godfathers, aspirants plot new schemes

    Following Independent National Electoral Commission’s recent announcement that Anambra State’s governorship election will hold on November 18, 2017, aspirants and super-rich politicians in the state have resurrected their political machineries for the grand contest. Associate Editor, Sam Egburonu, in this report, uncovers the big aspirants, the current moves by billionaire godfathers and the new alignments in the state

    The governorship election in Anambra State is still eight months away but the Independent National Electoral Commission’s recent announcement of the November 19 date has further raised the state’s political tempo.

    Following the inability of INEC to conclude the National Assembly Elections in the state last year, the political atmosphere has remained very high since then.

    The atmosphere became more tense towards the end of last year when the state governor, Willie Obiano, first made public his interest to contest for re-election on the ticket of All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA).

    Since then, the state has made headlines as his critics increased their condemnation of his actions and utterances.

    While the governor’s supporters and aides dismissed their critics as sponsored agents, assigned to belittle Obiano’s “good works” ahead the 2017 Governorship Election in the state, opposition political parties said the criticisms are testimonies of the government’s poor outing in his first tenure.

    His opponents alleged that he has not given good account of the period he has occupied the Awka Government House and so should not be re-elected.

    But the governor and his supporters vowed that the allegations were unfounded, saying he has delivered incredible dividends of democracy to Ndi Anambra and that on the strength of his performance, he should be given a second tenure. This has, in a way, set the tone for the expected political battle for Awka Government House in November.

    Elder Udodirim Chukwubuikem, a grassroots political leader in Awka, told The Nation in a telephone interview that this year’s battle will be anchored not only on the argument over performance of Obiano’s government. “Although performance matters greatly, what may serve as the primary determinant in the coming governorship election in this state is the strength of the contesting political parties. We all know that Anambra, which started out as a Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) state, has for long remained the seat of APGA but the question that needs to be resolved is whether APGA of today is still as strong and as united as it was before when it won elections in the state. With the death of Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu and the exit of former Governor Peter Obi, added to Obi’s current membership of (PDP), have certainly removed so much steam from the party in the state.

    “Also, the emergence of All Progressive Congress (APC) as the ruling political party at the centre and the mass defection of Anambra top politicians and money bags to the party, confirm that APGA has more formidable opposition than it has ever had in the state. If you take all these into consideration, you will agree with me that Anambra State politics has changed tremendously. Today, almost all the political godfathers and moneybags, except Obi and a few others, are now in APC. This, to me, makes it difficult to say the ruling party, APGA, will easily win the governorship election. I think APC and PDP are really strong contenders.”

    Zoning factor

    Even before INEC’s announcement, zoning had emerged a major issue in the debate over the next occupant of Awka Government House.

    Unlike in many states where zoning has been widely accepted since 1999, Anambra State, according to insiders, had continuously pushed it to the background, a development that has allegedly made Anambra North unable to produce an elected governor since 1999. But our investigation shows that some powerful stakeholders are today agitating for its full implementation in the forthcoming elections.

    It would be recalled that in 2013, former Governor Peter Obi first made the move to give the North a chance when he tried to convince the leadership of his party then (APGA) to zone the governorship ticket to the North. He argued that it would be unfair for his successor to come either from his Anambra Central Senatorial Zone or Anambra South after he had governed for eight years, more so when two former governors before him, Chuwuemeka Ezeife and Chinwoke Mbadinuju, were from Anambra South.

    Insiders said that was how Willie Obiano emerged APGA candidate and Anambra State governor. Perhaps in line with that zoning formula, PDP had also given its ticket to Tony Nwoye from the North. But the then Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) had fielded Senator Chris Ngige from Anambra Central.

    As APC and PDP perfect their strategies to contest this November governorship election, we gathered that zoning will play a significant role in determining the party’s candidates. Already, Governor Obiano’s campaign managers are harping on the need to re-elect him so that his zone will complete its two-term tenure, a condition they described as equity and fair play.

