Tag: Goodluck Jonathan

  • Jonathan reaffirms commitment to PDP, pledges active role

    Jonathan reaffirms commitment to PDP, pledges active role

    Former President Goodluck Jonathan has reaffirmed his loyalty and continued commitment to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    He declared that he remains an active member and would intensify his involvement in its affairs as it prepares for elections.

    According to the PDP’s factional National Chairman, Kabiru Tanimu Turaki, Jonathan gave the assurance yesterday in Abuja while receiving members of his faction’s National Working Committee (NWC), party elders and other stakeholders who paid him a visit at his residence.

    The former president used the meeting to restate his belief in the party and its capacity to remain a strong and viable platform for democratic contest in Nigeria.

    Turaki said: “President Jonathan assured us that he is still a card-carrying member and that he remains active in the party.

    “He also told us that he would even be more active in the activities and affairs of the PDP going forward.”

    The factional PDP chair explained that the delegation visited Jonathan to formally introduce members of the newly elected NWC and to brief him on developments within the party since the last national convention held in Ibadan in November.

    The PDP chairman noted that Jonathan expressed appreciation for the visit and reaffirmed his emotional and political ties to the party that produced him as vice president and president.

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    “He made it clear that the PDP has done everything that could be done for him as an individual and that he still feels a strong sense of obligation to the party,” Turaki said.

    Turaki said the former president also underscored the importance of unity, dialogue and internal reconciliation, while acknowledging the realities of ongoing legal challenges confronting the party.

    “As a senior statesman and lawyer, he listened carefully as we explained the issues before the courts and the steps we are taking to defend the party,” he said.

    The former president, according to Turaki, maintained that despite the current difficulties, the PDP remains a party for Nigerians and a credible platform for winning elections.

    PDP questions INEC’s independence

    The PDP questioned the independence of the current leadership of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), accusing the commission of blocking the party from submitting the name of its governorship candidate for the forthcoming election in Ekiti State.

    Turaki said although INEC had recognised his leadership, recent actions by the commission were raising concerns about its neutrality and operational independence.

    He insisted that INEC had duly recognised the present PDP leadership, noting that the commission’s attendance and monitoring of the party’s governorship primaries in Ekiti and Osun states amounted to clear acknowledgment.

    Turaki said: “I have said this several times: we do not have a problem of recognition with INEC.

    “We sent notice of our primaries to elect a gubernatorial flag bearer in Ekiti State to INEC. INEC followed, INEC attended, INEC monitored, and INEC wrote a report.”

    According to him, the commission also provided the party with access credentials to upload the details of its candidate and running mate on the INEC portal.

    “INEC gave us the password to access their portal. We accessed it, downloaded the forms for our candidate, and duly submitted them.

    “Somewhere along the line, and I hate to say this, but I must, INEC blocked us from accessing the platform again to upload the data,” he alleged.

    Turaki added that despite the alleged blockage, the PDP made a manual submission of the candidate’s documents, which he said INEC acknowledged and collected.

    He explained that similar procedures were followed in Osun State, where INEC also attended and monitored the PDP governorship primaries and produced an official report.

    He said: “As far as statutory obligations are concerned, political parties are required to issue notices of their primaries, which we did.

    “INEC, as a regulator, has the discretion to attend or not, but in our case, it attended, monitored and wrote reports.

    “Based on these facts, INEC has recognised our leadership. However, some developments are beginning to raise doubts in our minds, and in the minds of others, about whether the present INEC leadership is truly independent.”

  • Goodluck Jonathan’s metamorphosis

    Goodluck Jonathan’s metamorphosis

    Former president Goodluck Jonathan had all along been known as a very cautious man, politician and president. His last assignment observing the November 24, 2025 Guinea-Bissau elections, and his incredibly perceptive and strong reaction to the coup that upstaged the polls, however, suggested that either Nigerians didn’t quite know the man or he had undergone an incredible metamorphosis since his misadventure into president election politics in 2022 and last October. Dr Jonathan had led the West African Elders Forum Election Observation Mission to monitor Guinea-Bissau’s presidential and legislative elections. The election pitted incumbent president Umaro Embalo, candidate of the Madem‑G15 party, against leading opposition candidate Fernando Dias, candidate of the Party for Social Renewal (PRS) and his coalition partners. But on November 26, a day before the results were officially released, the unimaginable occurred. The results were annulled, a coup was declared in the most unusual fashion, first by the president himself, and later by the coup leaders who were the president’s military allies, while a supposedly one-year transition regime was emplaced.

    The problem with the Guinea-Bissau polls is not just that the now ‘deposed’ president connived at a coup that subverted the elections, or that his military allies led the coup, or that he had in fact lost the election and needed an excuse not to hand over to the presumed winner, Mr Dias, or that this would be the third time he would flirt with coups d’etat, having assumed office on the back of a forcible claim to the office in 2019 via a 54 percent runoff vote. Or even that he repeated the evil ploy midway into his presidency in 2022, years before the latest chicanery. In fact, hapless Guinea-Bissau can have all the tragic drama it wants, and perhaps with a little help from outside can find a resolution that would power their democracy and lift the country out of the developmental doldrums years of leadership incompetence and corruption, and a national reputation as a drug courier hub, had sentenced the country. Furthermore, many commentators have made one or two uncomplimentary remarks about the lousy change of guard in Guinea-Bissau, including the increasingly impotent United Nations castrated and rendered spineless by the warmongering and apoplectic United States president Donald Trump.

