The Nation Newspaper

Tag: Houses of Assembly

  • 36 states’ Speakers adopt ‘Harmonised Standing Orders’

    36 states’ Speakers adopt ‘Harmonised Standing Orders’

    Speakers of the 36 Houses of Assembly across the country yesterday adopted the ‘Harmonised Standing Orders’ for the state Parliaments.

    They also brainstormed on the proposed constitution review with a view to taking a common position on matters of common interest.

    The ratification of the harmonised orders was conducted in Lagos by the Speaker of Oyo State House of Assembly and Chairman of Conference of Speakers of State Legislatures, Adebo Ogundoyin.

    The Speakers met at the Lagos Continental Hotel in Ikoyi, where the Resident Representative of Konrad Adenauer-Stiftung in Nigeria, Marija Peran, urged them to strengthen efficient legislative governance.

    At the conference were the Director-General of the National Institute for Legislative and Democratic Studies (NILDS), Prof. Abubakar Sulaiman.

    Welcoming his colleagues to the conference, Ogundoyin said Nigeria was set to make history with the introduction of a harmonised standing order the Houses of Assembly.

    He said: “This monumental step forward, which began in 2021, is not just a procedural reform; it is a strategic step towards strengthening the efficiency, transparency, and uniformity of legislative operations across all State Houses of Assembly.

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    “By standardising our legislative rules, we are enhancing collaboration, improving legislative oversight, and ultimately ensuring a more responsive and accountable governance framework at the sub-national level.”

    Ogundoyin added: “We are happy to draw inspiration from the our partner – the German Government and the United States of America, whose 50 states operate a centralised standing order.

    “In the African continent, South Africa and Rwanda stand tall in this regard, and Nigeria is set to join the list of countries with harmonised legislative frameworks, further solidifying our commitment to democratic governance and institutional strengthening.”

    The speakers’ chairman highlighted the role of the Houses of Assembly in the ongoing review, saying: “As the closest representatives to the grassroots, our inputs are pivotal to shaping the legal and institutional framework of our nation.”

    He said: “We must ensure that our deliberations and resolutions reflect the aspirations of our people and the principles of democracy, justice, and good governance.

    “…I would like to pledge the commitment of the Conference of Speakers to giving the amendment a full support and accelerated hearing.”

    Peran said the orders serve as the backbone of legislative procedures, ensuring consistency, transparency and efficiency in legislative processes.

    Peran said the conference aimed to create a standardised approach that fosters collaboration, reduces procedural discrepancies and enhances the overall effectiveness of the legislative bodies.

    She said: “The political economy of constitution reviews demands a careful balance between central authority and local governance, ensuring that the constitutional framework supports sustainable development and equitable resource distribution. There are many more serious topics, such as security and female representation.”

  • Constitution Review: UK seeks special seats for women in Parliament

    Constitution Review: UK seeks special seats for women in Parliament

    The United Kingdom Branch of the Commonwealth Parliament Association, on Monday, called for special seats for women at the National and State Houses of Assembly in Nigeria in the ongoing constitution amendment process.

    The leader of the delegation, Kate Ofunne Osamor, who pushed for consideration and passage of a Bill seeking special seats for women in Nigerian Legislature, said the UK branch of the Commonwealth Parliament is interested in the legislative proposal aimed at enhancing women inclusiveness  in governance.

    “The delegation before you is across party lines from the House of Commons and House of Lords from the United Kingdom under the aegis of Commonwealth Parliament Association.

    “The purpose of this visit on you, is to call for your support for special seats for women in parliament by ensuring that bill, already sponsored for that, is considered and passed,” she said.

    The Bill seeking for special seats for women in parliament as sponsored in the 9th and represented in the 10th National Assembly, seeks for amendment of section 77( 1) and 117( 1) of the 1999  Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

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    It specifically seeks  to establish 37 new seats in the Senate, one for each state and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

    If the Bill is passed and assented to, the House of Representatives will add 74 seats, two for each state and the FCT just as it envisions the creation of 108 additional seats across State Houses of Assembly nationwide, allocating three seats per state.

