Tag: grand

  • The grand deception of 1961

    Nigerians especially those living in urban centres of the country are very knowledgeable about political and social events in our country and elsewhere on the globe. We have to thank our ever vibrant press for this situation. Our numerous radio and television stations together with equally numerous newspapers daily bombard us with all sorts of political and social news, some of which are sordid and depressing especially those from our political front where we read daily about unbelievable political and economic malfeasances. The latest is the Maina pension scam, the end of which nobody can predict. However, one important foreign news item that has been given scanty attention by our news media is the news from the Republic of Cameroon, our immediate eastern neighbour where there is an ongoing serious political agitation by the people of the former Southern Cameroon. It will be recalled that this part of Cameroon was part of Nigeria until 1961.

    On October 1, one Sisiky Ayuk Tabe, who called himself the chairman of Southern Cameroon Governing Council formally declared the independence of Southern Cameroon to be known as Federal Republic of Ambazonia. This followed an earlier declaration in 1984 after Paul Biya, who has been ruling the country in a draconian manner since 1982, unilaterally changed the name of the country from United Republic of Cameroon to Republic of Cameroon. This action virtually destroyed the federal arrangement agreed upon when South Cameroon left Nigeria to join French Cameroon in 1961. Southern Cameroon citizens living in Nigeria have also joined in the fray. Under the aegis of Southern Cameroon in Nigeria (SCINGA), they are agitating for a total independence from the Republic of Cameroon. In order to fully understand the reasons for this agitation by people of former Southern Cameroon, we need to make a brief incursion into the history of Southern Cameroon especially on how it severed her relationship with Nigeria.

    Cameroon has chequered history. It was a German protectorate in West Africa and administered as a League of Nations mandate after the First World War. After the Second World War, it was administered as UN Trust Territory by France and Britain. The French Cameroon became independent on January 1, 1960 and took the name Republic of Cameroun. The southern one-third of British Cameroons inhabited mainly by Christians joined the Federal Republic of Cameroun on October 1, 1961, while the northern two third of the British Cameroun inhabited mainly by Muslims joined Nigeria on June 1, 1961 and was renamed Sardauna province to honour the late Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto who campaigned vigorously for the unification of Northern Cameroon with Nigeria. That province is now in Adamawa State.

    Before independence, South Cameroon was administered with Nigeria by the colonizing Britain. Initially, it was administered as part of Eastern Nigeria and by 1953, it became autonomous and was administered like the other three regions. Dr. E. M.L.  Endeley, a personable medical doctor of Kameroun People Congress became the Leader of Government Business and his party was in alliance with Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s Action Group. The party took part in the pre-independence national government of 1957 when Alhaji Tafawa Balewa became the Prime Minister for the first time. In this government, Victor Mukete from Southern Cameroons was made a federal minister in charge of research. Things were going on very well and people felt that at independence, Southern Cameroon would be completely integrated with Nigeria. Suddenly in 1958, the political equation changed with the defeat of Dr. Endeley at the regional election by John Ngu Foncha who led the opposition party. On becoming the Leader of Government Business, the feisty Bamenda-born John Foncha had no stomach for Nigeria as he did not hide his hostility towards Nigeria at every opportunity. He wanted nothing but unification of his part of the country with the French Cameroons to form a new nation at independence. Unlike the situation in the Southern Cameroons under John Foncha, there was no hostility towards Nigeria in the Northern Cameroons which was administered seamlessly with Northern Nigeria under Sir Ahmadu Bello. In fact during this period, the area produced Alhaji Habba Habbib a reputable politician who was the Secretary General of Northern People’s Congress (NPC).

    Foncha had the opportunity to realize his dream of taking Southern Cameroons away from Nigeria on February 12, 1961, when the UN sponsored referendum was conducted to determine the wishes of both parts of Cameroons with regard to their relationship with Nigeria. As written earlier, Southern Cameroons opted to join the republic of Cameroons while the Northern Cameroons voted to remain with Nigeria. The terms of reunification of Southern Cameroons with Republic of Cameroons were hammered out at the Foumban conference held between July 6-12, 1961. Foncha wanted a confederal system but he could only negotiate for a federal system.  In the new nation, he was made the Prime Minister of West Cameroon and Vice President of Federal Republic of Cameroon. The new country was declared bilingual where French and English were regarded as the official languages.

    Before long, Foncha found out that he had led his people into a union where his people are no more than serfs. By 1966, tension started to brew in the new Republic. Foncha’s parties and other political parties from Western Cameroon were dissolved to give way to National Cameroon Union (CNU) controlled by President Ahmadu Ahidjo. By 1972, a new constitution replaced the federal constitution with a unitary constitution. The country changed its name from United Republic of Cameroon to Federal Republic of Cameroon. Most decisions about Western Cameroon were taken without consultation and the naive John Foncha who led his people to political quagmire himself was removed with ignominy and replaced with S.T. Muna who was another lackey of Ahidjo.  The diminutive John Foncha consequently became irrelevant in the scheme of things in Cameroon. By 1994 he was disgraced out of Biya’s constitutional consultation commission where he described the unification of southern Cameroon with French Cameroon which he championed with abandon in 1961 as an annexation and a grand deception.

    John Foncha carried his regret to his grave in 1999 as a broken man who led his people because of his hatred for Nigeria into political and economic oppression, subterfuge, intimidation, cultural emasculation, government sponsored violence, forced occupation and misappropriation of his people’s resources.