    The problem is that former president Jonathan, who has seemed to acquire new political and leadership clothes, is giving Nigerians tough bones to chew and wearing odd clothes. The clothes are paradoxically fitting, but they were revealed by the Guinea-Bissau polls and the coup which trapped the former Nigerian president for a day in that country. Soon after he was evacuated from the coup-prone nation, Dr Jonathan unleashed a fusillade of denunciations against the ‘deposed’ President Embalo and the coup leaders. Though used to waffling, on this occasion, Dr Jonathan minced no words in damning the chicanery he believed the exiled Guinea-Bissau president had disreputably enacted. And he was quite assertive in his opinion, indeed very definitive.

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    Hear him at length: “What happened in Guinea-Bissau is quite disturbing to me, a person who believes in democracy. In fact, I feel more pain than the day I called Buhari to congratulate him when I lost the election as a sitting president. It is painful for me that President Embaló was the one announcing a military takeover of the government. It is totally unacceptable. What happened in Guinea-Bissau, I would not call it a coup; it was not a coup. For lack of a better word, I will say it was a ceremonial coup because it was President Embaló who announced the coup before the military later came up to address the world that they were in charge of the government.”

    Still animated and angry, he added: “Embaló had already announced that there was a coup, which is strange. Not only announcing the coup, but Embaló, while the coup took place, was using his phone and addressing media organisations across the world that he had been arrested. I’m a Nigerian close to 70, and I know how they keep Heads of State when a coup takes place. They cannot be playing pranks; nobody should call others fools. There is no way there will be a military coup at a time when they were about to announce election results, and the president was the person who announced the coup. It doesn’t happen anywhere.”

    Though there were a few moments in his denunciations when his characteristic inclination for excessive caution peered out, on the whole, however, he pulled the peroration off admirably. It was a relief to hear the former Nigerian president declaim convincingly on a subject dear to the hearts of many Nigerians and West Africans who had endured decades of terror under military jackboots. He was not as definitive after the 2023 presidential election despite its cleanness and fairness, and he inexplicably and unwisely tried to re-enter the 2027 presidential race for an office that obviously continues to tantalise him. But on the occasion of the Guinea-Bissau poll and the concomitant coup contrived against it, Dr Jonathan was firm and brilliant, in fact elegant. Nigerians will hope his new self is not an aberration, a caricature of his old self, or a gargoyle imitating his ambitious self.

  • Guinea Bissau election result must be announced – Jonathan

    Guinea Bissau election result must be announced – Jonathan

    • Insists there was no coup in West African country

    Former President Goodluck Jonathan has said that the incident that occurred in Guinea Bissau was not a coup but a stage-managed plot by President Umaro Embalo to thwart democratic governance.

    Jonathan, who addressed the media in Abuja, said a transparent electoral process was hijacked, urging the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to rise up.

    The former Nigerian leader called on the international community to ensure that the results of the Guinea Bissau presidential election are released and a winner announced in spite of the military’s declaration that it is now in charge of the country.

     Speaking with journalists at the Nnamdi Azikwe airport in Abuja, Jonathan, who rarely grants unscheduled media interviews, said he chose to break his silence this time “to thank Nigerians for the show of empathy” during the tense hours of uncertainty in Bissau.

    “Since I left office, I’ve always been scared talking to the media,” he admitted with a chuckle.

    “But in this particular case, I decided to speak. First, to thank Nigerians.

    “While we were in Bissau and this so-called coup happened, the information we got was that the whole country was agitated—young and old, irrespective of religious or political divides. I sincerely appreciate Nigerians.”

    Read Also: Alhassan out of Guinea Bissau game

    According to Jonathan who was part of a joint election observer mission deployed by the African Union, AU, ECOWAS, and the West African Elders Forum to monitor the presidential and legislative elections, both President Bola Tinubu and Côte d’Ivoire’s President Alassane Ouattara immediately prepared aircraft to evacuate him and his delegation when the situation became uncertain.

    “I thank President Tinubu and President Ouattara; both presidents were to send aircraft to lift us,” he said, adding that the swift intervention showed Africa still has leaders committed to protecting democratic processes.

    He told journalists that the coup that purportedly ousted Umaro Sissoco Embaló from the presidency of Guinea-Bissau is more of a phantom coup because the tenure of the former military leader had just expired, Jonathan has said.

    “What happened was not a coup – maybe a ceremonial one. I wouldn’t call it a coup. For want of a better word, maybe it was a ceremonial coup,” he said

    He spoke further: “Two things made it bizarre: it was President Embaló himself who first announced it. And while this ‘coup’ was happening, he was using his phone to address media organisations across the world, saying he had been arrested.