    Senate President Godswill Akpabio said the bill would be looked into and given required consideration.

    He said: “In the 10th  National Assembly, we have legislated with the zeal of conviction. We have laboured tirelessly to ensure that democracy is not a mere abstraction, but a living, breathing force that transforms lives.

    “Inclusive governance is part of our legislative agenda and  in the spirit of unity, we have embraced the rich tapestry of our nation’s diversity.

    “Our policies reflect the hopes and dreams of all Nigerians, strengthening the bonds that hold us together and ensuring that no citizen is left behind.”

  • 15 states’ Houses of Assembly have no women representation, says Reps Deputy Speaker Kalu

    15 states’ Houses of Assembly have no women representation, says Reps Deputy Speaker Kalu

    House of Representatives Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu has said 15 states of the federation do not have women as members of their Houses of Assembly.

    Kalu, who heads the House Committee on Constitution Review, spoke at a three-day workshop on public presentation of the national women leaders’ forum’s operational guidelines and the roles of political parties in the passage of seat reservation for women bills yesterday in Abuja.

    The deputy speaker called for the passage of a Bill seeking to reserve special seats for women in states’ parliaments and the National Assembly for justice, strategy, and national prosperity.

    He described the underrepresentation as a statistical anomaly and a barrier to national progress.

    Kalu explained that the measure would be temporary as it was expected to run for four terms and modeled after successful initiatives in other countries, like Rwanda and Senegal, where women representation has increased to over 40 per cent.

    He said: “Democracy thrives not merely through elections but through inclusion. When half of our population remains underrepresented in halls of power, our democracy is not just weakened; it is incomplete.

    “Today, 15 states in Nigeria have zero elected women in their assemblies. At the national level, women make up a meager 3.6 per cent of the Senate and 4.7 per cent of the House of Representatives. These figures are not just statistics; they are a stain on our collective conscience and a barrier to national progress.

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    “The Seat Reservation for Women Bill (HB1349), which I proudly sponsor, seeks to alter this narrative. By reserving seats for women in the National and State Assemblies, we aim to dismantle systemic barriers and create a legislature that mirrors the diversity of our nation. This is not about charity; it is about justice, strategy, and national prosperity.

    “As Chairman of the House Committee on Constitution Review, I am spearheading efforts to ensure our foundational law reflects 21st-century realities. HB1349 proposes a structured temporary special measure — reserved seats for women, reviewed after 16 years — to accelerate gender parity.

    “This is not a permanent quota but a catalytic intervention, modeled after other nations, like Rwanda and Senegal, where similar measures boosted women’s representation to over 40 per cent.

    “Evidence shows that nations with balanced gender representation achieve higher GDP growth, better healthcare outcomes, and more innovative policymaking. For Nigeria, closing the gender gap could increase our GDP by 9 per cent by the end of 2025. When women lead, communities thrive.

    “Democracy dies in the absence of diverse perspectives. As I have always stated: women belong in all places where decisions are made. Reserved seats ensure women’s voices shape laws on education, healthcare, and security — issues that disproportionately affect them,” he said.

    Kalu urged various women’s groups to accelerate their advocacy efforts, mobilise support from political parties, and engage state assemblies, traditional leaders, and grassroots networks to get higher representation in parliaments and other areas of critical national importance.

  • Rumbles in states over Assembly speakership

    As the states prepare to inaugurate their new Houses of Assembly, our correspondents report on the intrigues trailing the search for the new Speakers. Excerpts

    Desperate search for the chamber lords

    The plum seats overlooking all the others at the hollowed chambers of the various state Houses of Assembly in Nigeria are simply awe inspiring. Designed to be occupied not by a god, but by one of the elected lawmakers, aptly described by the honourable members as ‘the first among equals,’ the occupant of this unique seat is considered very powerful in the politics of the state, not only because the revered occupant, as the Speaker, is the third citizen in the state, but more importantly because he leads all the most powerful elected officials in the state with the exception of the governor and the deputy governor.