    There is no doubt that the people of former Southern Cameroon are having more than a raw deal in the Republic of Cameroon where they have been emasculated politically. Unfortunately, nobody is listening to their genuine grievances. The African Union (AU), like its precursor, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) is well known for its impotence when it comes to solution to African problems. Its latest failing is manifested in its ability to put an end to the thriving slave market for black Africans currently going on in Libya. The AU is pretending as if all is well in Cameroon as it did in similar situations in Sudan, Central African Republic and other hot spots in Africa in the past.

    The situation in the Cameroon presents a delicate diplomatic problem to Nigeria. Nigeria who fought the Biafra secessionists in the eastern part of the country in the late sixties and at present trying to emasculate the resurgence of such a tendency in the same part of the country cannot be seen to be sympathetic to any secessionist group in the Cameroon no matter how just is the case of such group. Moreover, Nigeria needs the support of The Republic of Cameroon under the aging dictator, Paul Biya in the fight against Boko Haram in the North-east of our country. One can only hope and pray that one day, the beleaguered people of the former Southern Cameroons will be liberated from the unholy union foisted on them by their myopic leaders who are longer around to witness the misery they have visited on their people.

     

    • Professor Lucas writes from Old Bodija, Ibadan.
  • The grand assault on the Naira

    The grand assault on the Naira

    Otunba Femi Pedro, banker, economist , former Managing Director of First Atlantic Bank (FinBank) Plc and former Deputy Governor of Lagos State, examines the assault against the Naira, which has left it nearly impotent 

    The Nigerian Naira – our national currency – is the only legal tender and means of exchange. In all its aesthetic glory, it is also meant to be a symbol of our national pride, our economic prosperity and our financial sovereignty. In reality however, it has been a national embarrassment.

    Over the last decade, our currency has been battered and assaulted by speculators, rent-seekers, fraudulent importers, corrupt government officials and rogue bankers. There is clearly enough blame to go around, but a chunk of the blame has to lie firmly on the doorsteps of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) – the institution that is legally empowered to be the nation’s monetary policy manager and the custodian of our Naira and foreign currency reserves.

    So what exactly is wrong with our currency? Well, for starters, its value has been dropping like scattered raindrops from the sky. People have lost confidence in the currency, and foreign investors neither have any respect nor regard for the Naira. Even within our growing economy, the Naira has itself become a second-rate currency as a means of exchange and a measure of value. It continues to defer to the US Dollar and, to a lesser extent, the Euro and the British Pound. Indeed, the US dollar has become the currency of choice in pricing and payment for choice real estate transactions, luxury goods & services in certain sectors of our economy, and even bribes and underhand transactions. Specifically, the dollar is the ultimate currency of choice for corrupt officials, whose modus operandi is to cart large Ghana-must-go bags to black market operators in exchange for dollars, and then covertly (and sometimes overtly) ship these funds to exotic financial havens like Dubai, the Cayman Islands and Zurich. Worryingly, these activities take place under the noses of regulators and security agencies that find it convenient to turn the other way when these atrocities are committed. More on this shortly.

    In truth, the backbone and epicenter of our currency’s challenges is the notorious black market. For the avoidance of doubt, the black market is illegality personified. It primarily consists of many floating players, including nomadic street operators; a number of  Bureau De Change (BDC) operators who circumvent the CBN regulations; unlicensed foreign currency traders who buy and sell both cash and foreign transfers; and banks who round-trip with reckless abandon. Their illicit operations are interwoven, and in their interconnectedness, they are tragically all willing participants in doing serious damage to the Naira and the economy. In short, they are what we can call thriving economic saboteurs. What makes this tragedy more comical is that the major source of their supply is actually the CBN! These economic saboteurs get their dollar supplies directly and indirectly from the CBN. Unbelievable, you may think. But where exactly did this ‘black market’ come from, and why is it so deeply entrenched in our economy today?

    The Central Bank started funding the black market when it (wittingly or unwittingly) churned out hundreds of BDC licenses under the guise of sanitising the market. This policy was aided, abated and expanded by subsequent CBN administrations that issued more licenses. Now, in theory, the concept of issuing these licenses to the right set of people seemed a rational economic policy to cater for the retail end of the foreign exchange market. However, the operative word here is right, and unfortunately, the wrong set of people for the wrong set of reasons have acquired these licenses. The CBN has further compounded this problem by continuing to doll out quantum amounts of dollars to BDCs on a weekly basis. Specifically, the CBN gives an average of about $30,000 to each of the approximately 3,000 BDC operators on a weekly basis. That amounts to a staggering $90 million in the hands of the operators (most of whom are the wrong set of people) on a weekly basis. Now, what happens when you empower the wrong set of people with these insane amounts every week? Well, you can expect a wrong set of decisions and the wrong set of results: We can safely estimate that over the last 10 years, no less than $50 billion (appx $5bn per year) has gone straight to the almighty black market!

    It is a dangerously vicious cycle. As long as the black market continues to be well funded, it remains the market of choice for government officials and politicians to convert stolen public funds to dollars and ship abroad; it remains the market of choice for banks and bankers to round-trip foreign currencies; it remains the market of choice for exporters to divert export proceeds, AND for rogue traders and money launderers to, well, roguely trade and launder money. This vicious cycle has made utter nonsense of our money laundering and foreign exchange laws. The cumulative effect of this cycle has rendered our local currency useless. In layman’s terms, as long as this market continues to thrive and grow, the Naira will remain battered and our economy will remain on the brink of a catastrophic collapse. The black market pricing model always makes the Naira weaker than usual and invariably, the gap between the official rate and the black market rate is usually wide, making the central bank to always chase the legal market rate. This also encourages round-tripping, rent-seeking and arbitrage opportunities.