    Aspirants file out:

    Considering the number and calibre of aspirants that have so far indicated interest in the governorship election, observers agree that it will be another Battle of the Titans. Perhaps because the incumbent governor, Willie Obiano, is poised to fly the ticket of his party, APGA, and because APC has emerged a very strong party even in the state, most of the major aspirants have chosen APC as their platform. By last month, over 15 aspirants have been confirmed as making concrete moves to contest for APC governorship ticket this year. The state party chairman, Mr. Emeka Ibe, told reporters that much. He mentioned political heavyweights like Senator Andy Uba, from Anambra South; the 2014 governorship candidate of the PDP, Dr. Tony Nwoye also from Anambra North; the 2010 PDP governorship candidate, Prof. Charles Soludo; former Senator Uche Ekwunife who served in the Senate on the ticket of the PDP and former PDP governorship aspirant, Dr. Obinna Uzor, as some of the aspirants that have shown interest to contest for the party’s ticket.

    Other important aspirants he confirmed their interests in his party include APC National Auditor,  Chief George Moghalu, Chief Ifeanyi Ubah, Chief Chike Obidigbo; Barth Nwibe; Engr. Obinna Onunkwo; Chief Ralph Okeke; Paul Chukwuma; Ifeanyi Ubah, and Prince Donatus Okonkwo.

    All Progressives Grand Alliance

    Governor Willie Obiano the National Leader of APGA has made it clear he is interested in contesting for re-election on the platform of the party. So, it would be safe to conclude that he would not have an opponent as the party’s primary is likely to be a concluded arrangement.

    Although his critics said he has not justified the trust implicit in his mandate, Obiano’s supporters said he has performed creditably well and is likely to be re-elected on that ground. Aside performance, the governor, who is from Anambra North, is favoured by the current debate for zoning.

    His major challenges however include his fallout with his political godfather, former Governor Peter Obi, who he allegedly pushed out of APGA and who is now the PDP kingpin in the state and the formidable squad now in APC, including money bags like Andy Uba, Ifeanyi Ubah and Charles Soludo.

    Observers said incumbency factor notwithstanding, Obiano will need to be very innovative to defeat such opposition.

    All Progressive Congress

    Although over 20 members that have indicated interest to contest for the ticket of APC, either formally or informally, our investigation shows that only about 10 of such aspirants linked with such aspiration have visible structures and supporters. They include Senator Andy Uba, Dr. Tony Nwoye, Prof. Charles Soludo; former Senator Uche Ekwunife, George Moghalu, Chief Ifeanyi Ubah, Barth Nwibe and the current Minister of Labour, Senator Chris Ngige, who has not openly indicated any interest but is believed by his ardent supporters to be a strong force if he chooses to contest.

    Ngige:

    Although Ngige’s tenure as Governor of Anambra State on the platform of PDP was cut short midway because of the controversies over his relationship with some powerful political godfathers who allegedly rigged the election to install him as governor, the Minister of Labour has remained very influential even though all his efforts since then to return as the executive governor of the state have failed to yield positive result.

    Sources close to him said Ngige wants to return to the Government House in Awka, except he is assured of retaining his present position at the federal cabinet.

    If he seeks APC ticket, one of the factors that may not favour his is the zoning factor.

    Ekwunife:

    This highly influential politician is believed to be interested in the governorship ticket of APC in Anambra State. A former Senator on the ticket of PDP, Uche Ekwunife is one of the most dogged female politicians in the country today. A former banker, insiders said her well-coordinated grassroots political machinery is set to commence campaigns soon.

    Ifeanyi Ubah:

    Ifeanyi Ubah is one of the most intriguing young politicians in the state. An oil merchant, when he first joined politics and showed interest to govern Anambra State on the ticket of relatively unpopular Labour Party in Anambra in 2013, not many took him seriously. But he made so much impact that he is now counted as a political lord in the state.

    Observers said if Ubah made impact in 2013 on the platform of LP, when he was a mere novice in the political theatre, he is likely to do better today if he succeeds to get APC ticket, given that APC has become even more popular and acceptable in the state.

    Another thing that may go for Ubah is his success story in the field of sports, especially the growing popularity of his FC Ifeanyi Ubah, among youths and football fans. It is believed this will help his campaign.

    George Moghalu:

    APC’s National Auditor, Chief George Moghalu, is another influential hopeful for the party’s governorship ticket. Like the others, he is also not a push over in the quest for the party’s governorship ticket in Anambra. Known to be very popular and influential in APC at the centre, Moghalu is also an experienced politician.

    Observers said it remains significant that he chose the first day of this election year to formally declare his interest to join the race.