    Also, aside the fact that the lawmakers he leads are the true representatives of the grassroots and that they have the constitutional power to make and amend laws, he and the other lawmakers also have the awesome power to impeach any governor or his deputy if and whenever they deem it necessary.

    Aware of this rather frightening reality, the politics of election of the Speaker and that of the other members of the leadership of each state House of Assembly, like what now obtains at the National Assembly, has become quite intriguing. Not only are the governors desperate to ensure they install their supporters as the Speakers and Leaders of their Assemblies, ruling political parties and other political godfathers in the states are also playing active roles in the intricate game of power.

    We gathered, for example, that even before the May 29, 2019 swearing-in of state governors across the country, the search for the leadership of state Assemblies has taken the centre stage in the politics of the country, though it was then mainly played behind the doors by the then governors-elects and other interested godfathers and stakeholders.

    Today, as the new governors look forward for the inauguration of the state Assemblies in order to kick start the new administration, there is tension as various interest groups move to determine the lawmaker to seat on the powerful plum seat.

    From Abakaliki in Ebonyi State, to Minna in Niger State and Abeokuta in Ogun State, we learnt that governors and other godfathers are not sleeping and are not ready to take chances.

    Reports from our correspondents also show that the issue of who presides over the state Assemblies now goes beyond what the lawmakers want or even what the governors themselves desire as zones and other interest groups within the polity have joined in the politics of State Assemblies.

    Already, powerful aspirants have emerged, but it seems certain that until the day of election and inauguration, nobody is certain of anything. So until then, the tension builds on.

    EBONYI: NWIFURU SET

    TO BE RE-ELECTED

    From Ogochukwu Anioke, Abakaliki

    IN Ebonyi State, the incumbent Speaker, Francis Nwifuru, is set to be re-elected by his colleagues following the interventions by the State Governor David Umahi.

    15 of the 24 members from the outgoing set were re-elected during the last general election. All 24 members of the House were elected under the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) which also swept all the National Assembly’s positions in the state.

    A source with inside knowledge of the recent politicking and horse trading over the next Speaker of the Ebonyi State House of Assemly revealed to The Nation that immediately after the elections, some ranking members of the House began scheming for the speakership position, among them a floor functionary of the House from Ebonyi South Senatorial zone.

    Also, some members of the governor’s kitchen cabinet were said to also be against the return of the Speaker. Their thinking being that Nwifuru, who is alleged to be nursing a serious ambition to succeed Umahi in 2023, will be very dangerous and more powerful to contend with if the powers that be do not support him.

    Some National Assembly members, who are also eyeing the governorship position come 2023, have also made moves to stop his re-election but the governor was resolute and in the end had his way as he was able to convince them all to allow Nwifuru who has been very loyal to be returned when the House is inaugurated.

    One thing that is in Nwifuru’s favour is the zoning structure that has been in place over the years in the state which recommends that the top three positions be shared among the three senatorial zones of the state.

    Umahi hails from Ebonyi South while his Deputy, Kelechi Igwe, is from Ebonyi Central zone. That was why Nwifuru from the North was given the Speaker in 2015.

    Governor Umahi has also been a strong advocate of second term which is why he is backing Nwifuru to be retained.

    Barring any last minute change of mind, the incumbent Speaker, Nwifuru, is set to be re-elected.

    ABIA: A LIKELY

    TWO HORSE RACE

    From Sonny Nwankwo, Umuahia

    The speakership of the Abia State House of Assembly remains one of the most topical issues in the state as intrigues surrounding it is already causing bad blood amongst members of yet to be constituted Assembly, especially of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP.

    An investigation by The Nation shows that unlike in the past where the position of speakership may have been zoned to a particular part of the state, until the May 29 swearing-in of the re-elected governor into power, there have been serious political meetings going on with some of them ending in crisis.