    So what exactly is the solution to this currency quagmire? First, the government has to annihilate the black market. When I say annihilate, I mean completely obliterate the market using every legal force available. The first phase of attack has to be the street operators. They are the delivery men if you will; (un)knowing agents of chaos who are simply making ends meet, but whose means of livelihood is coming at the expense of the Nigerian economy. At every corner they operate from, they are deeply entrenched and heavily connected. It goes without saying that they have to be shooed away with tact, guile, caution and a sprinkle of diplomacy. If they refuse these diplomatic overtures to cease and desist, then they must be treated as criminals, and subsequently arrested, charged and prosecuted for trafficking illegally in foreign currencies, all in line with our existing laws. This has to be executed nationwide by the sustained efforts of a security task force consisting of the police and EFCC officials, and must be done without tribal or ethno-religious sentiments.

    Of course, a lot of people incorrectly assume that eliminating the black market will be a difficult, if not impossible task. Around the world, black markets only exist when there is an artificial scarcity of products, or where government regulations unwittingly stifle the legal market. In Nigeria, the black market for Petroleum Motor Spirit (PMS) only surfaces when there is artificial scarcity or when the market becomes apprehensive about a possible price increase or import shortage. The currency black market does not exist in any developed economy because currency trading is governed by a transparent set of rules and policies.

    Secondly, a firm spotlight has to be beamed on the BDCs. The CBN has to enforce its existing regulations on BDCs by withdrawing the licenses of violators and prosecuting them accordingly. In addition, this nonsense of dolling out dollars to BDCs on a weekly basis has to stop. Alternatively, the BDCs should be made to bid for the foreign currency according to their actual needs (based on their customers’ demands), and should be re-upped only after they have exhausted the funds given to them, to the satisfaction of the CBN and in strict compliance with its stipulated guidelines. In truth, our BDCs’ operations should mirror the operations of their counterparts in the developed countries- where the foreign currencies are primarily bought and sold by retail travelers and subject to strict guidelines. They are primarily present at airports and high streets catering to travelers-in-transit and tourists respectively.

    Finally, the Central Bank of Nigeria genuinely needs to overhaul its foreign exchange regime. It has been tinkering with its FX policies, and its flippity-floppity has only created confusion in the minds of Nigerian users, foreign investors and our partners abroad. There is nothing worse than an unstable foreign exchange climate, and, in its desperate attempt to control the slide of the value of our currency, the CBN has only aided this unstable climate. The CBN has tried to rein in on the incidences of round-tripping by implementing some half-baked measures and by introducing gazebo regulations like the banning of the payment of dollar cash into all domiciliary accounts and the restriction on certain imports eligible for foreign exchange transactions at the CBN window, but these moves are too broad-based and grossly ineffective. It almost amounts to treating cancer with panadol!

    In truth, a more transparent and simple foreign exchange regulation needs to be put in place. Simplicity and transparency is critical to enable buyers and sellers understand the rules and apply them accordingly, thereby leaving little or no room for circumvention. Specifically, all foreign exchange inflows into our economy – oil export earnings, non-oil export earnings, taxation, foreign/home remittances, cash in-flow from tourists, foreign loans and grants – should all form a pool of our foreign exchange stock, with the information being made available by the banks to the CBN real-time. No foreign currency provider should operate outside this system. Likewise, all foreign exchange users – importers, government, tourists, payment for services, debt repayments etc – should equally tap from this pool of available FX under the strict guidance of the CBN, and only through authorized dealers (i.e the Banks and licensed BDC operators). End-users such as holders of Naira debit cards, retail users, small traders, importers and manufacturers, can be easily accommodated under this regime with minimum documentation but strict enforcement and prosecution of violators.

    Of course, the elementary principle of the laws of demand and supply would apply here. The currency price (or exchange rate) will be determined daily by equilibrium, and the CBN’s role will be to intervene regularly to maintain and sustain the value of the Naira within a steady band. The government’s role will be to: 1. Put in place fiscal policies that will conserve our foreign exchange supply; 2. Curtail corruption and leakages within the system and; 3. Manage the nation’s resources judiciously to boost supply and curtail demand. This is not different from what other countries are doing successfully, and it will help the banks and the governments (via CBN) uncover all those who are dealing illegally. Unlicensed foreign exchange dealers must be treated as criminals because they are the major agents of money laundering criminals and drug traffickers. Since they deal more in foreign transfers, their activities would be easily curtailed with a specific ban on payment of cash into, and transfers out of, these flagged domiciliary accounts. As a follow-up, the security task force mentioned earlier should raid their offices regularly and push them out of business. Of course, the legislation already exists, but I strongly propose a more aggressive regulatory posture, combined with a sustainable and hard-nosed foreign exchange policy that will restore sanity and strengthen the Naira in the shortest possible time.

