The Nation Newspaper

Tag: governance

  • Rope-a-dope governance

    This piece, first published on June 23, is being rerun as a salute to the Federal Government for heeding Hardball’s strident calls and setting up the N30billion  ‘Victims Support Fund’. Hardball thinks it is a remarkable gesture that it is better late than never. Read on:

    Hardball had canvassed the issue of finding succour for the victims of Boko Haram insurgency until he was wearied out by the Federal Government’s seeming rope-a-dope tactics. You remember the legendary pugilist, Mohammed Ali, in his heyday, perfected this fighting stratagem in which he leans against the boxing ring ropes, shields his face and goads his opponent to pound the rest of his body. Because a great boxer’s body is as tough as a mass of polythene, you would badger at his body only to your peril. To drill our point home, the Federal Government may (unbeknown to it) have adopted a rope-a-dope style of governance to the effect that it is almost impossible to canvass for alternative policy options today.

    The Boko Haram insurgents have carried out intense war on a large chunk of the North in the past five years without let. No arm of government is seriously taking records, but an estimated 5,000 Nigerians may have been killed, while about 15,000 may have been inflicted with bodily injuries. There are huge material losses too in terms of property, businesses, goods and cash. But nobody is keeping tab, which is bad enough. But worse is that government has not considered any response to these hapless collateral outcomes of our current hate and terror regime.

    This callous indifference may have pushed the visiting United States lawmakers to make a strident call to the Federal Government to spare a thought for these victims. Being Americans and extant lawmakers for that matter, perhaps government would be apt to listen to them and act upon their appeal faster than it would hearken to a ranting and a disgusting Nigerian columnist. But let it be done all the same and done quickly. The US congress men and women, who came mid-June, said they were in town as part of the global effort to ensure the release of the teenage school girls kidnapped in Chibok, Borno State, since April 14.

    Steve Stockman, who led the delegation to Nigeria, spoke its mind thus: “The best thing that could happen is if we have a fund set up for those that lost their lives and for the families that remain here on this earth.”

    Nigerians, including this columnist, have shouted themselves hoarse on this matter, which seems rather straightforward and commonsensical. Why has the Federal Government or any government for that matter not deemed it fit to set up a committee and a fund to begin to sort the numerous victims and grant them reprieve? What we have experienced since 2009 is that after each attack, the dead are evacuated and often poured into a mass grave, while the injured are taken to hospitals and largely abandoned to their fate.

    While we kowtow and bend over double to appease the terrorists, as was done for the Niger Delta militants, we must track and manage the poor victims in order to heal not only the physical, but also emotional and spiritual wounds too. It is called atonement.

  • Regulator mulls enforcement framework for governance code

    The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) is considering the enforcement framework for the reinvigorated Code of Corporate Governance for Public Companies, which was recently upgraded from a moral-suasion based voluntary code to a mandatory code.

    A reliable source at SEC told The Nation that the approval of the compulsory code of corporate governance by the board of SEC cleared the way for the implementation and enforcement of the provisions of the code.

    According to the source, SEC is working out a framework that will allow for smooth but effective transition from the moral-suasion and voluntary regime to compulsory compliance regime.

    The source said SEC might consider a three-step framework that includes notification of all stakeholders about the new status of the code, enlightenment of the general investing public on the new status and the implementation timeline and enforcement of compliance.

    “SEC as a responsible and considerate regulator would engage the stakeholders in the market. The timeline between the notification and deployment of compliance machinery would be used for stakeholders’ engagement,” the source said.

    The source added that SEC would also write deficient companies to notify them of areas of deficiency and request for compliance plan.

    A new provision to the code of corporate governance stipulates that “compliance with the provisions of this code shall be mandatory”  while another amendment states that companies will be liable to a fine of N500, 000 at the first instance of notification and subsequently additional fine of N5, 000 for every day that the violation persists.

    Besides, the stipulated fines, the new provision also give SEC unfettered power to apply “any other sanction” it “may deem fit in the circumstance”.

    “Any company/entity that violates the provisions of this Code shall be liable to a fine of N500, 000 at the first instance and a further sum of N5, 000 for every day the violation persists and or any other sanction as the Commission may deem fit in the circumstance,” the amended code stated.

    The code, according to the amendments, will now be described as a framework that is expected to facilitate sound corporate practices and behavior and it should be seen as a dynamic document defining minimum standards of corporate governance expected particularly of public companies with listed securities.

    The application of sanctions and penalties would scale up the code to same level of statutory rules being made by SEC under the mandate of the Investment and Securities Act (ISA) 2007. Already, publicly quoted companies are required to include in their annual report and accounts a compliance report on codes of corporate governance. The Code of Corporate Governance for Public Companies sets the minimum acceptable standards for quoted companies. Launched in 2003, the code of corporate governance was reviewed and re-launched in 2011, with several changes to reflect the globally acceptable practices.

    Some salient points in the code included board composition, remuneration, independent director, shareholding disclosure, insider knowledge, meeting and whistle blowing.

    Under board composition, the code stipulates that members of the board of directors should not be less than five and the board should comprise a mix of executive and non-executive directors, headed by a non-executive chairman. The majority of directors should be non-executive directors, at least one of whom should be independent director. The positions of chairman of the board and chief executive officer shall be separate and held by different individuals. To safeguard the independence of the board, not more than two members of the same family should sit on the board of a public company at the same time.

    The code requires that the remuneration of the chief executive officer as well as other executive directors should comprise a component that is long-term performance related and may include stock options and bonuses which should however, be disclosed in the company’s annual reports. Executive directors are not allowed to be involved in the determination of their remuneration. Executive directors should not receive the sitting allowances or director’s fees paid to non-executive directors.

    Every public company is expected to have a minimum of one independent director on its board. An independent director is a non-executive director whose shareholding does not exceed 0.1 per cent of the company’s paid up capital and is not a representative of a shareholder that has the ability to control or significantly influence management.

  • ‘Exemplary governance enhances development’

    ‘Exemplary governance enhances development’

    For two days, lawyers gathered in Lagos for the Nigerian Bar Association Section on Business Law (NBA-SBL) eighth annual business law conference. Contemporary issues on various aspects of the economy were discussed in the breakout sessions by the SBL committees. JOSEPH JIBUEZE and PRECIOUS IGBONWELUNDU report.