    It was gathered from a reliable source that the majority of members of the yet-to-be inaugurated from the ruling PDP and other parties are divided between the two major contending candidates; incumbent Speaker of the State House, Rt. Hon. Chikwendu Kalu, representing Isiala Ngwa South State Constituency and the Majority Leader of the State House of Assembly, Hon. Chindeum Orji, representing Umuahia Central State Constituency.

    Chinedum Orji, who is the son of the former governor of Abia State, sources at the State House of Assembly said, had allegedly nursed the ambition of becoming the Speaker of the House of Assembly in 2015 but had to drop the ambition after some stakeholders of the party intervened and mounted pressure on him to jettison such ambition.

    Though Jnr Orji and Kalu are yet to make public their intentions to run for the number three seat in the state, their loyalists, however, have taken to the social media canvassing support for their principals and in some cases, throwing banters against one another which is heating up the polity.

    While the two top contenders as at the time of filing this report are eminently qualified to contest for the position, there are factors that could, however, affect their candidacy.

    Apart from the fact that the two contenders are second-term lawmakers, by the PDP zoning formula, both of them come from the same Abia Central zone where the speakership of the State House of Assembly is zoned to.

    Speaking on the two potential Speakership candidates, a political analyst Mr. Godfrey Ikeagwu said “the two candidates are most qualified for the position.

    “Chikwendu is a lawyer and by training, Chinedum Orji is a grassroots politician that is loved by the people around him. He is from Abia Central and is the current Speaker of the House. He has got legislative experience and as a lawyer, he should know more about legislation and legal implications over some laws and policies of government as it has to do with the constitutionality of their actions and inactions.

    “And as it has been the custom of politics in Nigeria and PDP’s way of life, you cannot rule out the return-return syndrome.

    “For Chinedum Orji, I learned that he is one legislature that has touched the lives of people around him, especially the youth population. I have read through the internet, what he has been able to do as a state legislature. To me, he has been able to do what some federal lawmakers haven’t been able to do. I was thinking that he should have contested for the National Assembly seat because we need vibrant and youth-friendly lawmakers like him to be there.

    “But the problem is that the Ngwa bloc is thinking that he might sponsor the impeachment of Ikpeazu if he becomes Speaker. Don’t forget that it was the fear that made people protest in 2015 when rumors had it that he was going to run for the Speakership as at then.

    “Unconfirmed reports, however, have it that though the current State House Assembly Speaker is from the Ukwa Ngwa bloc which should naturally have the blessings of the governor,  Ikpeazu is reported to have endorsed the Speakership of Ikuku as a way of paying him back for seeing to his choice and emergence as the governorship candidate of the PDP in 2015 against the choice of his father, Senator Theodore Ahamefule Orji and some PDP stakeholders in the state that have other candidates such as Dr. Alex Otti, Uche Sampson Ogah, Senator Nkechi Nwaogu, Barr. Friday N. Nwosu, among others, including Ikpeazu’s brother-in-law and former Deputy Governor of the State, Chief Eric Acho Nwakanma.

    Commenting on the ongoing leadership tussle, former Senator representing Abia Central at the National Assembly, Chris Adighije, who is an All Progressives Congress (APC) chieftain in the state, said it would be proper for the Speakership position of Abia State House of Assembly, which has been zoned to Abia Central, to be micro zoned to Ikwuano/Umuahia for equity’s sake.

    “Since the governor is from Abia South and an Ngwa man, the Deputy Governor from Abia North, it will be proper for the Ikwuano/Umuahia to produce the Speaker for the sake of balance. Isiala Ngwa North and South are our Ngwa brothers and the governor is an ngwa man.”

    When asked if he has a favored candidate from Ikwuano/Umuahia, he has this to say; “I don’t have a favored candidate, the Ikwuano/Umuahia members elect should be able to choose amongst themselves who they believe has the capacity to do the work effectively,” he said.