    Nwibe

    Another serious aspirant for APC ticket is Bart Nwibe the pioneer Group Managing Director of Segofs Energy Group. Before Segofs, he was the lead Principal Directional Drilling Consultant to SPDC for Segofs Ltd.

    Described by his admirers as a rural developer, Nwibe is said to enjoy mass grassroots support.

    Uba and Nwoye

    Other powerful APC contenders include Tony Nwoye, who flew PDP flag in the last governorship election and Andy Uba, who has allegedly held the political scene of the state, especially that of his former party, the PDP, in his palms before his sudden defection to APC.

    These two aspirants have intimidating structure and support across the state.

    PDP

    Although PDP has lost many of its frontline governorship aspirants, who defected to APC, we gathered that part of the re-organisation of the party in the state is aimed at ensuring that quality aspirants are allowed to contest for the party’s ticket in a free primary. A source said former Governor Peter Obi is at the centre of fresh moves to reposition the party in the state with the view of presenting a widely accepted candidate in the November election.

    One of the top politicians, said to nurse the ambition of flying the party’s flag is the former Aviation Minister, Osita Chidoka. It would be recalled that last month, when the defection bug hit the state chapter of PDP, the former Corps Marshal of the Federal Road Safety Commission (FRSC) had come hard on his former party men. He described the top politicians leaving the PDP “as saboteurs and political jobbers,’ adding that their departure will provide the true members of the PDP “the opportunity to restore the moral compass of the party and return it to the glorious vision of its founding fathers.”

    Speaking at his country home in Obosi, at a meeting of Obosi Ward Executives and selected stakeholders of PDP in Idemili North Local Government in Anambra State, he dismissed APGA as a franchise of his party, the PDP, adding that the PDP is set to take over from APGA.

    “It is the PDP that has been making it possible for APGA to win gubernatorial elections in Anambra State over the years, and now the franchise arrangement has been terminated because the former governor of Anambra State, Mr. Peter Obi, who is the franchisee, has returned to the PDP. The franchise arrangement is canceled and we are taking back our state,” he boasted.

    The scene is set and as the titans prepare for the real battle, observers are eager to see if any of the opponents will dethrone Obiano come November 18.

  • ‘I won’t share Kogi resources to godfathers’

    ‘I won’t share Kogi resources to godfathers’

    In this interview with reporters in Lokoja, kogi state capital, Governor Yahaya Bello, who is marking his first year anniversary in office, reflects on his experience in the civil service, private business and achievements. He vows to weed out ghost workers from the payroll and checkmate godfathers. Bello also promises to utilise the state’s resources judiciously. JOHN OFIKHENUA was there.