    Why has majority of Nigerians  remained poor despite their country’s abundant natural resources? It is due to bad governance, speakers at the eight annual business law conference of the Nigerian Bar Association Section on Business Law (NBA-SBL) have said.

    House of Representatives Speaker, Aminu Tambuwal in the keynote address, said it is disheartening that Nigeria rates low in economic development in Africa.

    He referred to a report by the African Centre for Economic Development (ACEF), which listed Nigeria among countries with the least economic transformation in the sub-saharan region.

    Tambuwal also pointed out that in the African Transformation Index (ATI) on countries’ diversification, export competitiveness and technology upgrade, Mauritius (which came first), South Africa, Cote D’Ivoire, Uganda and Kenya all ranked higher than Nigeria, which placed 19th.

    Expounding on the conference theme: Exemplary governance: Enhancing Economic Development in Nigeria, the Speaker, represented by Mr Moyo Onigbanjo (SAN), said established governance indices for governance are absent.

    Such indices, he said, include governance being epitomised by predictable, open and enlightened policy making; being characterised by transparency and accountability; being participatory and equitable; promoting rule of law and being on the correct path to economic development and prosperity.

    “One thing remains settled: the nation is in arrears of its development potentials and expectations,” Tambuwal said.

    The conference had four plenary sessions with the sub-themes: The role of investors in fostering economic growth; The contributory pension scheme as a catalyst for economic development in Nigeria; and The judiciary, the Bar – enhancing economic growth.

    There were breakout sessions by SBL committees on competition law; travel; tourism and hospitality; mergers, acquisitions and corporate reorganisations; energy and environment; intellectual property; capital markets; insurance and pension; young lawyers; sports and entertainment; infrastructure; information and communication technology; and banking, finance and insolvency.

    Lagos State governor, Babatunde Fashola (SAN), declaring the conference open, said there cannot be good governance when people refuse to vote in elections.

    He recalled that during his re-election, only 31 per cent of the registered 6.4million voted, unlike India where he said 73.3 per cent of registered voters turned out to vote, and South Africa where 72 per cent voted.

    “At most we have about 31 per cent of registered voters coming out to vote. The truth is that if you don’t come out to vote, you deny yourself the opportunity of good governance.

    “So, I ask the question, do we really deserve good governance? As we prepare for 2015, I hear talks like ‘will my vote count, will they not rig it? That is what I hear. But what I say is nobody will count the vote you refuse to cast,” he said.

    Fashola said citizens are yet to agree as to the true and acceptable definition of good governance. To him, until the people come to such agreement, it would be difficult to act in unity in the pursuit of good governance.

    “The question that is before us is: have we agreed as a people about what we really mean when we ask for good governance? For some people, good governance may mean ‘well our brother is the governor and this is our time’.

    “So, until we agree on a reasonable definition of what is good governance, it may be difficult to unite our actions in the pursuit of what is good. I think that if we trace the history of those countries whose standards we seek to measure ourselves, it may perhaps shed some light on how seemingly elusive the process of good governance or good government is.

    “Perhaps if we find out what those other countries went through we will realise that they have not suffered lack of good governance the way we have. You will, perhaps realise that they have gone every time to make a change. They have made this change always from the ballot box.

    “The message I want to pass through is that we must rise and make a change whenever there is election. We must be able to come together to retain a good government in office or remove a bad government from office,” Fashola said.

    In the second keynote address, former Deputy United Nations Secretary General, Lord Mark Malloch Brown said Nigeria is struggling to realise its potential.

    “Nigeria is a country which is always about to come but never really arrives,” adding that it was like that with Brazil before it “finally” arrived as a strong economy.

    Urging the NBA to be at the frontline of the battle to lift Nigeria, Brown said the GSM revolution is a good example of what the country could achieve “when demand and supply are aligned in the right way.”

    Brown said lawyers must held restore confidence in the judiciary. “Accountability must rest on the Nigerian courts which should not allow gangsters and other criminals to escape the course of justice,” he said.

    The Chief Judge of Lagos, Justice Ayotunde Phillips, represented by the Head Judge, Justice Olufunmilayo Atilade, said significant economic development can only be achieved by the holistic effort of all stakeholders.

    “As the legislature strives to gain the support of the people by being proactive in its promotion of laws, it must also watch the executive and ensure that good policies are implemented for the benefit of the people.

    “The judiciary itself must continue to demonstrate its independence and work with the other arms of government in strengthening itself as an institution and promoting its efficiency.

    “Citizens must also become proactive. Civil society organisations and community based organisations should strengthen good governance from below by providing the people with the tools they need to question and take charge of their future,” Justice Phillips said.

    NBA President Okey Wali (SAN) criticised lawyers who he said have placed Bar politics above their careers. “Some of our members are so entrenched in the politics of the Bar that they virtually have no legal practice left. In fact, they have made NBA elections their career.

    “This development is not only antithesis of professionalism, but also very worrisome. If 30 per cent of the energy being channelled into the election of national and branch officers is diverted to professionalism and development of legal practice skills, the legal profession and legal system would be better for it,” he said.

    On exemplary governance, Wali said: “Are the indicators of good governance present in the governance structure of Nigeria? In my humble opinion, I do not think so.”

    He said to create an enabling environment that is conducive for economic development, there is need to strengthen the appropriate institutions, remove constitutional constraints and review outdated laws, especially those on business and investment.

    Wali said any reform in the economic sector without comprehensive legal reforms will be ineffectual.

    “Purposeful leadership requires political will to take tough decisions and the ability and will power to push those decisions through. As we get close to the 2015 elections, the Bar calls on all Nigerians to be alert and keep this point in mind,” he said.

    SBL chairman Mr Gbenga Oyebode said despite Nigeria’s “economic achievements”, the country “cannot achieve the success and reduce income inequality without good governance.”

    He said the conference theme was influenced by the forthcoming general election and “presents a very unique opportunity for stakeholders to address the imperatives of exemplary governance as a platform for enhancing economic growth and development in the country.”

    Chief Judge of the Federal High Court, Justice Ibrahim Auta, represented by Justice J.C Sou, praised SBL for its vibrancy, saying the Federal High Court was ready to partner with the Section to strengthen professionalism in the legal profession.

    Other speakers included Presiding Justice, Court of Appeal, Lagos, Amina Augie; House of Representatives Minority Leader Femi Gbajabiamila; Acting Director-General National Pension Commission Mrs Chinelo Anohu-Amazu; former NBA Presidents Olisa Agbakoba (SAN) and Joseph Daudu (SAN); Prof Ruth Okediji of the University of Minesota, USA; Dr Joseph Nwobike (SAN); Lagos Commissioner for Health Dr Jide Idris; Justice Mohammed Idris of the Federal High Court, among others.