    But in what seems to be a morale boost to the speakership quest of Jnr. Orji, ex- Senate President and Secretary, Board of Trustees (BoT) of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Chief Adolphus Wabara, has not only endorsed the Speakership position ambition of the son of the former governor of the state and senator representing Abia Central, Chief Theodore Orji, Chief Chinedum Orji, he has equally urged Gov. Okezie Ikpeazu not to interfere in the affairs of the House of Assembly that will lead to the election of Speaker of Abia State House of Assembly come June.

    Addressing select newsmen in Aba on Sunday, Senator Wabara said as the Secretary of BoT of PDP, whose sole responsibility is advisory, the governor should not interfere in the affairs of the State House of Assembly, particularly as it relates to choosing who should be the Speaker.

    He said that in PDP, zoning, which breeds equity is key, adding that it is as a result of zoning that made Ngwa man to become governor in 2015 for the first time in the history of the state.

    While admonishing those who are interested in the Speakership position to be mindful of their utterances, the former Senate President said that fairness and equity demands that the speakership position should be zoned to Umuahia axis of Abia Central and the Deputy Speakership position to Ukwa ethnic nationality.

    “What I am saying is that the governor is from Abia South; Ukwa/Ngwa extraction, the deputy governor, Ude Okochukwu, is from Abia North, then why should the Speakership coming to Abia Central still remain with an Ngwa person? It is not fair.

    Prof Gregory Ibe speaking to news men recently in Amaokwe Uturu his hometown enjoined incoming members of the Assembly to embrace the candidature of Engr. Orji and subsequently work towards his emergence as Speaker.

    But sources said that though Engr. Orji may have been getting the endorsements from people in the state, they warned that the incumbent Speaker in the state would not be a pushover.

    LAGOS: PARTY LEADERSHIP TO DECIDE WHO BECOMES SPEAKER

    By Oziegbe Okoeki, Lagos

    As the countdown to the end of the 8th Assembly of Lagos State begins and the inauguration of the 9th Assembly is around the corner what is uppermost in the mind of political pundits is who will emerge the Speaker of the 9th Assembly?

    Will it remain the incumbent Speaker, Hon. Mudashiru Obasa, who won a return ticket for a record fifth term and oldest member in the Assembly or will there be change of leadership?

    Although for now there seems to be a lot of quietness in the Assembly as to the issue of speakership, it however does not translate to an endorsement of the current Speaker to continue in the 9th Assembly.

    Though on the surface no lawmaker has come out openly to signify interest in contesting for the position, The Nation gathers that this is primarily because, from past experience, the issue of who emerges as Speaker in Lagos Assembly is always decided by godfathers and the party leadership.

    And since none of the lawmakers for now is sure of what the position of the leaders is on the issue, everybody is holding back because if the leadership decides that the incumbent should continue they would not want to be caught on the wrong side because the consequences from the 2015 experiences of those who eventually lost out in the race may be grave.

    However, this is not to say that in a House where you have 4th, 3rd and 2nd termers, they are not eyeing the seat, but for reasons stated above they are not ready to come out openly.

    From our investigations, few who show interest in the seat are actually working underground meeting with stakeholders, which include party leaders, traditional rulers and other influential people in the state to swing the pendulum to their side.

    Like one of such interested lawmaker confided in our correspondent on condition of anonymity, “I will not become the Speaker through the pages of newspaper or on the social media; I know those who can make it happen and I am reaching out to them.”

    This is obviously the attitude and belief of those interested in the race. They are working underground and who knows, there may be surprises.

    But will it be a walkover for the incumbent? It is very unlikely because there seem to be so much unease among the lawmakers, especially the ranking members, because the newcomers are not too familiar with the terrain yet.

    Although there is so much grumbling among many of the ranking members, nobody really wants to speak out on what the problem really is except for some who said it borders on style of leadership and members’ welfare.

    Even a principal figure who is also a major power broker in the House and who was instrumental and played a major role in the emergence of Obasa in 2015, from sources within the Assembly, is also aggrieved. He is actually seen as a godfather in the Assembly.