    “I am a Nigerian close to 70. I know how heads of state are kept when a coup takes place. This one does not fit.”

    Jonathan said his pain stems from the fact that he has personally invested years mediating and stabilising Guinea-Bissau, recalling the country’s dark period between 2011 and 2014.

  • Jonathan hails Attah as key champion in abolition of onshore–offshore dichotomy

    Jonathan hails Attah as key champion in abolition of onshore–offshore dichotomy

    Former President Goodluck Jonathan on Thursday highlighted the pivotal role played by former Akwa Ibom State Governor, Victor Obong Attah, in the abolition of the onshore–offshore dichotomy, describing him as the foremost champion of the struggle.

    Jonathan made the remarks in Abuja during the presentation of “Attah: Architect of a New Democratic Dawn,” the biography of Arc. Victor Attah, who also marked his 87th birthday.

    Dignitaries at the event included former Edo State Governor Lucky Igbinedion; former Lagos Deputy Governor Akerele Bucknor; former Ekiti State Governor Niyi Adebayo; members of the 1999 governors’ class; Senator Tunde Ogbeha; Akwa Ibom Deputy Governor Akon Eyakenyi; former Chief of Staff to Jonathan, Mike Ogiadomhe; Victor Udoma-Egba; Chairman of the book launch committee, Godknows Igali; and former Minister of Education, Obiageli Ezekwesili.

    Jonathan said the now-abolished policy, which gave the Federal Government full ownership of offshore oil revenue, would have crippled oil-producing states in the Niger Delta. He praised Attah’s determination, noting that even after a Supreme Court judgment against his position, the former governor persisted in the struggle.

    “Victor Attah was one of the champions who fought for the abolition of the onshore–offshore dichotomy,” Jonathan said. “Yes, other governors — including my good friend Peter Odili and the late DSP Alamieyeseigha — also fought, but Victor Attah was the champion. He was number one.”

    READ ALSO; Senate seeks fresh solutions to rising insecurity

    He emphasised that Attah’s unwavering resolve, despite legal setbacks, helped drive the eventual reversal of the policy.

    Jonathan described Attah as a man of character whose mentorship has shaped leaders across generations. He added that the biography captures not just the story of an individual, but a legacy of courage and visionary leadership.

    According to the former president, if the Supreme Court ruling had stood, “the development we see in Akwa Ibom today would be less than one percent of what it is.”

    Jonathan also quoted Attah’s next line of action, which was contained on page 19, where he said: “Adaka Boro fought with guns. He was killed. Ken Saro-Wiwa fought with the pen. He, too, was killed. But we have a more potent weapon — our ballot paper. Unless they kill all of us and seize our ballot papers, we have the right to choose only those who recognize that there is a problem in the Niger Delta, that we have a right to the national endowment of the Niger Delta, and that the day of emancipation has come.”

    However, President Olusegun Obasanjo provided a political solution to the issue, leading to the current 13% derivatives from the previous 1%.

    Commending the celebrant’s efforts, Jonathan said, “Today, the states with offshore oil wells — which are now enjoying the benefits — owe a debt of gratitude to Victor Attah.”

    He added, “And I am pleased to join all of you in paying tribute to His Excellency, Obong (Arc.) Victor Attah — a visionary leader, an accomplished professional, and a remarkable teacher — on the occasion of his 87th birthday.

    “At 87, Obong Attah stands as a testament to what it means to live a life of purpose. His contributions to the evolution of modern Akwa Ibom State remain indelible. As governor, he dreamt boldly, planned meticulously, and executed decisively. The foundation he laid in infrastructure, urban development, economic strategy, and institutional reforms continues to bear fruit decades after he left office.

    “Obong Attah demonstrated that leadership is not about occupying an office but about transforming the lives and aspirations of one’s people

    “Beyond politics, he is a man of character. His integrity, his sense of duty, and his mentorship have inspired many and shaped leaders across generations.

    “The biography being presented today, ‘Architect of a New Dawn’, captures his invaluable contributions. It is not just the story of an individual, but a chronicle of courage and visionary leadership.

    “As we honour him today, may we also draw inspiration from his journey — a reminder that leadership is most meaningful when it strengthens communities, uplifts people, and lays a solid foundation for future generations.”

    In his remarks, Obong Victor Attah narrated how he was invited for interrogation for a misinterpreted comment about a hotel he helped to expand.

    Attah said he was privileged to have worked on the seven-star hotel in his days in Barbados and therefore referred to it as his hotel to a former First Lady, only to be invited by the anti-graft agency to explain the source of his wealth.

    “In 1966. I had just finished at Columbia. My wife—whom I married in England the year before—was heavily pregnant. We had bought tickets to come home.

    “But the media was filled with news of trouble in Nigeria—talk of civil war. So I told my wife, ‘We cannot go home in these circumstances. Let us go to Barbados, where you come from. We can stay in your father’s house; you have the baby. Once things settle, we will go to Nigeria.

    “I went to Barbados, got a job with Roberts and Watts—the firm that developed the Sandy Lane estate and the Sandy Lane Hotel. The first thing they assigned to me was a 25-room extension to the Sandy Lane Hotel.