  • Group calls for change in governance

    Movement for the Fundamental Change (MFC), a social pressure group clamouring for fundamental change in the governance of Nigeria, has passed a verdict that the present system operational in Nigeria is not democratic.

     The MFC,  comprising members of various social groups and high net-worth social crusaders, passed this verdict in a statement titled: “Our Scorecard on Nigeria’s   Democracy:  15 years on (1999-2014)” released in Lagos to assess democratic governance in Nigeria in the last 15 years.

     In the statement signed by the Chairman of the Steering Committee of the group, Oloye  Adegboyega  Adeniyi, the MFC said democracy does not thrive yet in Nigeria because of leadership indiscipline, as the present system lacks the most basic ingredients of democracy which include broad participation of the people in governance processes, rather than exclusion and alienation which the present system fosters.

     Other reasons adduced by the group include accountable public institutions rather than opaque systems prevalent now, credible elections rather than the violent, heavily monetized and predatory electoral processes we currently endure which thrive on patronage and cronyism; the enthronement of criminality as an act of governance and an absolute incapacity for public service delivery.

    In view of its position, the MFC said it had resolved to launch a national protest against this state of affairs in due course to drive home its point.

     The group lamented that Nigeria remains one of the most corrupt nations in the world, based on the Corruption Perception Index (CPI) 2013 released by Transparency International, a global watchdog, adding that in the last survey released in December 2, 2013, Nigeria ranked 144th out of 177 nations in the world, scoring 25 points out of a possible 100 points, while her corruption performance in 2013 was worse than 2012 when it scored 27 points.

    On declining social services, the MFC noted that professionals in the educational sector had continued to protest the abysmal condition of learning and research in educational institutions due to poor funding; shortage of qualified staff, dearth of infrastructure and inadequate laboratories.

     Other national anomalies that attracted the wrath of the group include youth unemployment which it claims stands at conservatively estimated 54% of all employable youths, meaning at least 40 million young people are without jobs; poverty level growing from 54% in 2004 to almost 70% currently, meaning over 100 million Nigerians live in absolute poverty, amongst other national deficiencies.

  • South Africa is Nigeria’s hunting ground, says NFF

    South Africa is Nigeria’s hunting ground, says NFF

    The Director of Competitions, Nigeria Football Federation (NFF), Sanusi Mohammed, on Monday in Abuja said he was optimistic that South Africa would turn out another good hunting ground for Nigeria.

    Mohammed told the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) that the Super Eagles were on course to win the 2014 African Nations Championship (CHAN) on the strength of their performances so far.

    NAN reports that the Nigerian side, who are making their debut appearance at the competition which is for players in the continent’s domestic leagues, advanced to the quarter-finals on Sunday.

    They beat hosts South Africa 3-1 to finish second in Group A with six points from three matches, after two wins and a loss to Mali in their opening game.

    Mohammed told NAN he was optimistic because the Super Eagles have a psychological advantage to end up victorious at the tournament on the basis of history.

    “We have a psychological advantage because anytime we go to South Africa for a competition, we end up as champions. We normally win tournaments hosted by South Africa, the latest of which was the African Nations Cup in 2013.

    “So, featuring at CHAN for the first time does not mean anything to us because South Africa is a good ground for us because we have that psychological advantage and with our players’ ability to rise to the occasion,” he said.

    The NFF Director of Competitions commended the Super Eagles’ players for their determination which reflected in their matches as the tournament progresses.

    “We thank God we won on Sunday, because many people did not give the Super Eagles a chance to move to the next round. But the players were determined and they got the result, because we all saw significant improvement in them in all departments, especially the defence. The defenders were up and doing and the goalkeeper made brilliant saves,” he said.

    Mohammed however noted that there was a room for improvement in the defenceline of the team.

    “We need to be more serious in the area of defence because there seems to be poor communication between the defenders and the goalkeeper,” he said.

    Also, Erasmus Onuh, a former coach of ABS Football Club of Ilorin, praised the Eagles, telling NAN that the players exhibited the fighting spirit associated with Nigerian teams.

    “I was impressed with their performance because the fighting spirit usually associated with a Nigerian team was seen in the players. They really know what they wanted and they went for it and they have improved as the tournament progressed,” he said.

    Onuh added that the players’ improvement showed the ability of the team’s technical crew.

    “What makes a good team to stand out is the ability to improve with every game, and we saw that they played better than they did in the last two matches. This clearly shows that they have a good coach, because any team that fails to improve with each match doesn’t have a good coach,” he said.

    NAN recalls that the Nigerian team had started its campaign in the competition on a bad note by losing 1-2 to Mali on Jan. 11. It found its way back into the tournament by beating Mozambique 4-2 on Jan. 15.

    The Super Eagles will now face the Group B winners in the first quarter-final match at the Cape Town Stadium on Jan. 25.