    Aside from the aforementioned solutions, public orientation has to be the order of the day. It has to be known by all and sundry that our precious Naira- the wonderful bastion of our economic independence- is the only legal tender in Nigeria. No other currency should be openly handled, traded or transacted in Nigeria. There should be no payment for goods and services within Nigeria in any currency other than the Naira. Under no circumstance should any entity – private, government, individuals – demand or accept payment for goods and services in any foreign currency.The law already exists to this effect, and it has to be rigorously enforced. There should be a public enlightenment campaign conducted by the CBN, perhaps in collaboration with the National Orientation Agency (NOA). Violators should be promptly prosecuted, and this will immediately serve as a deterrence to the abnormal practice of invoicing goods and services in dollars

    Some economists have suggested that a more effective solution would be to navigate the Naira currency towards becoming internationally tradable in the not-too-distant-future, but our economy is not yet mature enough for this, and our foreign reserves have been depleted to insignificance. This is the subject of another debate we can have some other time. If we are truly serious about curtailing corruption and sanitizing our growing economy now, we have no other choice but to clean up the murky and corrupt foreign exchange market. I believe that if these remedies are applied swiftly, we will see immediate impacts on the value of the Naira. Of course, it is no secret that many bankers, government and security personnel are corrupt and can easily be influenced, and therein lies the danger of trying to implement some, if not all of, the aforementioned solutions. This is where our dear President comes into the picture. He should move swiftly by reading the riot act to these economic saboteurs, flushing them out of the system as a consequence. And with the diligent prosecution of these offenders, the system will become more sanitised, and our economy, the Naira and our collective peace of mind, will rebound in earnest.

  • June 12: The grand conspiracy

    June 12: The grand conspiracy

    The memory of the June 12 presidential election lingers on. Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN examines the issues that led to its annulment and the role played by the principal actors in the saga. 

    Today, June 12, 2015, marks the 22nd anniversary of the 1993 presidential poll that is widely regarded as the freest and fairest election in Nigeria’s political history. Millions of Nigerians who trooped out to cast their ballots on that day demonstrated to the world that they are united. The fact that the flagbearers of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP), Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola and Babagana Kingibe, were both Muslims did not matter to them. Their ethnic background was also not a factor during the election. The primary focus of the electorates was the programmes of their party and the personality of the candidates.

    On the election day, Abiola waited patiently under the sun to vote. Unknown to him, the powerful forces within and outside the military who were not comfortable with the idea of him becoming President would annul the election. The exercise was peaceful nationwide without any hitches or disturbances. While the vote count was on, with Abiola comfortably leading, the self-styled military President, General Ibrahim Babangida, struck. He ordered the electoral body — National Electoral Commission (NEC) — to stop further announcement of the results and on June 23, 1993, he annulled the election.

    This announcement was followed by spontaneous protests, mostly in the Southwest. To justify the annulment, Babangida in a nationwide broadcast claimed “there were allegations of irregularities and other acts of bad conduct leveled against the presidential candidates. But, the Prof. Humphrey Nwosu-led NEC went ahead to clear them.

     

    Secret behind annulment

    The Director-General of Centre for Democratic Studies (CDS), the late Professor Omo Omoruyi, gave an insight into why the election was annulled. He was the intermediary between Babangida and Abiola. He knew all that transpired between them before June 12, 1993 and thereafter. He reflected in his account: “I recall my meeting with our common friend, Gen. Babangida on June 21, 1993 on the June 12 issue; I remember very vividly how the General exploded ‘Professor, I cannot go on with the presidential election’. I asked why, because both of us knew before that day that our common friend, Chief Abiola had won the June 12, 1993 presidential election. I thought we should be happy. This was the first time I knew that we were in trouble.

    “The General went on: If I allow Bashorun (MKO) to become the President ‘they’ will kill him and ‘they’ will kill me (IBB) and ‘they’ may not spare you (Omoruyi) because ‘they’ know you are with me now and working with me on this matter.”

    According to Prof. Omoruyi, Gen. Babangida finally summoned courage and had a meeting with Chief Abiola on July 4, 1993 in the Presidential Villa. This was after the annulment. He said: “What was IBB planning to achieve then? Maybe he was planning to implement what the northern leaders told him to do, ‘offer Abiola money in lieu of the mandate’. The northern leaders actually advised IBB: ‘pay him off or as Nigerians would say, ‘settle him’. Chief Abiola told me in London on my hospital bed that he turned this down. In his words, ‘Omo, I told him, the suggestion was an insult not only to my person, but to the Nigerian people”.

    Analysts say Abiola election would have led to a shift of power from the North to the South, but some persons were not comfortable with it. Most importantly it would have also led to a shift of power from the military to civilians through the ballot box.

     

    Babangida endorsed Abiola’s candidature

    Omoruyi gave two reasons why he believed Babangida endorsed Abiola for the June 12 presidential election. He said: “First, IBB saw it as a way of resolving the credibility crisis he faced in 1992 after the botched presidential primaries. Second, IBB saw it as a way of resolving the succession crisis. As a serious candidate along with other candidates, I had dealings with him and other candidates in 1993. I provided him and other serious candidates with the necessary information before and after they became the official candidates of the SDP and NRC in my official capacity as the Director General, CDS.

    “Specifically on Chief Abiola, I also had occasions to discuss him with the President at various times as to his chances as our common friend. The President showed interest in his ambition and this encouraged my dealings with him.