    Though he is no longer coming back to the Assembly since he has secured a ticket to go higher, he however remains relevant and powerful in the Assembly politics and many believe the party leadership will listen to him when the issue of speakership comes up.

    He is even said to have called a meeting of some prominent ranking members in the Assembly to complain bitterly about his protégé, especially on issues concerning members’ welfare and other sundry matters.

    Even members of the speaker’s kitchen cabinet are said to be aggrieved also and have indeed met, and though they are not averse to his returning as Speaker, they have however detailed out conditions he must abide to and changes in style he must adhere to so as to retain their support. It is however not certain how far they have gone in their quest.

    One of the conditions given is that the Speaker must promise to make lawmakers and staffs’ welfare a priority to gain their support.

    But sources at the Assembly say the Speaker sees this as betrayal and this may have estranged both parties.

    This may account for why the Speaker has opted for another lawmaker who observers in the Assembly will tell you they have never been best of friend’s probably because he contested for the position against Obasa in 2015; as his campaign manager for the coveted seat.  He is not coming back and also lost his bid to go to House of Representatives.

    Definitely, the Speaker has more trust in him, because he is not coming back, than members of his kitchen cabinet who are coming back.

    And the major plank of his campaign manager to the new comer lawmakers as disclosed by one of them when asked who he will vote for is “vote for Obasa, if you don’t vote for him and he wins, he will victimize you because he is very vindictive. I have suffered it in the last four years. I was victimized in the last four years because I did not support him in 2015”.

    That Obasa may have prepared the ground for a smooth return as Speaker of the 9th Assembly is not in doubt. He is said to have been instrumental to the return of many of the returning members, especially those coming for second term and particularly the Peoples Democratic Party defectors, by ensuring that even those who lost out in the party primaries were eventually given the ticket by the party to come back; he is sure of their loyalty.

    He is also sure of the loyalty of some of the ranking members, particularly those who he made chairmen of juicy committees as they would want him back so as to continue to enjoy chairmanship of their juicy committees or at least switch to other juicy committees.

    If the contest is to be decided on the floor of the House, he is almost 100 per cent sure of the votes of these members and some of the new comers whom he has already reached out to.

    But as mentioned earlier, the decision of who becomes the Speaker is neither decided on the floor of the House or by the lawmakers but by the godfathers and leadership of the party. This much the Speaker alluded to in 2015 during the tussle for the speakership position.

    And their yardstick for deciding who eventually emerges as Speaker may be very different from other calculations as seen in the case of out-going governor, Akinwunmi Ambode, who despite his spectacular performance, was denied a second term ticket by the party leadership.

    In the Lagos Assembly who becomes speaker remains a matter of conjecture for now; will it remain Obasa or will another Speaker emerge? Will there be surprises? These questions will only be answered in June maybe days or hours before the inauguration of the 9th Assembly.

    For now, all fingers are crossed as the underground work, campaign and intrigues continue.

    NIGER: HOW NEW MEMBERS’ BAN AFFECTS RACE

    From Justina Asishana – Minna

    The newly elected members of the Niger State House of Assembly are prevented from contesting due to last minute amendment of the standing order of the House which states that fresh and new members will not be qualified to vie for the leadership of the Assembly.

    The Nation gathered that the state government may have already selected a candidate from among the new entrants but with the change in the standing order, they had to shift their focus.

    We reliably gathered that three returning members, including the incumbent Speaker, would be contesting for the number three position in the state.

    These contenders include the current Speaker, Honorable Ahmed Marafa Guni, who is representing Chachanga Constituency, the member representing Bosso Constituency, Honorable Malik Madaki Bosso and the Chairman of the Committee on Information who represents Suleja Constituency, Honorable Shua’ibu Liman Iya.

    The government is leaning favorably in support of the member representing Suleja Constituency, Honorable Shua’ibu Liman Iya who entered into the Assembly under the platform of the PDP but defected during his second year as a member in the House.