  • Politics versus governance

    In their raw, basic forms, politics and governance may offer something to lift your spirits. While the one basically entails influencing other people, the other essentially hints at the tangible and intangible contribution of a governing body to the welfare of the governed. At home, since they say both terms exist there, too, a father or mother may actually relish balancing the strengths of one child over the weaknesses of another, the boisterousness of one over the aloofness of the other, the nagging of a girl-child over the independence of the boy. Parents must work hard at this and succeed, not just for their own peace of mind but also the welfare of the children. At this level, politics and governance may be fun, even something to look forward to and acquit one well in. But at the level to which our politicians, sometimes also called people in government, have brought them, both terms have since become unwholesome, dirty and scary. Last year ended on such an inglorious note. And the new year is taking off on an even more troubling note as we count down to election year. Putting politics and governance side by side, I sometimes wonder which is better. Can you take one and leave out the other? They say both are inter-woven, but I ask, why do we have more politicking than governing? And why is the politicking getting more devious by the day, and governing less apparent as the clock ticks? The politics and governance of today are measured by the standards of our past heroes, and oftentimes modernday efforts fall far short of what used to be. Now, that is a tragedy. Society must progress or it retrogresses. There is no luxury of mid-point stagnation. This is because the world continues to revolve, and this is not merely a geographical fact. Ghana was once derided in this region, its people thought of merely as itinerant cloth-menders and the like. Those days are long gone. The table has since turned, and Nigerians are besieging Nkrumah country for education, for business and for a breath of fresh air. Japan once inspired little respect, thought of as that country of copycats. In time, the copycats began to come to their own, even exporting their produce, mostly electronics, to a once scornful world. The China apotheosis is much too loud and clear to warrant analysis in this space. Politics and governance in these parts fall far short of the country’s famous potential. To that extent, the world’s most populous black nation is yet to take off, and even its eventual takeoff is difficult to see. Last year ended with Nigeria’s leaders and their aides quarelling in, or over, open letters. The same year, Nigerians watched, bemused, as governors simply could not choose any of them to chair their common forum. So what did they do? They promptly split in two, with Rivers State Governor Chibuike Amaechi presiding over the majority half, and Plateau State Governor Jonah Jang settling into the smaller part. But as if that was not troubling enough, the Presidency fancied cosying up to the Jonah half, rather than the Amaechi camp, neither mending the rift nor minding the reproach it brought to the entire country and its people. Beyond party politics, there should be standards below which no society should fall. Such divisions detract and distract. They rob a country’s leaders of focus, of their debt of governance to the people. I mentioned a while ago that our national politics and governance are gauged by the standards of past leaders. The names of Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Sir Ahmadu Bello and some others are invoked by present-day politicians partly to lead us to believe that today’s men and women have not forgotten yesterday’s heroes, and partly to further claim that the new players are keeping pace with Nigeria’s genuine leaders of yore. This mindset is disgusting, in the least. First, by this token, present-day politicians and office holders create the impression that they are still under the shadows of their predecessors. This is a multiple tragedy. A child is expected to achieve more than the parents, not tell the world that the shoes of his father is too big to be filled. Our past leaders were great, but they were nowhere perfect, nor did they achieve even half of what they should have achieved. Awolowo blessed the Southwest with free education. Why shouldn’t the crop of new leaders in the region better his effort by significantly raising the quality of learning? Awo fought poverty with agriculture. Have we checked to see how many are poor and unemployed in the Southwest? Michael Opara left unforgettable infrastructure in the Southeast, in places far removed from the state capitals of today. But what is the profile of growth in the region now? How does the Igbo man fare today? The Sardauna unified the North but how united is the region after his departure. Now, if we today’s leaders cannot match yesterday’s heroes, what hope is there of even bettering past standards? The fundamentals of politics and governance are missing in this country.

  • Will there be governance this year?

    Will there be governance this year?

    The next general election is a year away. But, the country is already enveloped in tension. The scramble for power is heating up the polity. The political class is swimming in a pool of controversy and crises. Elected officials are dissipating more energy on conflict resolution, instead of governance. Some circumstances may transform second term governors into lame duck administrators, with the succession battle engaging their time and attention. Dominant political parties are glued to the drawing board, scheming and orchestrating defections. The language of the ruling party is continuity. But the opposition is also loud in its persistent struggle for power shift. It is a year of ego war and media battle. Already, the umpire has alerted the country to the imminence of fractional elections, owing to the growing insecurity in the Northeast geo-political zone. Many state functions are now platforms for political mobilisation. Ambitious politicians are saving for the rainy day, fortifying personal political structures and gathering civilian armies. The polity may be suffocated by the stiff competition for political control. The fragility of political morality on the part of significant actors locked in the protracted battle for power and supremacy may become the nation’s albatross. In all these permutations, where lies the interest of the common man? Will these political activities enhance democratic consolidation and foster political stability or serve as the tonic for centrifugal forces bent on capitalising on the weakness of the lopsided federal arrangement to plot disintegration as predicted by foreign agencies? In this projections into 2014, Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU and Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN highlight important political events that will have far-reaching impact on governance, electoral democracy and socio-economic and political wellbeing of the people.

     

    Many critical issues and

    events will shape politics

    this year. Indisputably, the unresolved conflicts and logjams of 2013 will be carried over to the year.

    2014 is a prelude to the election year, 2015, when 31 states will elect governors and federal and state legislators at the general elections. The staggered polls attested to the antecedents of an anxious polity eluded by the sanctity of the ballot box.

    Political crises may create more economic hullabaloos, particularly in an atmosphere of national insecurity. The unresolved national question will remain a trigger for passion. The centenary celebrations may only remind Nigerians about the mistake of 1914 and status of Nigeria as an amalgam of incompatible social formations lacking in national outlook and clamouring for autonomy and identities, instead of exploring the opportunities for national renewal, cohesion and unity. The way and manner these issues and crises of development and nation-building are strategically handled by the competing blocs or managed by the institutions of democracy in the national interest will either make or mar the political process. What is required to navigate the ship of state and prevent it from hitting the rock by the controlling power bloc is courage, patriotism, hard work, creative ingenuity and statesmanship on the party of the Commander-in-Chief. In 2013 and beyond, Nigeria will need a transformational leader in the true sense of the word.

    The major issues and events that will shape the response of stakeholders to the political milieu include the on-going political realignments, Ekiti and Osun states governorship elections, the national conference, the appointment of new ministers, the registration of more political parties, the constitution review, local government elections, the release of election time-table by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the release of nomination guidelines by parties, party conventions and electioneering campaigns.

     

    Political realignment

     

    Ahead of the general elections, there will be more political alignments, defections or cross-carpeting. Already, five Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governors and 37 members of the House of Representatives have defected to the main opposition party, the All Progressives Congress (APC). In the new year, the tremor may hit the Senate, where many senators have openly identified with the opposition. Parliamentary sources have hinted that 22 senators have resolved to dump the ruling party. Besides, some mushroom political parties are likely to merge with either the PDP or the APC. Others may also explore the opportunities for alliances or accord. The fusion or merger of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) into the APC has changed the face of politics. Today, the presence of other light weight parties notwithstanding, Nigeria is on the fast lane to two-party system. The two-party system does not mean that smaller parties will not warm the INEC register. But they will lack the strength and basis for seeking federal power. For instance, the Labour Party (LP) and the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) are not showing interest in the presidential contest, except as appendages of the ruling PDP. The PDP is in a turmoil. It is likely to lose more states as more governors may defect to the APC. Henceforth, the Presidency may face heat from the National Assembly because the PDP may lose its majority status in the Senate.