    “Now, those of you who read Forbes or Fortune magazines will know Sandy Lane. It used to be advertised inside those magazines. It was one of the very, very few seven-star hotels in the world at the time. So I felt very proud that I had added 25 rooms to that hotel.”

    “Fast-forward to 2002. I was the governor of Akwa Ibom State. I took my wife and two children to Barbados on holiday, as I used to do frequently. Being governor, the High Commissioner in Trinidad came to welcome me, with all the royal treatment.

    “Three days later, I got a frantic call from her. ‘Please, are you still on the island?’ I said yes—hoping nothing was wrong. She said the late First Lady, Stella Obasanjo, was coming to Barbados for a holiday, and there was no flight from Trinidad to Barbados. ‘Would you please go to the airport to receive her so she would at least have a reception?

    “So gladly, we went. We received Stella. After the airport ceremony, I asked, ‘Where are we taking you, Your Excellency?’ She said, ‘Sandy Lane.’ Ah! Out of excitement, I said, ‘You are going to my hotel!’—meaning the hotel I had designed.

    “After a few days, she left. Two weeks later, I came back to Nigeria—and there was an invitation from the EFCC to come and explain how I owned Sandy Lane Hotel in Barbados.

    “That tells you the type of Nigeria that we have.”

    “But please permit me to tell you that there are two simple stories about my life that you will not find in that book. And with your kind permission, I’d like to tell you those two short stories. I tell them because, for me, they illustrate what Nigeria is, and the character of Nigerian people.”

    He also narrated another experience which pertains to Nigerians’ perception of a big man and what he was told when he attempted to go back to his profession after serving out his term as governor of Akwa Ibom State.

    According to him, “The first happened exactly 50 years ago, in 1975. Inter-Design Partnership had been established. I was running it. Our office was on the seventh floor of the Ten-Storey Building in Kaduna, owned by the NNDC. It was the prestigious office building of the time.”

    “People were lining up to be employed there. The secretaries who worked in that building had formed themselves into an elite group of very stylish people.”

    “On the eighth floor was a British firm of structural engineers. Now, I have a car that takes me to work every day. But the British engineer who ran the eighth-floor office rode his bicycle to work every single day of his life. Whether it was raining, whether it was sunny—he would ride that bicycle to work.”

    “One day, I had sent my car for servicing. I expected it would return before lunchtime. It didn’t. So I went upstairs to the British engineer and said, ‘Please, may I borrow your bicycle?’ He agreed.”

    “I rode to work, rode home, had my lunch, and came back.”

    “Shortly after I returned, my secretary came in, stayed half a second, and left. She came back, lingered, and went out again. When she returned the third time, I said, ‘What’s wrong with you? I’m preparing for a meeting here.’ That was the alarm bell.”

    “She burst out crying—crying like something terrible had happened. I rushed to her. ‘What’s happened?’ When she finally could speak, she said.

    “Sir, why have you disgraced me like this? All my friends are laughing at me. They say my boss rides a bicycle.”

    “That tells you how Nigerians see the ‘big man.’ The British officer rode his bicycle every day—but I, a Nigerian big man, how could I?”

    In his attempt to return to his profession, he said questions were being asked.

    “One person even asked me, ‘Okay, well, former governor—why are you still doing this thing?

    He said he responded that, “I was a professional in politics, not a professional politician. If Jimmy Carter could return to a peanut farm after being the President of the United States, I feel no compulsion whatsoever about returning to my profession as an architect and town planner after my tenure as governor of Akwa Ibom State.”

    He therefore concluded, “I want to believe that someday, we in Nigeria will get our priorities right; that we will have woken up to a renewed democracy. And then—Nigeria will be great again.”

    Meanwhile, the Pan Niger Delta Elders Forum, PANDEF, has hailed Attah’s contribution to education, politics, and public service.

    Amb. Godknows Igali, PANDEF national chairman, hailed Attah’s contributions to academia, architecture, politics, and public service, saying it has not only shaped Nigeria’s destiny but has also inspired generations to strive for excellence.

    “Your dedication to nation-building, democracy, and the pursuit of greatness has earned you a revered place among Nigeria’s most illustrious leaders.

    “We, the people of the Niger Delta, are particularly grateful for your tireless advocacy for our region’s rights and interests, including the landmark achievement of fiscal federalism, especially the 13% derivation principle and environmental remediation,” he added.

  • Salami’s pound of flesh?

    Salami’s pound of flesh?

    Might Justice Isa Ayo Salami, revered jurist and retired President of the Court of Appeal (PCA), be seeking own pound of flesh from former President Goodluck Jonathan, now reportedly ogling a 2027 presidential run?

    Not likely.  For one, Justice Salami’s profile paints a rather grave jurist, with no less grave fealty to his calling.  That thumbs down any base predilection.

    For another, Justice Salami cuts the strict — almost sacred — quintessential jurist, the very diametric opposite of the frivolous. His rather limited tribe is the very antithesis of the flippant hugging publicity for validation, to veil a natural core of full emptiness.