    Reasons for the support of Iya is not far-fetched as the government is looking at who will bend to its will, approve their whims and be at their beck and call.

    The current Speaker, Ahmed Marafa Guni, may likely have the support of his fellow colleagues but not the government; this is because the government is not able to bend him to do their will during his four year tenure.

    What possibly put off the government about Marafa may not be far from his inability to get the Assembly to approve the Sukuk Bond which the government wanted at all cost; this ended up in causing a frosty relationship between the government and the legislators.

    Another reason the government is not favorably disposed to him may be his insistence that the governor signs and acts on the bills passed by the House and his usual tendency to call the government to order.

    However, on his part, Marafa says he is not worried about the outcome of the Speakership position as according to him, “position comes from God. I will be comfortable with every outcome, be it for me or against me.”

    Honorable Madaki Malik Bosso’s emergence as one of the contenders is not a surprise because he has been the most vocal member in the Assembly in the past four years, however he is not favored by the government because of his outspokenness and his ability to speak against government policies each time it is not favorable to the people.

    Out of these three major candidates, it seems the current Speaker and Madaki Bosso will be the two most favoured in the battle to get the plum seat. The governor’s will and say over the speakership position has always not been met and this time will be no different.

    CROSS RIVER: GOVERNOR HOLDS THE ACE

    From Nicholas Kalu, Calabar

    In Cross River State, the present Speaker of the House of Assembly, John Gaul Lebo, representing Abi State Constituency in the Central District of the state, would not be coming back, given that he lost out in his bid to move up to the House of Representatives in the last election.

    With some kind of unwritten consensus that the speakership be retained in the central district of the state, the position may have been narrowed down to the six local government areas that constitute the district.

    The local governments are Abi, Yakurr, Obubra, Etung, Boki and Ikom. However, it seems due to various factors that would be highlighted here, it still would seem there is a further narrowing down.

    Presently, the 25 member House is constituted of all members of the Peoples Democratic Party and a breakdown of the central district as it would be in the next Assembly would be as follows Abi (Dave Etta), Boki 1 (Itam Abang), Boki 2 (Hilary Bisong), Obubua 1 (Okpeche Friday)

    Obubra 2 (Samson Francis), Etung (Chris Mbu-Ogar), Ikom 1 (Fred Osim), Ikom 2 (Elvert Ekom), Yakurr 1 (Ofem Nelson) and Yakurr 2 (Eteng Williams).

    However favourites among these seem to be the representatives of Boki, who in considering elective positions from the area seem to be lacking.

    There seems to be the feeling that one of these two should present the Speaker for some form of equity within the district.

    For instance Ikom has Chris Agibe who is in the federal House of Representatives member representing Ikom/Boki. Obubra has Mike Etaba representing Obubra/Etung. Abi has Alex Egbona representing Abi/Yakurr. Etung has Sandy Onor as a Senator of the district. Also Yakurr had produced a Speaker before in the person of Bassey Ewa. Abi and Yakurr share the same federal constituency and Abi had just produced the immediate past Speaker in the person of John Gaul. There is also the feeling that Abi has also produced a governor in the person of Liyel Imoke and  Yakurr just finished from the House of Reps in the person of Bassey Ewa, who is to hand over to Alex Ebgona from Abi.

    For some, if fairness and equity are to be achieved, then it should be Boki that should get the speakership, even as those from the area say they gave the governor the highest number of votes in the state in the last general elections.

    Bisong, heading for a second term in office, had achieved some popularity in the last Assembly. He is one of those whose name comes up whenever the matter is discussed, but it should be noted that the governor’s interest would also play a role in who would eventually emerge as the Speaker as it seems the legislature in the state has always been under the influence of the executive.

    The governor is expected to look for someone that it would be able to work smoothly with given that most of his projects would need legislative backing. It is in this regard many feel that Bisong may not be favoured as he is believed to be an independent minded person.

    But sources close to Bisong say he is a team player, who is not coming to challenge the system because he also has a political future and is committed to move the state forward.