    However, the year posses

    challenges to the APC. In

    Sokoto, Adamawa, Rivers, Kano and Kwara states, the party is expected to reconcile political foes, who now cohabit in the same progressive camp. There are interim executive committees in place at the federal, state, local government and ward levels. But, during the proposed congress, the new leadership should reflect the vested interests. The only way to do that is to prevent politics of exclusion in intra-party politics.

     

    Obi out, Obiano in

     

    In March, Anambra State Governor Peter Obi’s two-term tenure will expire. He will be succeeded by the banker-turned politician and governor-elect, Dr. Willy Obiano. Obi is an ally of President Goodluck Jonathan. There are speculations that that he will be drafted into the President’s campaign for second term, when he declares his ambition for a second term. The new governor will battle with legitimacy crisis. Already, the PDP candidate, Comrade Tony Nwoye, and his APC counterpart, Senator Chris Ngige, are challenging his victory in the court. Domestic and foreign observers did not give the INEC a pas mark over the controversial Anambra State governorship election. It was severely flawed. The INEC boss, Prof. Attahiru Jega, handed an electoral officer to the police for prosecution. Although a supplementary election was conducted, it could not provide an adequate remedy for the electoral disaster. It is ironical that Obi, who fought protracted legal battles to reclaim his stolen mandate is handing over to a governor largely perceived as a product of a poll marred by irregularities. The poll in the Southeast state has shaken the confidence of the people about INEC’s competence and capacity to conduct free and fair elections in the future.

     

    Ekiti, Osun

    governorship polls

     

    The governorship election in Ekiti and Osun states is expected to hold between June and July. The election will offer the INEC the opportunity to redeem its battered image, following the bungling of the Anambra exercise and its shoddy performance in the Delta Central senatorial by-election. The elections will put to test the strength and the popularity of the APC in both states. The alliance between the PDP and LP will manifest during the election. Already, the LP in Osun State has indicated its readiness to team up with the PDP to confront the APC at the poll. Currently, APC has a firm grip of the Southwest. It is its stronghold. Thus, the party will do everything possible retain power in the region. But the PDP is also not relenting.

    In Osun, Governor Rauf Aregbesola has been endorsed for the governorship poll by the party and other stakeholders. The party members have been mobilising support for his second term, based on his performance in office. However, when the party releases the guidelines, some chieftains may also join the race in the Osun APC, with the motive of using it for political bargaining.

    Aregbesola’s major challenger will come from the PDP. The party is bitter over its deposition from power in 2010. The aspirants on the field in the party include former Deputy Governor Senator Iyiola Omisore, Senator Olasunkanmi Akinlabi, former Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice Mr. Niyi Owolade, Mr. former Secretary to Government Fatai Akinbade and former House of Representatives member Hon. Oluwole Oke.

    In Ekiti, the popularity of Gov-

    ernor Kayode Fayemi is soaring.

    His people-friendly and developmental programmes have endeared the administration to the people from the 16 local governments. Fayemi has been endorsed for a second term on merit by the party, traditional rulers, women groups and youths across the state. However, cracks have appeared on the wall of the APC in Ekitiland. Recently, his compatriot and House of Representatives member, Hon. Opeyemi Bamidele, has defected from the camp to the LP to contest the governorship.

    Historically, whenever there is a split in the progressive camp in the Southwest, the next election may become hectic or violent. Following the split in the defunct Action Group in 1962, the 1964 federal election and 1965 regional polls were chaotic. Following the parting of ways by the late Chief Adekunle Ajasin and his deputy, the late Chief Akin Omoboriowo in 1982 the 1983 election in Ondo State became a war of sorts. In 2007, when some notable governorship aspirants defected from the AC to the PDP in Ekiti, the election was rigged.

    Apart from Bamidele, a former disciple of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, the governor of Ekiti also has the PDP flag bearer to contend with. PDP aspirants include former Governor Ayo Fayose, Minister of Police Affairs, Navy Captain Caleb Olubolade, former Afenifere National Publicity Secretary prince Dayo Adeyeye, Senator Ayo Arise, Senator Gbenga Aluko, Chief Abiodun Aluko, Mr. Bisi Omoyeni and Mrs. Biodun Olujimi.

     

    National conference

     

    The national conference will hold in the first quarter of the year as announced by President Jonathan. The venue will be Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory. The report of the Presidential Advisory Committee on National Conference chaired by Senator Femi Okurounmu has been submitted. The white paper on it is not yet out. Analysts have continued to raise puzzles: What will be the time frame? How many delegates? How will they be selected? Will delegates come from the ethnic nationalities? How many ethnic nationalities are identifiable? How will they be selected? Will government have nominees? Will there be no-go areas? Will it be sovereign or a mere talk show or a jamboree? Will the outcome be subjected to a referendum or the National Assembly as disclosed by the President? Will the conference be guided to rail road the country into a six or seven-year single term? Can the conference produce a peoples’ constitution?

    The opposition will reiterate its objection to the proposed dialogue in the new year. It is believed that the President turned around to support a national conference, based on his belief that it will shore up the image of its administration. However, despite the fact that the nation has witnessed many national conferences, their reports have ended up in a dustbin. Will this dialogue make a difference? Time will tell.

     

    Constitution review

     

    The review of the 1999 Constitution by the National Assembly is an unfinished business. It started two years ago. The exercise will continue this year. The two chambers of the National Assembly will set up a joint committee to harmonise different positions taken on different issues by the Senate and House of Representatives. These include the six-year tenure single term for President and governors and creation of new states, which the House rejected. The report of the joint committee will be subjected to ratification by two-third of the 36 States House of Assembly before the constitution is amended. But, what will be the relationship between the National Assembly, which is amending the constitution, and the national conference, which is also working towards a new constitution? Analysts have opined that the constitution review may turn out to be an exercise in futility.

     

    Appointment of new

    ministers

     

    President Goodluck Jonathan will appoint new ministers to fill the existing vacancies in the Federal Executive Council. The President sacked seven ministers in September, last year. One of the ministers resigned to take up an international appointment. Observers say the sack of the ministers was a fall-out of the split in the PDP. The affected ministers were those sponsored by the governors and party leaders that were locked in political battle with the President and the leadership of the PDP. The new ministers are expected to come from Jigawa, Osun, Kano, Sokoto, Kwara, Adamawa, Niger and Adamawa states. The reconstitution of the cabinet is likely to give states like Lagos the opportunity of having an indigene in the Federal Executive Council.