    Still, Justice Salami’s sweeping dismissal of Dr. Jonathan’s yearning for a presidential encore, as far as the law goes, echoes a past political tango between the two.

    The one, the embattled President of the Court of Appeal, conscientiously doing his job, let the heavens fall!  He resisted judicial-executive bullying and he triumphed.

    The other, a rather naive — or wilful? — President of the Federal Republic, that couldn’t stomach stolen mandates judicially retrieved from his ruling PDP; and so, resorted to strong arm tactics, that eventually blew in his face.

    More, however, on all of that presently.  For now, what’s that Salami declaration, that must be causing quite some ache in the Jonathan camp?

    The headline, as reported by The Nation of October 31, is explicit: “Jonathan not eligible to contest in 2027, says Justice Salami.”  In the story, Justice Salami spoke with the finality of a judge that had examined forensic evidence, which he found immutable.

    Hear him: “It is painstakingly and dispassionately demonstrated abundantly to all and sundry that [the] ambition of Goodluck Jonathan to contest for office of the president, for the second term in the 2027 general election, is effectively and undoubtedly shot down by Sub-section (3) of Section 137 of the 1999 Constitution, as altered by the Fourth Alteration Act, No. 16 of 2018 which, to my mind is unassailable.”

    But should Jonathan even contest and win, Justice Salami’s legal prognosis is even direr: “In the event of his winning the election, he will be conveniently removed by the Court of Appeal in an election petition to that court, which removal will be undoubtedly affirmed by the Supreme Court on the ground that his total tenure would have exceeded the eight years maximum tenure.”

    That eerily echoes how Justice Salami’s Court of Appeal — then serving as the final court on gubernatorial election disputes — had removed PDP governors that, in 2007, brazenly stole the vote, in Edo, in Ondo, in Ekiti and in Osun: the last two after more than three years, during which the thieving governors usurped power sans a mandate. 

    Justice Salami himself chaired the final panel that tossed out Engr. Segun Oni in Ekiti.

    So, what legal principle would fling Jonathan against the rock and send him crashing, even if he won the election, given that the amendment, which Justice Salami quotes, was made after Jonathan had left office?  Wouldn’t  the non-retroactive principle count for him?

    It’s that definitive difference between criminal and civil rights, rarely espoused in the public space by jurists. 

    “The Constitution protects criminal right against retroactive legislation … The Constitution,” he admitted, “frowns at or forbids retroactive enactments with regard to criminal act, omission and penalties, and not civil or constitutional infractions.”

    So, on the grund norm, the difference can’t be starker: “It is trite that an amendment to an enactment relates back to the date the principal enactment (legislation it is seeking to amend) came into force.  In other words, the date for the commencement of the Fourth Alteration Act, No. 16 of 2018 is the date the 1999 Constitution of the Federal of Nigeria itself, came into force.”

    To buttress his points, Justice Salami quoted Section 4, Sub-section (1) of the Interpretation Act, viz.: “A reference in an enactment shall, if the other enactment has been amended, be construed as a reference to the other enactment as amended.”

    Thus, Justice Salami declared, with measured finality: “Consequently, the hue and cry that there has been a retroactive legislation is most unjustifiable.”

    Now, Justice Salami is retired.  So, this could be a mere legal opinion, to which serving jurists could differ.  Yet, such is his sure-footed references that a fit may be seizing the Jonathan camp!

    Which is why Dr. Jonathan would naturally permit himself to wonder: is that jurist after me, for past wrongs done him when I was president?  Ha!

    In fairness to Dr. Jonathan, it was strictly a judicial affair, though triggered by the excitable politics of the moment.  Seeing the Salami Court of Appeal retrieving PDP stolen votes in the then Yoruba opposition bastion of the South West, Iyiola Omisore, then a senator, penned a controversial piece in The Guardian.

    That piece — more angry than sober — insinuated Justice Salami might be an Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) judicial mole, an insinuation not only reckless but almost equating an apostasy, given Justice Salami’s whistle-clean image.

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    Somehow, however, the late Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Aloysius Katsina-Alu, came up with a “promotion” for the PCA: a seat on the Supreme Court, at which Justice Salami balked. 

    The CJN called it promotion. Justice Salami called it elimination — elimination from the Court of Appeal, because that court had retrieved stolen votes from the ruling PDP! 

    Omisore was clearly peeved, because the last retrieval was in Osun: the judicial sacking of Governor Olagunsoye Oyinlola, for ACN’s Rauf Aregbesola, the rightful winner of the 2007 election — but three-and-a-half years after, in November 2010!

    After CJN Katsina-Alu found Justice Salami would not be bullied, his deus-ex-machina, staged at the National Judicial Council (NJC) absurd theatre, was a sudden suspension from office, after an alleged misdemeanour, by Salami. 

    The trigger was another Sokoto gubernatorial judicial challenge.  In the ensuing exchange, CJN claimed PCA had “lied” against him.  That stalemate lasted between August 2011 and May 2013. 

    Dr. Jonathan’s role was how his government hurried to affirm Salami’s “suspension”, but tarried to obey his reinstatement, by the same NJC, after it found the jurist did no wrong. 