    What lessons have you learnt as governor in the last one year?
    Let me quickly remind us that, if you go through my profile, I was not just entirely a private businessman. I worked through the civil service for over 15 years, and I rose to senior cadre in the service. I actually resigned my service to come and serve my people. Business is by the side. it’s only that whatever I lay my hands on, God is always there to make it prosper. that is why I am considered as being a successful businessman. Business is just my hobby. And I thank God.
    So, it is not entirely strange to me to manage public affairs or to manage people at this level of governance. I am very prepared, knowing fully well the challenges that come with leadership and governance. I was head of accounts in the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) for over 10 years. I managed human beings and other material resources. The record is there in the commission. And as a private investor, by the grace of God, those investments, both at home and abroad, prospered.
    As Kogites, we are passionate to see that Kogi State develops. We have the vision and the mission. God elevated us to this position we are in today, and with the understanding and cooperation of my people, we were able to apply common sense, and we are getting things solved.
    What is your plan for industrialisation?
    I usually don’t look at myself as a governor. I look at myself as a servant of the people, and I prefer to act so at all times because that is why I asked for God to give me this opportunity and He granted me.
    One thing is sure. We remain focused. we remain determined and we remain undeterred in delivering on our mandate and fulfilling all promises. The end justifies the means. But, the end justifies the means. If people continue to praise-sing me, it may get to my head, and I may lose focus. Let them take the other side so that they’ll always check me. I will always sit tight, and that will propel me to do my work. At the end of the day, Kogites and Nigerians will see the difference.
    Regarding the issue of industrial revolution and my view and vision for Kogi State. Kogi State, like all of us know, is lacking in some critical infrastructure that we must have in place before we can industrialise. One of it is security. Thank God, we are making consistent efforts in making sure that our land is secured.
    Secondly, on the issue of power. I think the Federal Government did not actually get it right when they privatised the power sector in Nigeria. The success we recorded in telecommunications, we can’t say same in power sector. So, since we are left with no energy or power and we want our state to be industrialised and we have all it takes, we have to now look into that area.
    We want to invest, but we don’t have the funds as a state. The best thing is to provide an enabling environment. We went into an MoU to provide power. Before we are complete with the national grid, Kogi State will be self-sufficient in terms of energy or power so that more investors will be drawn to our state. We have the land. We designated certain sections of the state as industrial areas. That one is already there. The land is fertile, and we will prepare it for investors to come on board. I am sure before the end of the first quarter of this year, a lot of them would have sprang up, because they are more or less falling on one other now to come to Kogi State and invest.
    The political will is very important before an area can be industrialised. No investor will come and invest in Kogi State and we will shortchange them. A situation where before an investor will come and invest in your state, the interest of the governor and the appointees must be take care of, no. If we have Mr President fighting corruption, without me, the governor, fighting corruption. This is enough to drive investors away. We would rather partner with you. Bring your funds, meet our own resources and we’ll ensure that your investment is safe and secured. So, that political will is very important and we have it greatly.
    Again, enabling laws. There are several laws, rules or regulations we met on ground that are not friendly. We are changing them. Like the tax law. Fresh investors that are coming to invest here, we will give some parts of gains that are within our reach. We will do that. We are collaborating with the Federal Government to ensure that certain rules are reversed for good.
    These and many more we are doing to ensure that at the end of the day, the state is industrialized. By the time all the rules and regulations guiding all that we are doing are strengthened, investors will know that if you come into this state, you will be comfortable. All other natural resources required, we have them already in the state. They abound.
    How would you curtail the menace of ghost workers?
    Like you rightly said, ghosts are faceless, and they exist in our payroll, so surely we need to send them to the grave. That is what we are doing.
    We inherited a civil service that is unproductive and inefficient. It is one of the areas that we want to reform. Civil service is the engine room of any government. Whatever policy and idea that we come up with, without dedicated, loyal, efficient and effective civil service, you won’t be able to deliver your promises. So, it is very important we overhaul it. It’s a civil service that is ill-motivated.
    Could you shed light on your plan to reform the civil service?
    We have agreed, myself, my team, the union members, the legislature and even the judiciary, and the civil society organisations, we all agreed that, look, we must reform the civil service. A long the line, it was more or less like complicating the matter. the first team that handled it. A situation where you see genuine civil servants left out of the schedule, and new names that are non-existent at all were added. We realised that these are efforts to frustrate this exercise. I know exactly what it takes to have an efficient workforce.
    A long the line, I set up a back-up team to review exactly what this first set did. They brought their report. I refused to publicise that report. I had to go and ask the back up team to undertake the exercise completely. They did it and came up with a report that is currently published.
    Surely, in an exercise of that magnitude, it can not be 100 percent perfect. There will be pockets of complaints. It is very simple. Any genuine case should be attended to, because I have promised that no genuine civil servant will be shortchanged or screened out. Hence, the setting up of the appeal committee. Currently, they are attending to all cases as they arise. In order that it is credible, we had to widen the membership to cut across all the strata of the society.
    The appeal committee is headed by an official from the Administrative Staff College of Nigeria (ASCON). We wrote to the ASCON and a senior director was given to us, about two of them. In order that the work is credible again, we equipped the centre with the state-of-art- equipment so that every case handled will be televised. As we speak, I think it’s being streamed live online. Even, if there’s time lag, it may be couple of hours. You should get the clips of how the procedure goes.
    So, at the end of the day, we’re going to have a clean report that we shall implement. This is a civil service that some workers are due for promotion for four years, eight years or twelve years, and can’t be motivated. The final report will surely come out after six weeks of the inauguration of the appeal committee and we shall publish it. Every recommendation that is contained, we shall implement it 100 percent. So, we are not out to victimise anybody.
    The pyramid of the civil service in Kogi State is inverted. Since 2002, I am not sure there was any serious advertisement for recruitment in the state. So, majorly, the workforce that we inherited from Benue and Kwara, a lot of them are retiring. Then, top heavy and lean bottom; that is not sustainable surely. We have to reverse and normalize it. We will make sure that the system rewards itself efficiently with me or without me in power.
    What is the grouse between you and the legislators?
    There are three arms of government, the executive, the legislature and the judiciary, and the functions of every arm are clearly spelled out. You will never see me as the head of the executive dabbling into the affairs of the legislature. That aside. We’re not at loggerheads with the legislature at all, because substantial, reasonable members of the legislature who have clear integrity and character know exactly what we are doing. And we have not gone outside our powers, core functions, duties and responsibilities. Eventually, when we’re done, the whole world will see the report.
    You see, the issue of workforce, civil service reform is a task that some administrations shy away from, but at the end of the day, it affects their performance, whether they like it or not. So, it is a big problem for any state.
    Like I said, when we came on board, Kogi State was sick, seriously sick, and no any amount of drug applied to this sick patient that will cure certain ailment that is obvious. What it requires is surgical operation, and you will believe me that there is no surgical operation that is being conducted without pains. I feel the pain of genuine workers that this great exercise affected, but these are necessary sacrifices that we must undergo now for a better tomorrow. If we cannot do it now, I am sorry, the ship of this state could wreck the way and manner it happened in the past.
    I appreciate Kogites with their understanding and patience all this while. We will soon get to the end of the road as far as screening or civil service reform is concerned.
    To what extent are labour unions involved in the exercise?
    Let liken this situation to a cancer patience that is probably about to die, and all of a sudden a doctor will say let me attempt it. A patience undergoing that chemotherapy is in pains. But by the grace of God, if he or she comes out of that process, the whole world will applaud that doctor. I am not saying I am a doctor, but whether we like it or not, Kogi State is sick.
    I am not pursuing a populist policy, but what are we supposed to do to revive the state? Every governor that comes on board the first time would want to return the second time. that is my choice. isn’t it? I should be conscious of that. Kogites and some who may misconstrue my intention will be at variance with me. But, wouldn’t I rather use this opportunity within this first four years to do the right thing, get these problems solved and at the end of the day, let the people see my good intention. Even, if it is misconstrued at first, eventually, they will even be more fanatical about it than those who believed in it earlier.
    The labour was carried along from day one up to this last appeal exercise that is being conducted. All along, in the membership of the panel, they were well represented.
    You seems to have done a lot in the last one year compared to past governments. where are you getting all the resources from?
    Like I said, we were somewhere watching and observing our dear state. But, since we came in, we sought God to assist us, and He assists all of us. We wore our thinking caps and applied common sense, and we are getting better. It is a common sense that if there’s no corruption, the resources will be available. It is a common sense that when you tap into your internally generated revenue, there will be resources, and as such, all we need to do is to apply it to get things done.
    If you don’t have godfathers that you service periodically through the coffers of the state, the resources will be available for the state. I can assure you I don’t have any, so why don’t I use the resources for the people?
    What would you say is your most shocking discovery in governance in the last one year?
    Delay for salaries and purchase of vehicles. Let me cast our minds back that this administration inherited a state where past administration collected almost five months federal allocations along with the IGR without paying a single dime to the workers and contractors. In any case, we shall recover every single dime.
    We came on board and cleared the minimum of that five months arrears. Because of the screening exercise that was ongoing then, as they cleared we paid, as they cleared we paid. Aside few cases, Kogi State paid workers both current and arrears before December 20th, so we’re up to date. Let me set the record straight.
    We purchased vehicles. That is part of security infrastructure. That is why today Kogites can go to bed with all their eyes closed. That is why both northerners and southerners that traverse Kogi State will not travel with any fear of molestation by armed robbers or kidnappers. It is evident, and everybody is seeing it. In any case, we applied our ingenuity and common sense. I can tell you from that particular transaction, we saved Kogi State over N1.5 billion.
    In other climes, they will claim that N1.5 billion and share it among themselves, but I said zero tolerance and corruption. We won’t allow that to happen.
    Shocking discovery as I assumed office. When you believe in a leader and think that he is serving the people and at the end of the day you discover that he is only self-serving, and then, we are on board trying to serve this state and the people, but the same set of people, what they could not achieve, what they could not do, are not allowing you to do it for the people; it is shocking.