     

    Registration of new

    political parties

     

    The 1999 Constitution pro-

    vides for a multi-party sys-

    tem. With the 2015 elections lurking around, new political parties may come on board, if they meet the INEC requirements for registration. Already, 30 political parties are on the register. Only five have representatives in the National Assembly. In 2012, the electoral commission deregistered 35 political parties. Their offence was that they were not assets, but liabilities, since they could not win any elective positions at federal and state levels. Last year, If the words of Jega are anything to go by, the agency may deregister more political parties. According to a school of thought, some people have registered parties, not because they wanted to vie for positions or win power, but because they coveted the grant paid political parties by the INEC before and after elections.

     

    INEC guidelines on 2015 elections

     

    The 2015 general elections may hold between January and February. The electoral umpire is expected to release guidelines on the election, at least, six months before the exercise. These include the time-frame for party congresses and conventions, primaries for elective positions, and submission of names of candidates. The INEC has to screen the candidates, give clearance to those that meet the criteria and give room for parties to provide substitutes for those disqualified. The Commission is expected to release the election time-table in the third quarter of the year.

     

    Political campaigns

     

    The electoral commission is expected to lift the ban on the electioneering by August, that is, six months before the commencement of the elections. The agency is also expected to issue guidelines and monitor campaign activities, particularly the use of language while canvassing for votes, the maximum amount a candidate should spend on campaign, the accessibility of opposition parties to government owned-media and sanctions for electoral violence.

     

    Succession battles

     

    The stage is set for the succession battle, especially in states where the governor’s second term will expire in 2015. There will be an upsurge in political activities, clash of interest, scheming and back stabbing. Many ministers and commissioners will resign to contest for the governorship and parliamentary elections. Out-going governors, including Godswill Akpabio (Akwa Ibom), Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers), Rabiu Kwankwaso (Kano), Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto), Theodore Orji (Abia), and Gabriel Suswan (Benue) are believed to be warming up for the Senate.

     

    Battle for Presidency

     

    There are indications that President Jonathan will soon declare his interest in a second term, the crisis rocking his party notwithstanding. This year, the North will intensify its agitation for power shift. The battle for the Presidency will polarise the ruling party and the polity, with some people appealing to ethnic and religious sentiments. There will also be pockets of agitations for the exalted office by some politicians from the Southeast for the fun of it. Their argument has always been that, except when the late Dr Nnamdi Azikwe served as the ceremonial President for six months after independence and the late Gen. Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi for another six months, the zone has not produced an executive President.

     

    Council elections

     

    The agitation for council elections will continue. In the last eight years, many states have avoided the grassroots polls. For example, Anambra State has been postponing the election, since Obi came to power. He has promised to hold the election this month. Oyo State may also hold it, if the court order restricting the state government from reconstituting the state electoral commission is vacated. Members of the commission appointed by former Governor Adebayo Alao-Akala had sued the state government over its dissolution. There are also agitations for the polls in Osun and Ekiti states. Ekiti would have conducted the election, if the PDP had not sued the government over the composition of the state electoral agency.

     

    APC National

    Convention

     

    The major opposition party, the APC, will hold its inaugural national convention in Abuja this year. The convention will trail the ward, council, and state congresses. The new leadership that will be elected or selected at the convention will replace the interim leadership.

     

    Election and security

     

    The security situation may shape politics in troubled spots, especially in the North. Last year, there was tension over the spate of killings, bombings and kidnappings in many parts of the country. In the North, the fear of the dreadful sect, Boko Haram, became the beginning of wisdom. In the South, kidnapping has become a lucrative business. Some political gladiators in the South also faced the wrath of kidnappers. The Federal government is expected to review its security strategy and introduce new measures aimed at reducing terrorism. The safety of the environment will determine the political atmosphere of the country.

     

  • ‘Why bad governance persists’

    ‘Why bad governance persists’

    The convener of the 6th PAN African Universities Debating Championship (PAUDC), Prof. Eze Bassey Eze, has attributed bad governance in Africa to leaders overspending resources, and conflict resolutions.

    Eze said this while addressing participants drawn from universities all over Africa at the opening of the championship hosted by the University of Calabar (UNICAL) on Monday.

    The PAUDC was organised in collaboration with the Independent Corrupt Practices and Related Offences Commission (ICPC).

    Speaking on the theme of the debating championship, Conflict, insecurity and good governance, Eze said the continent has remained perpetually under-developed due to the numerous conflicts arising as a result of ideological differences existing in ethno-religious and political spheres.

    He said that such crises had in recent times threatened the very foundation of the continent and negatively affected nations’ socio-economic, cultural and political institutions so that they have permanently become very weak and almost at the verge of collapse.

    He said: “Consequently, governments’ efforts and resources have been channeled compellingly towards resolving conflicts guaranteeing peaceful co-existence, all these have helped to detract governments from the pursuit of good governance, accountability and equity.”

    He described the debate as fascinating because it bears a special significance to the realisation of one of the cardinal objectives of PAUDC, which is aimed at entrenching and sustaining the culture of debating among University Students across the whole of Africa.

    Eze said he was thankful that Nigeria got the hosting rights for the debate, which he said gave the opportunity to expose students to burning issues.

    “The hosting of PAUDC in Nigeria is indeed an invoking of the true PAN African dream. It is a re-echo of the concept of PAN Africanism.

    He added that, “it is a conscious effort not just to expose PAN African undergraduates to contemporary political and economic issues, but to encourage the solidarity and unity of Africa Undergraduates as well as Africans, both in African and in diaspora, as a means to achieving economic, social and political progress while holding on the core belief of a common history and a common destiny for all Africans”.

    He said theme of the debate was timely and most appropriate particularly at an age when Africa has been riddled in conflicts, instability and insecurity.

    He cautioned participants against, “the use of impolite or offensive language, racial or ethnocentric slangs, must be avoided in the course of trying to push a point forward”.

    end

     

  • Nigeria’s poor rating in good governance

    Nigeria’s poor rating in good governance

    Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN examines Nigeria’s poor rating in the Mo Ibrahim Index for African Governance and its implication for President Goodluck Jonathan’s transformation agenda.

    It is a setback for Nigeria. The Mo Ibrahim Index for African Governance (IIAG) has confirmed the country’s decline in governance. Out of the 52 African countries rated by the Foundation, Nigeria occupied the 41st position. Thus, it fell below the African average of 51.6 per cent. Another proof of its dismal performance, according to reports, was that Nigeria was ranked 13th out of 16 countries in West Africa.