    “It was as a result of our past relationship (Abiola and I) which spilled over to our relationship with a common friend (IBB) that I got to know how passionately he (Abiola) felt about the politics of Nigeria and why he decided to seek the exalted elective office in the land. Chief Abiola from time-to-time sought my advice on whether our common friend (IBB) was actually serious with the transition programme and specifically whether there was any ‘vacancy’ in the Presidential Villa. What Chief Abiola wanted to know from me was whether General Babangida was serious or not with his decision not to transform himself into a civilian President. Of course, I told Chief Abiola, just as I told many peoples in Nigeria and in the international community, that IBB was not interested in what Washington called the West African model of democratic transition such as in Ghana, Togo etc. What I got to know was that Chief Abiola loved General Babangida very much and he would have supported him if he had wanted to transform himself into a civilian President. I knew as a fact that Chief Abiola definitely did not want to offend him. In fact, he regretted ever offending him one day when he went to the Presidential Villa with the ‘enemy’ of the junta, Barrister Aka Bashorun, who had earlier accompanied him to a Presidential Dinner Party in honour of the President of South Africa, Mr. F. W. de Klerk. Chief Abiola, like other candidates and even military officers, routinely called me on telephone to find out how IBB’s mind was working on any issue. It was therefore in order that he called me to find out if our common friend had changed his mind on the transition programme. Chief Abiola had a way of asking me the same question over and over again whenever we met in and out of the Presidential Villa. I was very definite after November 1992 when the search for credible candidates was on to solve General Babangida’s credibility crisis. I advised Abiola to think about the race and I was not therefore surprised when he decided to take the plunge in January 1993.”

     

    Those who betrayed Abiola

    Omoruyi continues: “Abiola regretted that he was misled and betrayed first by our common friend, General Babangida who assured him that he was serious with the transition programme and allowed him to plough his resources into the election. He complained about Generals Abacha and Diya who invited him to come home on the firm promise that his mandate would be enforced by the military. He complained about how our common friend made him plough back money into politics and the Presidential race with a view to according his transition program some credibility in March, 1993. This was a fact. It is also a fact that Chief Abiola was used later in May, 1993 as IBB’s instrument of resolving his succession crisis.

    “MKO was very disappointed with the leadership of the Northern Elders Forum, most of them who he helped on many occasions to have medical attention abroad. He was bitter with the way he, the Deputy President of the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs and a major financier of Islamic causes in the country was treated after the June 12 election by the then President of the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs, the former Sultan of Sokoto.

    “He regretted his blunder in not showing interest in those who became the leaders of his political party, the Social Democratic Party after he won the nomination of the party in March 1993.  He lamented the dubious role of a major Yoruba traditional ruler. He wondered aloud, how impotent the military officers from the south, especially from the Yorubaland were in the military government.”

     

    Forces behind annulment

    The principal characters in the events that led to the annulment of June 12 are:

    Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, Alhaji Bashir Tofa, Alhaji Babagana Kingibe, Chief Tony Anenih, Chief Tom Ikimi,  Chief Ernest Shonekan. Sen. Arthur Nzeribe, Justice Bassey Ikpeme, Justice Dahiru Saleh, Abimbola Davies,  the late Gen Sani Abacha and Clement Akpamgbo.

     

    Babangida

    Gen. Babangida has been a recurring feature of any discourse on June 12, 1993, presidential poll. This is primarily informed by his position as the head of the military government then, on whose desk the buck stopped. His claim that he annulled the election in the interest of the state was not acceptable to Nigerians and the international community. Against the backdrop that the Babangida regime had one of the longest political transition programmes in history made observers to conclude that the head of the military junta was not prepared to relinquish power. It was a grand design to perpetuate himself in power.

    An attempt to embark on another transition programme was repudiated by the political class. When the seat became too hot for him, he had to ‘step aside’ in August 1993 and installed a lame duck interim government led by Chief Earnest Shonekan. He once described himself as ‘an evil genius’. The annulment of June 12 is a burden that he will carry for the rest of his life.

     

    Tofa

    Alhaji Bashir Tofa was the presidential candidate of the National Republican Convention (NRC). He was a dark horse until he emerged in 1993. The Kano-based businessman was, however, very wealthy and had connections with the then ruling military class. His money, connections and political clout were, however, no match to that of Abiola, who easily defeated him in his home in Kano. Ordinarily, Tofa ought to have behaved like a good loser, by conceding defeat, but he failed. He played into the hands of the military officers who did not want the election results to be upheld.

    He keeps defending the annulment. He described the critics of June 12 as people that have nothing to offer in moving the country forward. He insisted that the June 12 election was marred by irregularities and that the military did the right thing in cancelling the results.

     

    Kingibe

    Ambassador Babagana Kingibe was the pioneer chairman of the SDP. He was Abiola’s running mate in the 1993 election. He got the slot through the influence of the SDP governors. With immense influence upon the SDP governors, he easily became a major factor in the run up to the SDP primaries which Abiola eventually won. The governors were nevertheless determined to foist him on Abiola as his running mate, a decision Abiola took at the expense of Atiku Abubakar who was a loyalist of the powerful Shehu Musa Yar‘Adua.

    Following the annulment, Kingibe initially stood with Abiola, but he wavered in the struggle for its revalidation. The confidence in him among the pro-June 12 agitators ebbed when he accepted to serve in the Abacha administration. A Kanuri man like Abacha, Kingibe abandoned the June 12 struggle and turned his back against Abiola who languished in Abacha’s gulag for five years before he died.