    The next thing is that, where did they come from? Did they come from another planet? Or do they belong to this surface of the earth? It’s very shocking and very disturbing. You then discover that few people who are either learned and enlightened, however they tend to be otherwise, it can be very shocking and frustrating. Basically, this is what I have discovered shocking.
    I once believed in certain leaders, that look at what they are saying, but only to discover that they are lying and they lied all through, and the reason why Kogi State is in the state I met it. Give us chance to do our best, but they are bent on doing it their way, if you don’t do it their own way, it is as if the people they claim to represent it’s their end. So, it is very shocking.
    Party crisis. APC, my great party is in peace and harmony with me. They are happy and proud of my performance. But if anybody is at variance with this government, he could adduce reasons why. My party sponsored me. I became governor under the platform of APC, and I pay all my dues, we are at peace with each other.
    Surely you may have one or two persons who you wouldn’t agree with simply because your ideology is different from his. I will never allow the resources of this state to be shared by few. The resources of Kogi State must work for the entirety of the state. Surely, it cannot be the way governance is being run. This is change. This is new direction.
    In the past one year, what is that thing that if you look at, it makes you happy? And what are those things that Kogi should expect from you looking forward?
    In the last one year, I met a state that was more or less hopeless, but today, Kogi State is hopeful, and I’m happy for that, because of the numerous achievements that we have recorded. I know that there are challenges ahead. Surely, I’m looking up to God, the cooperation and understanding of the people to assist us to deliver on our mandate.
    Ordinarily, one would think that because of the water that surround this state, you would have taken an advantage of that to develop agriculture, especially now that the Federal Government is advocating backward re-integration. What are you doing about agricultural development of the state?
    Agriculture is one of the areas that we wish to create jobs and wealth in the state, that is why I took a trip to Omi Dam, the first in history in Kogi State. We have declared state of emergency on agriculture, you know what that means. In the next one year, or even less than that, we shall sit back here and you’ll see what we’ll do about agriculture.