    According to the reports, the Foundation assessed Nigeria’s performance based on governance: Safety and Rule of Law, Participation and Human Rights, Sustainable Economic Opportunity and Human Development. The country was singled out as the worst performer in the four categories.

    Nigeria’s ranking is a manifestation of bad governance, poverty, pervasive corruption, economic mismanagement, human rights abuse, insecurity of lives and property and social injustice being perpetrated by the political elite against the less privileged.

    The IIAG Report, coming three months after the Transparency International (TI) had rated Nigeria the 10th most corrupt nation in the world, is a major setback for the transformation agenda of President Goodluck Jonathan. But the President had objected to the rating during the recent media chat. He said the level of corruption in Nigeria has been exergerrated by the media.

    Critics have argued that the defence cannot adequately make up for the obvious dismal performance of government in critical sectors of economy. Unfortunately, each time the government got a knock for poor performance in any sector, its spin doctors and agents are quick to dispel it by presenting boisterous data of improved economy.

     

    Poor governance/poverty

     

    Nigeria is endowed with natural resources, but a large percentage of her citizens are poor. A former Minister of Education and World Bank Vice President Dr Oby Ezekwesili, has attributed the rising poverty to poor governance and economic mismanagement by those in power.

    Ezekwesili noted that, as the sixth largest producer of oil in the world, Nigeria is unable to translate the huge earnings from oil to the improvement of her citizens’ living standard. The massive revenue from oil has been a source of sorrow to citizens, due to poor governance by our political elite over the many decades since its discovery.

    “The poor governance or its more virulent manifestation, public corruption, is, of course, the fundamental reason for Nigeria’s poor economic performance despite our globally acknowledged economic potentials to have become, not just one of the largest economies of the world, but in fact, one of the most prosperous of those countries.

    A public affairs analyst, Bernard Briggs, said: “We don’t need any external agency to tell us that there is massive, widespread and pervasive corruption, which has permeated all levels of government in the country”. According to him, corruption is the major cancer threatening the socio-economic and political health of this country.

    Briggs noted that, though the law provides criminal penalties for official corruption, government has failed to implement the law effectively, and officials frequently engage in corrupt practices with impunity.

    He also scored the judiciary low. He said: “There is the widespread perception that judges were easily bribed and litigants can no longer rely on the courts to render impartial judgments. Nigerians encounter long delays and bribe demands by judicial officials to expedite trials or obtain favourable rulings.”

    Briggs also said that the Jonathan administration lacks the will to fight corruption. He made reference to the House of Representatives Commit-tee’s report on fuel subsidy that revealed massive fraud, corruption and inefficiency in the operation of the programme.

    The report estimated government money lost to endemic corruption and entrenched inefficiency amounted to N1.067 trillion. Consequently, the government released a list of those who had benefited illegally from the subsidy programme, which included relatives and colleagues of key government officials. In late July, last year, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) arraigned suspects, including six oil companies and 11 individuals. By the end of the year, the EFCC had initiated the prosecution of 50 cases related to the subsidy scam. The majority of the cases involved companies and individuals who had fraudulently received subsidy revenue. The trials had not produced any conviction.

    Briggs also recalled the N32.8 billion Police Pension Fund scam. Six people were arraigned, including a director at the Police Pension Office, Atiku Kigo, who later became permanent secretary in the Ministry of Niger Delta.

    Other corruption cases, which are dragging in the court for lack of diligence prosecution, involved many highly placed citizens.

    Briggs said: “It beats my imagination that a President that claims zero tolerance as mantra of his administration can come out openly and say the level of corruption in Nigeria is tolerable, adding that this administration has legitimised corruption. He recalled that the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project and other groups had demanded that President Jonathan sbould disclose his assets from 2007 to 2012, but the president turned down the request.

    A student activist, Idris Abubakar, described corruption under Jonathan administration as unprecedented. He said, because the leadership lacks the courage to fight corruption, his aides are embroiled in corrupt practices with impunity.

    “Can you imagine a minister acquiring two armoured cars worth about N250 million at the expense of tax payers? If not for the public outcry, the matter would have been swept under the carpet.

    “In other climes, the minister would have resigned immediately. I am even disappointed by the President’s action in setting up a panel to investigate the car scandal. The fact that the cars were bought with public fund was not in dispute. That is enough to fire the minister. I will not be surprised, if nothing is heard about this matter anymore.

    “There were cases of alleged corruption against some ministers in Jonathan’s cabinet and there was no attempt by the government to investigate and make public the report of the investigation. For instance, a petition written by the Crusader for Good Governance signed by Okechukwu Obiora Nnamdi alleged that the Petroleum Resources Minister, Mrs Dieziani Allison-Madueke spent a whooping N2 billion in the last two years on private jet rent, travelling around the world on both official and personal engagements”.

    Idris went further: “It was also reported that a company allegedly belonging to another minister received N2.7 billion oil subsidy for fuel that was never supplied. The minister’s wife and son were said to be directors of the company until July 2012.

    Citing the report of alleged N6.6 billion phantom contracts in the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs, Idris described the fraud in government agencies and ministries as mind boggling. “Corruption in high places is responsible for the under development, poverty and insecurity in the country”, he added.

     

    Disrespect for the rule of law

     

    Good governance cannot be achieved where a leader refuses to follow the due process and uphold the rule of law in his dealings within his immediate family, community, political party and the nation at large. The leaders violate human rights with impunity, believing that the world is not monitoring their actions.

    A human right activist, Ken Odogwu, is not happy with President Jonathan’s handling of the Justice Ayo Salami’s case.The jurist is the former President of the Appeal Court. He noted that the man was suspended by the National Judicial Council (NJC), based on a petition before it. “After, thorough investigation, the NJC cleared him of all allegations and reinstated him. But, rather than accept the NJC decision, Jonathan refused to allow Salami back on his seat. I think a leader like Jonathan should rise above pettiness in handling matters that involve human rights. Though President Jonathan has used his power to frustrate Salami, but thank God, Salami retired from the bench with unblemished record. People should realise that power is transient. Absolute power belongs to Almighty God”.

    Odogwu also cited the ordeal of Governor Rotimi Amaechi in the hands of President Jonathan and his wife. He said the First family is bent on removing the governor from office to pave the way for their surrogates to take over power in Rivers State.