    But by then, CJN Katsina-Alu had retired, and new CJN Dahiru Musdapher crested Nigeria’s judicial system.  PCA Salami statutorily retired, with his honour intact, on 15 October 2013.

    Which is why Jonathan would wonder: is Salami after me?  Again, not likely; though the mind of the guilty, who are always afraid (to filch the title of one of James Hadley Chase’s crime fiction thriller novels), could run that way.

    But whatever the jurist’s motive by his legal opinion, it could well help to jar Jonathan back into the stark reality, from his reported latest dreamy fixation.

    Smell the coffee: the PDP, that staged the 2007 vote heist, is in disarray.  The ADC door is slammed shut — isn’t ADC an Atiku Abubakar special purpose vehicle (SPV)? The old South East/South-South alliance, that served Jonathan rather well, is all but vanished.  Now, Salami has added dreary tales on the legal front!

    Old Greek philosopher, Heraclitus was right: you can’t step in the same driver twice!  So, on what basis might Jonathan want to run?  Well, it’s a democracy!

  • Jonathan unfazed by constitutional ambiguity

    Jonathan unfazed by constitutional ambiguity

    With each passing week, former president Goodluck Jonathan seems doubly sure no constitutional obstacle stands in his way of running for the presidency a second time. His opponents may regret his firm stance, but they stand on very flimsy ground to think that anything bars him from contesting in 2027 should he choose to run. Dr Jonathan is not new to the impediments strewn across his path, some of them purporting to be constitutional. In 2012, the effort to bar him from running began in earnest. First sworn in on May 6, 2010 to complete the late President Umaru Yar’Adua’s tenure, he had gone on to win the 2011 election, and soon began making sheep’s eye at the 2015 presidential election. It was the attempt to stop him that triggered a cavalcade of legal cases begun in 2012. All the three cases brought against him to date have, however, been decided in his favour.

    All the suits aimed to abort Dr Jonathan’s re-election plans. The first case, filed in 2012 at the High court of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) before Justice Mudashiru Oniyangi, was decided in his favour. The judge had no hesitation whatsoever in ruling that nothing barred the then president from contesting in 2015. Dissatisfied, the appellant, Cyriacus Njoku, appealed. In March 2015, shortly before the election of that year, the Court of Appeal held that nothing barred Dr Jonathan from contesting. They gave their reason, and it seemed so incontrovertible that it settled the case once and for all. But the furore that accompanied the case, not to say the constitutional lacuna many legal experts said they noticed, led to a constitutional amendment that took effect in 2018. Embodied in Section 137(3), the alteration indicates that “A person who was sworn in to complete the term for which another person was elected as President, shall not be elected to such office for more than a single term.”

    The alteration was expressed in very simple and accessible language, admitting of no ambiguity. But against a litigious Nigerian, even the simplest expression acquires new and convoluted meaning. In 2022, when it seemed a clearly nostalgic Dr Jonathan would not take no for an answer and seemed determined to run again, the litigious duo of Andy Solomon and Idibiye Abraham headed to the courts to see whether they could bar him from the 2023 poll. Filed at the Federal High Court in Yenagoa, the judge, Isa Hamma Dashen, in May 2022, held that the constitution did not disqualify Dr Jonathan, and that if he had won in 2015, he would have been sworn into office anyway, with no one the wiser. Anchoring his decision on the inability of the amendment to take retroactive effect, the judge concluded that Sec 137(3) “cannot apply retrospectively, except the Legislature, in clear terms, expressly stated their intention for it to be so.”

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    Here is the crux of the matter. When the legislature made the alteration to the constitution to take care of peculiar circumstances and puzzles, the kind that hamstrung Dr Jonathan’s ascension in 2010, they never imagined that he would try to return on a later day, say in 2023 or 2027. They were unable to anticipate that Dr Jonathan is one of those unique politicians who never let bad enough alone. More accurately, power mongers and political schemers have continued to badger the former president with tantalising prospects of returning to office. Every time they seduce him, he falls. The United States constitution, on the other hand, made term limits beguilingly easy to comprehend and adhere to when the 22nd Amendment was ratified in 1951. Just one sentence, and the job was done. It says in Section 1: “No person shall be elected to the office of the President more than twice, and no person who has held the office of President, or acted as President, for more than two years of a term to which some other person was elected President shall be elected to the office of the President more than once.” Had the Nigerian constitutional alteration indicated a time period for the ‘acting’ president, say one year or two, there would have been no court case.

    But court case or not, the fact is that Dr Jonathan is not constitutionally barred from contesting in 2027. The All Progressives Congress (APC) should discountenance that supposition and reconcile with reality. It should not waste time and money on any litigation, for any court case might instead canonise a man who has no sense for liturgy of any kind. What will stop the former president from contesting in 2027 are history and his personality. History, because other than massive adoption by a sitting government, such as happened to ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo, no former Nigerian ruler has made it back to the State House; not Gen. Ibrahim Babangida in 2011, and not Gen. Yakubu Gowon in 1993. Secondly, his personality is one of his chief liabilities. Dr Jonathan was neither extraordinary during his five years in office nor decisive and assertive as great leaders should be. He has remained averse to risk-taking and uncomfortable with visioning. He has seemed to hone these last behavioural defects since he left office in 2015, given the way he has run from pillar to post seeking a party to unanimously adopt him. He has egregiously flirted with the African Democratic Congress (ADC) being built with former vice president Atiku Abubakar’s money. And he has dallianced with the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) which he abandoned shortly after he left office, citing betrayal and other reasons.