     

    Abacha

    The late General Sani Abacha was the arrow head of the military officers that were opposed to June 12. The National Defence and Security Council, the highest military ruling body under Babangida’s regime was polarized by the June 12 crisis. The Council set up a committee headed by Abacha to look into the election and advise it accordingly. Members of the Committee included Brigadier David Mark (former Senate President) Murtala Nyako (former Governor of Adamawa State) General Aliyu Muhammed Gusau (former Minister Of Defence) and Col. Halilu Akilu.

    Abacha threatened NEC Chairman, Professor Nwosu for disobeying court order that stopped June 12 election during the National Defence and Security Council meeting. He was the most senior military officer left behind by Babangida when he ‘stepped aside’ and put in place an interim government headed by Chief Shonekan.

    Abacha sent the interim government packing and took over the reign of power. He dismantled all democratic institutions and suppressed agitations for the revalidation of June 12. Many June 12 activists were thrown into detention, some died in the process, while others fled the country. He was referred to as ‘maximum ruler’ because of the brutish style of his administration. He died in office on June 8, 1998, in mysterious circumstance.

     

    Anenih

    Tony Anenih took over the chairmanship of the SDP after Kingibe. He was a retired police officer. He became chairman through the influence of late Gen. Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, the leader of the Peoples Democratic Movement, a major bloc within the SDP.

    Though Anenih led his party to victory, but soon after the results were annulled, he abandoned the cause of the party. While political leaders and rights activists were agitating for revalidation of June 12 mandate, Anenih looked the other way. Sources said he became a master strategist for the military regime that detained the flagbearer of his party.

     

    Ikimi

    Tom Ikimi was the national chairman of the NRC, the opposition party that was defeated by the SDP in the June 12 1993 election. Like his party’s presidential candidate, Tofa, he refused to concede victory and echoed the words of the military to justify the annulment of the results.  He allegedly played a major role in the committee that mid-wifed the birth of the Interim Government that succeeded Babangida.

     

    Shonekan

    Chief Ernest Shonekan was a respected figure in the business community who through his successful stewardship at the UAC, one of Nigeria’s leading blue chip companies at that time had carved a name for himself. He was appointed by Babangida to head the transition cabinet at the beginning of 1993 and with the annulment he stayed on as chairman of what was named as an Interim National Government (ING), which was supposed to arrange for another presidential election.

    His ING was eventually declared illegal by a Lgos High Court. This paved the way for Abacha to bare his fangs and assume full control of the country in November 1993. His acceptance to head the 32-man ING at the expense of his kinsman, Abiola, infuriated many.

     

    Nzeribe

    Arthur Nzeribe was notorious for his dubious role in the events that led to the annulment of June 12. He and some faceless Igbo politicians and businessmen carried out their nefarious activities on the platform of Association for Better Nigeria, (ABN). Nzeribe became a ready tool in the hands of the military to truncate the June 12 electoral victory. He and one Abimbola Davies and Dr Atkins mounted campaigns against June 12 poll. They created fears in the minds of the Nigerians. The unexpected happened when Nzeribe obtained a mid-night court injunction on June 10 stopping the election from holding. The court order was one of the reasons cited by Babangida to justify the annulment.

     

    Akpamgbo

    The late Clement Akpamgbo was the Attorney General and Minister of Justice during the Babangida’s regime. He held several meetings with ABN chiefs in his house. ABN’s lawyer, the late Philip Umeadi, frequented the house to hold consultations with the Attorney General. Instead of advising the military on legal matters pertaining to the election, Akpamgbo colluded with those bent on scuttling the election especially, the ABN.

     

    Ikpeme

    The late Justice Bassey Ikpeme granted a controversial ruling to stop the election from holding at odd hours. The court sat in the night on June 11. The ruling was believed to have contravened Decree No. 13 of 1993, which does not recognise the jurisdiction of the court on election date.

     

    Saleh

    An Abuja High Court, presided by Justice Dahiru Saleh ordered NEC to stop further announcements of election returns and subsequently declared the entire poll illegal on the ground that it was held in contravention of a subsisting court order. Defending his action later, Saleh said both the late Ikpeme, who first ordered NEC not to conduct the elections, and himself were only doing their job.

     

    Nwosu

    Prof Humphrey Nwosu was the Chairman of the electoral body. He ignored the court ruling stopping the election from holding. He relied on Decree 13 of 1993 which says: “Once a date has been set for the general election in Nigeria no court can stop that election”. The electorate had confidence in him that he would conduct a credible election. He was transparent in the declaration of the results until the military leaders stopped him from making further announcement of the results.

    Nwosu succumbed to intimidation by the military. But, analysts said Nwosu should have released the results and declare Abiola the winner since he had all results with him.

  • Group okays Grand pure soya oil

    THE Nutrition Society of Nigeria (NSN) has endorsed the Grand Pure Soya Oil for its quality nutrition.

    This is coming after the endorsement by the Nigerian Heart Foundation (NHF).

    Speaking at the presentation of certificate, the Marketing Manager, Mr. ‘Tope Banjo, praised the society for her steadfastness in promoting the well-being of Nigerians through continued dietetic/nutrition research and healthy-living advocacy.

    He educated consumers on the sources and types of vegetable cooking oils, saying that bad oils with saturated fatty acids do congeal or ‘sleep’ at low temperatures and may also inhibit the absorption of some vitamins and nutrients.

    He urged consumers to be weary of so called ‘heart-friendly’ oils that have flooded the market and to check for the source of their cooking oil on the labels, stating that most of them are made from Palm Oil (Olein), which is not as healthy as soya oil.