  • Let the truth be told: Agbaje, you have godfathers!

    While reading the excerpts of the media interaction of the gubernatorial candidate of Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Lagos State, Mr. Jimi Agbaje in The Guardian of January 23, 2015, and also watching his interview on Channels Television’s Sunrise Daily by the trio of Chamberlin Usoh, Sulaiman Aladeh, and Maupe Ogun, the words of German philosopher, Friedrich Nietzsche came to my mind. He apparently had Agbaje in mind when he said: “I’m not upset that you lied to me, I’m upset that from now on I can’t believe you.”

    Having unashamedly told lies to Lagosians, it will surely be difficult to believe his campaign promises. When Agbaje told journalists “I don’t have a godfather”, I cringed. Agbaje should tell that to the marines. One question one must ask Agbaje is: how did he, who joined the PDP a few months to the party’s primary election, emerged as the candidate without the support of the godfathers who controls the party’s structures? Agbaje wanted us to believe that Chief Bode George and Chief Adeseye Ogunlewe who allegedly influenced the primary election and deployed state apparatus in his favour did that out of sheer altruism and without vested interest.  Can Jimi Agbaje dispute the fact that he emerged the candidate of the PDP in Lagos State through a manifestly fraudulent and violent process? Perhaps, it is apposite to refresh the memory of sufferers of selective amnesia as no one can build something on nothing, as it will not stand.

    In the primary election that produced Agbaje as the candidate, 806 voters were accredited but 863 votes were counted. This is in line with the PDP’s “democracy” algebra.  To the PDP, 16 is greater than 19 at the Nigerian Governors Forum’s election and seven is greater than 19 at the Ekiti State House of Assembly. Agbaje did not have the capacity to conjure the 57 ghost delegates, as he did not control the structure of the party. It was only the bipolar super power of George and Ogunlewe that could brazenly invent such parody of democracy. Agbaje, tell no lies, claim no easy victory!

    I also recall that the cache of weapons recovered by the Police in a SURE-P bus put at the disposal of Bode George’s thugs on the day of the primary election could have assisted the soldiers complaining of ill equipment in the war against Boko Haram. I did not invent this. The serious allegation leveled against Bode George and SURE-P was made by no less a personality than Musiliu Obanikoro, immediate past Minister of State for Defence and victim of the rigging process. A friend, who passed through Ketu and Ojota on that day, confirmed the scary incident that one of the gubernatorial aspirants donned a bulletproof vest at the venue of the primary election. Television cameras captured this. What other proof do we need?