    The constitution will not stop Dr Jonathan, and indeed cannot, no matter how liberally the relevant sections of the constitution are interpreted. The Nigerian judiciary may not exactly be the darling of the masses, but three judgements in a row in favour of Dr Jonathan should not be discounted. The constitution is on his side. On the contrary, he is his greatest liability: his personality, his records, his stark inability to read the signs of the times, his constant overrating of self, and his even more baffling underestimation of his opponents and all other forces poised to doom his candidacy should he find a platform to indulge his lackluster politics. As mired in controversy and lethargy as the PDP is, one of its weaknesses is not stupidity and wastefulness. Notwithstanding its desperation to find a formula to beat the ruling party, the leading opposition party will think twice before giving their ticket to Dr Jonathan, assuming he is capable of the genuine absolution his years of political truancy demand of him.

  • GEJ’s second coming: Lest we forget

    GEJ’s second coming: Lest we forget

    Sir: So, Goodluck Jonathan is said to be eyeing a return to Aso Rock — again. The man who presided over one of the most rudderless, corrupt, and visionless administrations in Nigeria’s democratic history now thinks he deserves a second bite of the apple. It’s almost comical, if it weren’t tragic.

    Let’s be clear: there was a reason Goodluck Ebele Jonathan was booted out of office in 2015. He didn’t lose because Nigerians suddenly fell in love with Muhammadu Buhari. He lost because his government had become a byword for chaos, corruption, and crippling indecision. His reign was a tragic experiment in what happens when a man with neither backbone nor boldness is handed the keys to a volatile, complex nation like Nigeria.

    Jonathan governed like a man afraid of his own shadow. He was perpetually “consulting,” constantly “studying the situation,” and forever “setting up committees.” Meanwhile, Nigeria burned. Under his watch, Boko Haram morphed from a ragtag group of extremists into a full-blown terrorist army, capturing territories, overrunning military bases, and hoisting their black flags over Nigerian towns.

    The Chibok incident occurred under Jonathan, and his initial reaction was one of denial, dithering, and deafening silence. While young girls were being kidnapped and the world screamed #BringBackOurGirls, Jonathan and his kitchen cabinet were busy politicking and accusing opposition voices of exaggeration. Leadership failure doesn’t come more glaringly.

    But it wasn’t just security. The Jonathan years were a festival of corruption. Billions of dollars vanished into thin air — oil revenue unaccounted for, subsidy scams that would make Hollywood blush, and a central bank governor (Sanusi Lamido Sanusi) who blew the whistle and got the boot for daring to speak the truth. The fuel subsidy racket under Jonathan was legendary — a gravy train for cronies and cartels who laughed all the way to foreign banks while ordinary Nigerians queued for petrol.

    The 2012 fuel subsidy fiasco, which triggered mass protests across the country, was a symbol of everything wrong with Jonathan’s government — tone-deaf policy, confused communication, and total detachment from the realities of ordinary Nigerians. And when the dust settled, the same subsidy regime he sought to reform became even fatter, darker, and leakier.

    And who can forget the farce of the Transformation Agenda? It was all slogans, no substance. Ministers and special advisers and assistants turned their portfolios into private estates. Contracts were inflated, accountability evaporated, and governance was reduced to a “share-the-money” circus. It was chop-I-chop governance, pure and simple — a cash-and-carry carnival masquerading as democracy. The barn door was wide open, and the hyenas had a feast.

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    The Jonathan era was the golden age of impunity. Everyone dipped their hands into the till — from fuel marketers to politically connected businessmen, from civil servants to security chiefs. When whistle-blowers tried to raise an alarm, they were hounded, suspended, or smeared. Under Jonathan, corruption wasn’t an aberration — it was the operating system.

    Jonathan’s biggest sin, however, wasn’t just corruption — it was weakness. He wasn’t in charge. Everyone knew it. His ministers ran rings around him. His political godfathers pulled the strings. The cabals called the shots. Jonathan wasn’t leading Nigeria; he was watching from the side-lines. A president who cannot say “No” to his friends will always say “Sorry” to his people. And Jonathan’s Nigeria was one long apology — a helpless shrug from a man clearly overwhelmed by the magnitude of the office he held.

    But perhaps Jonathan’s most glaring flaw was his chronic lack of judgment — his inability to read the room or recognize when the tide has turned. If he truly believes that Nigeria in 2025 is the same as Nigeria in 2015, then he has learned nothing. The political landscape has shifted dramatically. The era of the “Otuoke boy with no shoe” playing the role of accidental messiah is over. Today’s Nigerians are not seduced by humble origins but by honest governance.