    He also said Grand Pure Soya Oil is made from Soya bean seeds.

    Produced by Grand Cereals Ltd, a subsidiary of UAC Nigeria Plc, the firm parades leading brands and has been at the forefront of promoting wellness.

    Grand Pure Soya Oil is the first cooking oil to be okayed by the NSN and NHF.

  • Attah’s reception: A grand deception

    Attah’s reception: A grand deception

    Former governor of Akwa Ibom State, His Excellency, Arc. (Obong) Victor Attah is an honourable man.  At least his pedigree affirms this unequivocally. His aristocratic background provided for him the best affordable education during his time- a secondary education at Saint Patrick’s College, Calabar and tertiary education abroad. The training burnished him into a thorough bred professional architect who had the enviable distinction of leading that professional body.

    When Obong Attah ascended the high office of governor of Akwa Ibom State in 1999, it was seen as the return of the aristocrat to his people. Many feared that there would be lack of seam and sync given his blue blood cultivation. They further noted that his long absence from home, his lack of intimate affinity with the home people and apparent lack of grasp of political chicanery may combine to make him a stranger to the politics of the state. Despite these considered deficiencies, Obong Attah, possessing of iron-cast courage and will plunged into the exercise and made the best of it.

    As governor, he broke new frontiers. During the resource control imbroglio, Attah fought doggedly, redefining the national perception of Akwa Ibom man hitherto construed to be timid. At every public forum, he gave a good account of himself in conduct and public communication. His dignified and urbane mien may have been part of the reason why he was made chairman, Nigerian Governors Forum. His conduct of the affairs of that office and his vociferous agitation for resource control gave him a notable standing in national politics.

    Unfortunately, he misread the attention he received. People applauded him for having the courage to confront the then President Olusegun Obasanjo who had assumed the place of a political deity that all had to worship and pander to. Attah broke Obasanjo’s myth and earned public plaudits.

    But he thought the plaudits translated to political popularity and an invitation for him to contest for the presidency. With excess cash in his kitty, he girded his loin preparatory to making his son-in-law a governor and himself President. It was to be a well-choreographed dynasty at the centre and the state. Unfortunately, sufficient thinking was not invested in the process and dispassionate and objective analyses were not done. Working from two flanks at the same time, the centre could not hold. As for the son-in-law, because of his careless attitude to the people when he was in office as commissioner, even the best salesmen in the state could not market him when it mattered most. At the centre, Attah’s ambition did not enjoy the support of the then President. In fact between the two, there was no love lost and so was made to kiss the dust at the two fronts owing to political miscalculations.

    Attah’s public estimation began to flag when he adopted an adversarial role against his protégé and successor. Many were worried that having attained the almighty septuagenarian status, he should have rid himself of the baggage of pettiness. His unsavoury letter to Governor Godswill Akpabio in which he compared the latter to notorious leaders like Hitler and Mussolini was an eloquent expose of this fear. The altercation deepened necessitating many attempts at mediation. Obong Attah was said to have remained implacable further fuelling fears that he carried the baggage of hate against his son. This type of perception did incalculable damage to his well-earned reputation.

    His public rating nose-dived more gravely when some ethnic jingoist goaded him into an ethnic war in which they accused Governor Akpabio of conducting pogrom against Ibibio sons and daughters through incessant kidnapping and killings. It was the most scandalous thing for someone of his pedigree to be associated. But those well-heeled in political shenanigan lured him into that booby trap and used his name to attempt at credibility with their specious allegations. Of all the names dragged into that arid piece of bigotry, only Obong Attah’s name rang a bell. The rest were mere provincial labels that stirred neither interest nor recognition.  The consistent efforts of Ibibio jingoist to pigeon-hole Obong Attah and give him the ignoble colouration of ethnic warlord or ethnic bigot is at best a disservice to him and the state.

    Recently, news has been making the rounds that some of the jingoists have banded themselves together to pursue an ethnic agenda which they couched as reception for Obong Victor Attah. And when yours truly asked the purpose, one of them squawked the inanity, “that they are receiving him from the National Confab”. Obong Attah is now a pawn to be used in the pursuit of ethnic card. Seven-years ago, he was the butt of their jokes, treachery, insults and recrimination. Today, it is convenient to dust him, hoist him as a totem and use him to stoke ethnic acrimony and discord.

    Obong Victor Bassey Adiaha Attah finished eight-years as governor of Akwa Ibom State; he was not received by these charlatans who confess love for him today. When he erroneously arrayed salvos against the present administration which drew a rash of criticisms from members of the public, these bigots were nowhere to be found. When Obong Attah had issues with his membership of Board of Trustees of the People’s Democratic Party, he did not as much as draw a message of solidarity or protest from these foes in sheep’s clothing. Even when the man’s wife died, their level of participation was either insignificant or non-existent. What is the value of this reception? This is not the kind of politics those who plan to be leaders should engage in. This is stoking ethnicity to an inflammatory peak.

    We are told that a few moneybags who are bankrolling the dubious reception have contributed the hefty sum of N50 million. How much did they contribute when Attah’s wife died? Why was Attah’s reception delayed for seven-years after he left office? Is being a confab member greater than being a governor for eight-years? Why is this reception coming just before nomination and 2015?