    George and Ogunlewe could not have deployed “life and death” and “do or die” tactics to secure the ticket for Agbaje if they were not driven by self-serving agenda. They are waiting for huge return on their ‘investments’ if Agbaje is elected. That Bode George has not been consistently seen on the Agbaje campaign train is not because he is old, as Agbaje wanted us to believe, the truth is that he is being kept away from the public glare like a leper. He is considered a liability to the campaign, as he is much remembered by the masses for his alleged heist on the public till at the Nigeria Ports Authority and his days at Kirikiri Maximum Prison for corrupt enrichment, though quashed by the Supreme Court. Don’t forget that Bode George is the cornerstone of “I don’t have godfather” castle of lies being built in the air by Agbaje. This is what he wants to sell to Lagosians in exchange for their mandate. I say to the electorate, ‘caveat emptor, buyers beware!’ Anyway, Lagosians are too sophisticated for this deceit. Eko oni gba igba kugba, which literally translated means, ‘Lagosians don’t suffer fools gladly’.

    Again, at the media interaction, Agbaje put on a “holier than thou” garb. He mentioned the phrase “vested interest” for almost 10 times while aiming punches at the All Peoples Congress (APC).  Sadly, there was not a giant mirror in the room; otherwise, he would have seen himself in the mirror with bloodied face from a self-inflicted injury. He was apparently desperate to ram it in the head of his guests that if elected, his administration will be devoid of vested interest. As Americans would say: “Mr. Agbaje, gimme [give me] a break!” Is Agbaje saying that he is the sole financier of his multi-billion-naira contest for power project? Or do his campaign financiers see their contribution as donations to charity and therefore no string attached?  Ambrose Bierce apparently had Agbaje in mind when in his book, Devil’s Dictionary he defines politics as “strife of interests masquerading as a contest of principles”.

    Agbaje, tell no lies; you owe three people if you are elected governor: godfathers, campaign financiers and the electorate. It is now left for you to hone the skill on how to strike the balance and draw a right scale of preference.

    It is settled that both Agbaje and Akinkunmi Ambode, the APC gubernatorial candidate in Lagos State, have godfathers and financiers whose “vested interests” will also be protected if elected while fulfilling the campaign promises to the electorate.  The coming gubernatorial elections in Lagos State are a proxy electoral battle between Asiwaju Bola Tinubu of APC and Chief Bode George of PDP! One must be a fool to believe otherwise. Therefore, for me, the criterion to choose the better candidate is the capacity of the candidate. This is why I’ll go for Ambode. Agbaje is an accomplished businessman and he is eminently qualified to become the Lagos State governor. But Ambode, with huge experience and fulfilled career in both public and private sectors, embedded with local and international capacity building, is the best man for the job.

    It is interesting to note that Ambode had cause to work with seven governors (civilian and military) in the voyage of his career. The slump in the oil price and attendant decline in federal allocation necessitates having in Alausa a governor that is well adept in financial engineering. Lagos State has experienced sharp drop in the accruable revenue in the past when former President Olusegun Obasanjo, with the blessing of Agbaje’s godfathers (Bode George and Ogunlewe), unlawfully withheld the state’s monthly allocations as a result of the creation of additional Local Council Development Areas that were meant to take governance and development closer to the grassroots. Ambode, as the state’s Accountant General, was credited with excellent management of the account at the trying period, which lasted for four years. The state government survived this period without abandoning its responsibility to the people or sacking a single worker. Lagosians need Ambode’s expertise and experience more than ever in this period and when the era of high oil price is over.

    More importantly, the recent victory of the All Progressive Congress at the federal level will hasten the 25-year development plan in Lagos, with Ambode in the driver seat of governance, where 24-hour power is possible, National Art theatre and National Stadium will be refurbished, Apapa roads will be maintained and more opportunities will be provided for the hardworking Lagosians regardless of tongue, tribe or gender.

     

    • Sewanu, a Public Relations and Brand Communication Consultant based in Lagos.