    “The President and his wife, Patience, are behind the Rivers crisis. Some people want to use five legislators in a House of Assembly made up of 32 members to impeach the governor. They have failed in using violence to achieve their satanic motive. But they have not given up exploring other options, including the judiciary.

    “The role played by President Jonathan in the Nigerian Governors Forum (NGF) crisis is still fresh in the memory. Simply because the President did not want Governor Amaechi to run for a second term as the NGF chairman, he hurriedly endorsed the formation of PDP Governors Forum with a mandate that Amaechi should not return. Contrary to their plan, the election was held and Amaechi won with 19 votes while his opponent, David Jang, polled 16. Rather than accept the poll verdict, President Jonathan recognised Jang as the NGF chairman.

    “We are making ourselves a laughing stock in the comity of nations. All that is happening in the country is being monitored by foreign embassies and international agencies that report back home,” he said.

    A lecturer at the Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), Ile-Ife, Dr Adetunji Ogunyemi, said that Nigeria is in deficit, when it comes to national leadership. According to him, if a Nigerian found himself in the position of the President or governor, the first thing he would be after is how to locate a university in his village or town to bring economic empowerment to his people.

    “When it comes to national leadership, whether in economic, social, political or moral ground, Nigeria is in deficit”, he said.

    Ogunyemi said it was not surprising that Nigeria was ranked 41st position, out of 52 African countries, by the Mo Ibrahim Foundation for Good Governance in Africa. “If we were rated 51st, the Foundation was generous. Given the situation in the country, I think Nigeria should come last,” he added.

  • Blaming National Assembly for high cost of governance is escapist, says Ndoma-Egba

    Blaming National Assembly for high cost of governance is escapist, says Ndoma-Egba

    Senate Leader Victor Ndoma-Egba spoke with Assistant Editor Onyedi Ojiabor and Sanni Onogu on the alleged jumbo pay for members of the National Assembly.

    THE high cost of governance in the country remains an issue. The National Assembly is accused of being a major source of the drain…

    Let us put the cost of governance in perspective. First of all, you know for the many years that we had military rule, the National Assembly did not exist.

    For almost 30 years of our post independence existence, we did not have a National Assembly. And in those 30 years that the National Assembly did not exist, the cost of governance was still an issue.

    I remember I was commissioner under the military and one of the most topical issues was the cost of construction in Nigeria. It was said to be the highest in the world. That is cost of governance because it is public procurement.

    That was when the National Assembly did not exist. The cost of governance was still an issue. So, the issue of cost of governance has nothing to do in my view with the National Assembly.

    And let us come to the figures. We have maintained a budget of N150 billion in the last four or five years. Our figure has been the same. That of the judiciary has been dwindling, from N97 billion four years ago to about N60 billion.

    What has been the trend for the executive? Has it been stagnant like the National Assembly or has it dwindled like the judiciary?

    I don’t think so. That of the executive has continued to go up. Now, what is the ratio or the percentage of N150 billion, out of a national budget of approximately N4.8 trillion? It is about three per cent. So, why do we have this fixation on three per cent of the budget and not on 97 per cent of the budget? Three per cent of the budget is getting 97 per cent attention and 97 per cent of the budget is getting three per cent attention.

    What is the fixation? And now the impression out there is that ‘oh you collect this N150 billion and just share it among members of the National Assembly.

    Nothing can be more fallacious. Because one, the N150 billion includes our capital, it includes recurrent, it includes the salaries of 109 Senators, 360 members of the House of Representatives, their aides – we have a maximum of six aides – it includes the salaries of the civil servants from the Clerk to the National Assembly to the Deputy Clerk, to the Clerk of Senate, Clerk of House and to all the civil servants here down to the lowest cleaner.

    It includes the salaries of the National Assembly Service Commission, from the Chairman his Commissioners, down to the civil servants there to the lowest cleaner. It includes the salaries and allowances of the National Institute of Legislative Studies, from the Director General through the many Professors down to the cleaner. It includes our subscriptions to international parliamentary organisations. The total running cost of the National Assembly is that N150 billion out of a budget of N4.8 trillion.

    What does it cost to maintain the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation? Do we know? What does it cost to maintain a senior manager in NNPC? I am not talking of the Managing Director. Do we know? What does it cost to maintain a senior manager in Petroleum Technology Development Fund? Do we know? What does it cost to maintain a senior manager in Central Bank of Nigeria? Do we know?

    How do we reach a conclusion that this is the source of the drain when we don’t know what is happening elsewhere. It is only when you have a holistic picture of the cost of governance that you can compare. How much does it cost to keep a Minister?

    Members of the National Assembly are also accused of flamboyant life style every where they go.

    When they say we are flamboyant, do you know any senator that has a convoy? I am the Senate Leader. If you go downstairs, I drive in one car. It is only the presiding officers that have a convoy. Every other senator moves in one vehicle.

    Do you see a minister move in one vehicle? All ministers have convoys. All. So, picking or looking for a scapegoat to blame on the cost of governance is escapist as far as I am concerned. You can’t talk about the cost of governance when you don’t talk about cost of procurement, the cost of running every office. What does it cost this country to run the office of a chief executive of a parastatal? How many parastatals do we have? You have more parastatals than you have members of the National Assembly. So, I think we are being escapist and in the approach we are now reducing it to scapegoatism, tokenism.

    If you catch the National Assembly, then, that is where the cost is. When the National Assembly did not exist for 30 years, the cost of governance was an issue in this country. It has always been an issue.

    Members of the National Assembly are also accused of awarding themselves outrageous salaries, travel allowances and oversight function allowances…

    You talked about salaries. I just collected a report of the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission last week. It is the RMAFC that fixes salaries for everybody and you can compare the salary they fix for us. Is it any different from what a minister earns or the Supreme Court Justice earns or the Chief Executive of a parastatal earns? It is not different.

    So why are you insisting, if we all earn the same? Why are you insisting that my own is jumbo, their own is not jumbo. You talked about traveling allowances. When I am going on official duty, am I suppose to pay for it from my pocket? When you go on official duty do you pay for it from your salary? When a Minister is going on official duty does he pay for it from his salary? When a chief executive is going on official duty, does he pay from his salary? When a Judge is going on official duty, does he pay from his salary?

    So, how come we expect National Assembly members to go on official duties from their salaries? Why are you holding us to different standards? You have one standard for other top public officers and another standard for National Assembly members. All the trips you referred to are funded from the same N150 billion. So, if you take the salaries plus the trips, flam