    We need leaders with vision, courage, and clarity — not those who float through office like startled tourists, clutching prayer books while their lieutenants loot the treasury. Jonathan had his chance. He squandered it. History gave him the opportunity to be great, but he chose to settle for comfort instead.

    Goodluck Jonathan’s presidency was a cautionary tale — a lesson in what happens when luck replaces leadership. Nigeria must not make the same mistake twice.

    •Dr. Vitus Ozoke, United States.

  • I never said Buhari was linked to Boko Haram, Jonathan clarifies

    I never said Buhari was linked to Boko Haram, Jonathan clarifies

    Former President Goodluck Jonathan has refuted media reports claiming he accused the late former President Muhammadu Buhari of having ties with Boko Haram, describing the allegations as “false and misleading.”

    In a statement on Saturday by his media aide, Ikechukwu Eze, Jonathan clarified that his recent remarks at the launch of Scars — a book written by former Chief of Defence Staff, Gen. Lucky Irabor (rtd) — were taken out of context.

    He explained that he merely referenced a past incident in which Boko Haram named Buhari among individuals it wanted to represent them in peace talks, noting that this was part of the group’s deceptive tactics and not an indication of any connection between Buhari and the insurgents.

    “At no time did Dr. Jonathan suggest, imply, or insinuate that President Buhari had any connection with Boko Haram or that he supported the group in any form,” the statement reads.

    “His remarks were made to illustrate the deviousness and manipulative strategies employed by Boko Haram in their early years.”

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    The former president emphasised that the mention of Buhari’s name by the insurgents was one of several false claims made by factions pretending to represent Boko Haram at the time.

    “Boko Haram often invoked the names of respected public figures to sow confusion, exploit political divisions, and undermine public confidence in government,” Eze added.

    Jonathan’s office further questioned why, if Buhari was truly the group’s chosen negotiator, Boko Haram did not end its violent campaign after he became president.

    “Dr. Jonathan recognises that President Muhammadu Buhari, like every patriotic Nigerian, stood firmly against terrorism and was himself a target of Boko Haram violence,” the statement continued.

    Jonathan urged Nigerians to disregard the misrepresentation, reaffirming his continued commitment to national peace, unity, and democratic stability.

  • Jonathan will contest 2027 presidency, says Jerry Gana

    Jonathan will contest 2027 presidency, says Jerry Gana

    Former Minister of Information, Professor Jerry Gana, has declared that former President Goodluck Jonathan will contest the 2027 presidential election, insisting that his return to Aso Rock is not just a dream but a concrete plan.

    Speaking at the Niger State Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) congress over the weekend, Gana said Nigerians are yearning for Jonathan’s comeback.

    “In 2015, Jonathan said his ambition was not worth the blood of Nigerians. Since then, we’ve had another President for eight years and now another for two years. Nigerians have seen the difference, and they are asking us to bring back our friend, former President Goodluck Jonathan. I can confirm that he will contest in 2027 as PDP’s candidate,” Gana stated.

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    At the congress, Alhaji Aliyu Mohammed Halidu was elected PDP chairman with 1,289 votes, narrowly defeating Yahaya Abdullahi (Ability), who scored 1,260. Other winners included Hadi Kuta as state secretary and Salome Ndakosu as woman leader, who secured 1,373 votes against Ramotu Jibrin’s 590.

    Chairman of the PDP Electoral Committee, Tanimu Turaki, announced the results, noting that eight positions were contested while others were filled unopposed.

    In his acceptance speech, Halidu urged unity among party members, stressing the need to work collectively to reclaim power in 2027, beginning with the November local government elections.

  • ‘Jonathan can contest PDP primary but not as spoiler’

    ‘Jonathan can contest PDP primary but not as spoiler’

    •Olawepo-Hashim’s supporters warn of division ex-President’s return will cause

    Northwest arm of Gbenga Hashim Vanguard has cautioned Peoples Democratic Party about the division return of former President Goodluck Jonathan will cause if he is drafted into contesting the party’s presidential primary.

    The supporters noted that the alleged plot to bring the former President is to use him as a “spoiler” against party loyalists ahead of the primary for 2027 elections.

    Reacting to reports by former Interior Minister, Abba Moro, that PDP had allegedly shortlisted three southern aspirants, including Jonathan, the group said the claim is “provincial and dangerous for party unity”.

    Speaking in Kano, Northwest Coordinator, Aminu Wudilawa, said only elected delegates, in line with the Electoral Act, can determine PDP’s presidential candidate.

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    “PDP should not 2015, when President Jonathan was misled into a ‘provincialist’ approach that weakened it and cost us power.

    “The party is not sectional; it belongs to all, North and South. Any attempt to reduce the process to ethnic politics will be resisted,” Wudilawa said.

    He said while Jonathan can contest, restricting the ticket to South is a ploy to edge out northerners like Dr. Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim, founding member and first deputy national publicity secretary.

    He said the aspirant is a democrat who sacrificed for return of democracy, a successful entrepreneur, and “one of the cleanest hands in Nigerian politics”.