     

  • Traits of godfatherism on campuses

    To say that godfatherism has eaten deep into Nigerian politics is to restate the fact. Our politics has always been defined by who a candidate knows. Before anybody can occupy public office, he must have a godfather. Such candidates, who ride on the back of godfathers to clinch political offices, will only be loyal to the person(s) that help them win elections.

    Such is the ugly side of godfatherism. In higher institutions, the trait is rearing its ugly especially in students’ politics.

    Historically, godfatherism can be traced to the old Catholic Church when youths and children looked up to elderly persons and emulated them to be responsible. This practice is still in operation till today in some Anglican Churches and Pentecostal churches.

    In Nigerian politics, the likes of Nnamdi Azikwe, Obafemi Awolowo and Tafawa Balewa, were seen as as political godfathers in the First Republic; politicians, who wanted to be elected invoke their names and banked on their influence to be elected.

    Operationally, a political godfather is a term used to describe a merchant who acquires the state as a client to further his personal economic and political empire, which will be maintained by a godson, through an unbroken pact of remitting the state resources before ascending the throne of power.

    Godfatherism is firmly establishing itself as a phenomenon in contemporary Nigerian politics. These godfathers are rich and have so much influence within their individual domain. They decide who becomes the governor, legislator, and local government chairman in their consistencies.

    These political godfathers ensure they get into politics through whatever means, whether legitimate or illegitimate and employ unconventional methods to achieve their aim of political relevance. Their formidable political structures, if positively used, can strengthen democracy and improve the political process.

    But what we have is contrary; political godfathers have continued to make life unbearable for the citizens because they stand between elected officials and the people, who should be served. Their activities have made politics in Nigeria a difficult process and this has hampered development both at the local and national level.

    However, the inability of political godsons to continuously grease the financial wheel of their godfather has resulted to the removal of some of them from office because godfathers will not hesitate to bring down their disloyal godsons to prove their political supremacy.

    Like other forms of political corruption, godfatherism is a major threat to Nigeria’s democracy and it has eaten deep into the political structure of higher institutions in Nigeria, including private institutions. Some students plead with their colleagues to get their favourite aspirants elected into the students’ union body. They would support their aspirants with cash to print campaign posters and buy other materials needed for the election.

    Candidate elected this way will eventually embezzle the funds of the union to enrich the people, who assisted them to get to the position. This unfortunately tells us that young people of this generation are also into this despicable practice of getting into power and positions on the back of godfathers.

    The cliché ‘youths are leaders of tomorrow’ has been ringing into the ears of many for a long time but the question now is: if these young people, who engage themselves in this despicable act of godfatherism, later become the leaders in reality, what hope do we have in becoming one of the greatest countries in the world?

    •Damilola, recently graduated from Mass Comm., REDEEMER’S

  • Pension ‘godfathers’ behind Maina, says Etok

    The Chairman of the Joint Senate Committee on Establishment, Pubic Service and Local Governments, Senator Aloysius Etok, yesterday said the Chairman of the Pension Reform Task Team (PRTT), Abdulrasheed Maina, was being goaded by godfathers.

    Etok told reporters in Abuja that the committee investigating pension fund administration in the country has discovered that the cabal involved in pension fraud is more than the oil cabal.

    He said: “In the performance of this pension probe, I realised I have stepped on very powerful toes; and I can tell you that pension cabal is worse than oil cabal because in pension, many people are involved.

    “It has taken such a long time of operation that when you are touching one, you don’t know the linkages because, pension fraud kingpin does not go to collect all the monies himself. He has a number of fake names he has put in.”

    Etok lamented that Maina was running from pillar to post instead of helping the committee to recover stolen funds.

    He said: “I can tell you on behalf of the committee that we have never compromised and we will never do so.

    “We are not biased. To say we have colluded with pension thieves is a mere concoction to distract us. Why didn’t he say this before now?

    “We have assured him of fair hearing. You can imagine the level of punishment an individual has unleashed on thousands of pensioners, but he goes around using the media to lie to the public.

    “I suspect he has godfathers backing him because, ordinarily, no Nigerian will be so arrogant and exhibit such level of exuberance: not minding the laws of the land or the civil service rules.

    “He has to mention the pension thieves. We have been fair-minded and transparent. We sought data from the Accountant-General of the Federation on the exact funds released.