    It is all queer politics, ethnic politics. Former governor Attah must reason these realities logically. We must think and find these answers to avoid lending ourselves as pliable materials to those intent on playing roguish politics. We must decide as Akwa Ibom people where we stand on matters of honour and ethnic harmony. We must rise to the occasion of contending falsehood, ethnic bigotry with the saner politics of ethnic cohesion. Former governor Victor Attah must resist being used by these renegades to further their selfish agenda. He must know that he is an honourable man.

     

    Akpan contributed this piece from Uyo.

  • Missing WTF Grand Prix, a major setback, says Chukwumerije

    After missing out from the last World Taekwondo Federation (WTF) Grand Prix in China, three-time Olympian, Chika Chukwumerije admits  this might affect the country’s chance of qualifying for the Rio 2016 Olympic Games in Brazil. Excerpts:

    What does missing the WTF Grand Prix mean to you personally?

    Irrevocable loss of funds, time and hard work – with the first two being very limited resources.

    What impact will it have on the country’s chances of qualifying for the Rio Olympics?

    Missing a G4 tournament is not funny at all, because winning it will send one up the charts by as much as 10 – 15 slots. It means we would have to invest more to win back those ranking points – that means more competitions to attend, extension of training time, increase in the mental and emotional stress that it takes to be focused.

    We cannot afford for our National Taekwondo athletes to miss the majors. Don’t miss the Africa Games, the World Championships, the Grand Prix, and do not miss the G-2s. If we do that and do relatively well, we will have two or three people automatically in the Olympics. It is that straightforward.

    What is the implication of this on your career?

    After a decade of this up-hill battle, one feels like giving up. Probably Thomas Edison would frown and remind me of his words that, “many of life’s failures are people who did not realise how close they were to success when they gave up”, but it does not change how frustrating it gets to work so hard and feel like one’s efforts are being emptied into a black hole.

    It is demoralising to compete against opponents who have committed resources – dedicated funds, dedicated training spaces, dedicated support training staff etc. We might be just as talented, but it is definitely not a level playing field.

    Nonetheless, I have shaken off the disappointment. There is a whole new generation of young taekwondo athletes coming up and being inspired. We must keep showing them the way through our examples, and the first example would be “never to give up even though the going is always tough”. We will keep working towards set goals one step at a time.

    What is the response of WTF to your complaints?

    The WTF did everything right – sent info on time, got Nigeria registered once we acknowledged on time, and provided the platform to engage the host organisers in order to participate. Thus, it was not an issue for the WTF. It was a mistake from the official representative of the China Taekwondo Association, and it won’t be fair to bring the WTF in on this. What has happened has happened; we can only learn from it and ensure it does not happen again.

  • Four finalists emerge for Naija Street Champ grand finale

    As the quest to win the N1 million prize in Naija Street Champ, a music talent competition, continues, four finalists have emerged for the grand finale.

    However, Celestine Ogar, aka Big Daddy Africa, has been evicted from the competition.  He was one of the three contestants who qualified from the Festac audition of the competition.  He earned his spot in the top five position as a result of his unique R n B style of music, but was edged out in the competition, as he emerged the finalist with the least votes during the final voting round.

    According to the Project Manager, Oladehinde Fajana, Sholz had the highest votes with 5.69% online votes and 30.3% SMS votes totalling 35.99%; Raptitude with 0.42% online votes and 23.27% SMS votes totalling 23.69%; Rodney came third with 2.92% online votes and 17.00% SMS votes totalling 19.92%;  Dabreez had 0.22% online votes and 13.55% SMS votes totalling 13.77%; Big Daddy had the least votes with 0.75% online votes and 5.88% SMS totalling 6.63%.

    Fajana explained that the votes were a combination of the online and SMS votes. 10% of the online votes were used with 90% of the SMS votes to make a total of 100%. “The votes emerged from both the SMS and online platforms giving every contestant a wide opportunity to qualify for the final stage,” he said.

    After the eviction of Big Daddy Africa, the top four finalists, Sulaimon Idris (Dabreez) representing Surulere zone, Shanuolu Adesola (Sholz) representing Ipaja Zone, Rodney Brown Edemhanria (Rodney) representing Ikeja zone and Abimbola Olugbenga (Raptitude) representing Bariga/Akoka zone, were unveiled. They will be competing for the N1 million prize and three-year recording deal in the finale.

    Speaking on the progress of the competition, Fajana expressed his gratitude to the media for their support throughout the competition. “We are highly grateful to our media partners and partner producers, Terry G, D’tunes and ID Cabasa, for supporting us throughout this project. Naija Street Champ has indeed come to stay.”

  • Hamilton claims British Grand Prix

    Hamilton claims British Grand Prix

    Lewis Hamilton recovered from sixth on the grid to win the British Grand Prix in front of his home crowd at Silverstone.

    There was drama in just the first lap when Ferrari’s Kimi Raikkonen and Felipe Massa of Williams collided, which resulted in the race being stopped for an hour while the necessary repairs were made to the barriers and debris was cleared from the track.

    Hamilton maintained his composure, though, as he moved through the field, before he eventually claimed the lead from his teammate Nico Rosberg during the 29th lap.

    Then, just one lap later, Hamilton tightened his grip on first place when championship leader Rosberg was forced to withdraw from the race because of a mechanical problem.

    When Hamilton took the chequered flag,he did so with a 30-second lead over Valtteri Bottas, who claimed second spot, while Red Bull’s Daniel Ricciardo took third place.

    The outcome means that Hamilton is now just four points shy of Rosberg in the standings.