    Another strong contender would be Williams from Yakurr, a close associate of Lebo. But there is the feeling that if the governor really wants smooth working relations with the House this might not be the best option because his would be like an extension of Lebo’s speakership, who many members of the House felt did not protect their interests well enough. In fact, it is argued that it is such loss of popularity that made Lebo to lose his bid for the Abi/Yakurr federal seat, which is the only constituency the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) won in all the elections across the state.

    Fred Osim, representing Ikom I, is another name that features for this position although the permutations highlighted earlier may not favour his area.

    As pointed out earlier, in the midst of all these schemings, the person that would make the final decision would be the governor himself. The politics of the state seems to be tied around the apron strings of the governor and whoever the governor decides would emerge. Against this backdrop and given that of course in politics anything is possible, hence pushing it further one may consider the present Deputy Speaker of the House who represents Calabar South 2 from the Southern district.

    This is due to the feeling that Bassey, who would be returning for a third term, is considered to be level headed and diplomatic and that he would be able to build the kind of cohesion the governor would like to pursue his agenda.

    OGUN: UNCERTAINTY TRAILS SEARCH FOR NEW SPEAKER

    From Ernest Nwokolo, Abeokuta

    The current state legislative Assembly in Ogun State, presided over by Hon. Suraj Adekunbi, will wind down in June, giving way to another leadership.

    The seat of the Speaker, in the political configuration of the state, had been zoned to Ogun Central since Ogun East has the Governor while the Ogun West has the Deputy Governor.

    The race for the position had since  began, albeit, subtly even before the State House of Assembly election was held last March 9 in Ogun State.

    The duo of Kunle Oluomo from Ifo 1 State Constituency and Elemide Daisy Victor, an Architect, from Odeda State Constituency are the contenders to the office.

    Honourable Kunle Oluomo is being said to be interested in the seat. He is presently the Deputy Speaker and has eight years of legislative experience on his side, a grassroots politician, and mobiliser and often referred to as the grand master of Ifo politics by a section of his supporters.

    Oluomo had a stint in the media. In the last eight years, he has been running people – ariented and welfarist representation for his Ifo 1 State Constituency, providing free school shuttle buses that convey pupils and students to and fro schools in Ifo town and surrounding villages.

    He is making his third appearance at the Ogun Assembly where, of the 26 – member legislators, about a dozen of them are making their first appearances.

    He was an Amosun loyalist to the core, dating back to the time of the All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP). He was first elected a lawmaker on the platform of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), 2011, when he followed Amosun to the party, got re-elected on the ticket of APC 2015 and now in 2019 on the strength of the same party.

    He however fell out with Amosun when his former boss denied him ticket and so he had to align with Dapo Abiodun and Osoba camp to get the ticket to run.

    Oluomo is believed to be banking on the likely support of colleagues who would be returning to the House to clinch the Speakership position when the time comes.

    The odds against him is his connection with Amosun, and even though the relationship between the duo had diverged, political expediency and need for healthy and  stable forthcoming Ogun Assembly may make the choice of Oluomo a difficult path to thread by the decision makers in APC.

    For no fault of his, it is not unexpected for people to assume that he could easily look back to his else while political mentor for tutoring when the chips are down to the hurt of executive – legislative harmony. How he will pull this albatross off his shoulder remained a matter to be seen.

    Oluomo has been paying heavy price on account of what some people ascribed to his severed relationship with the governor while others said his political travails were the manifestation of the people’s discontents with his style of politics.

    He has been attacked on a number of occasions by political foes; his supporters too had equally been spared during such attacks, with some of them gravely injured.

    Recently, he lost what could be regarded as a fleet of busses to hoodlums, who set them ablaze and also torched his constituency office in Ifo.

    Elemide is an Osoba loyalist. An intelligent and calm politician, he was in the House from 2011 to 2015; followed Osoba to the Social Democratic Party (SDP) in 2015 when Amosun elbowed them out of APC and also joined the camp to successfully fight their way back to the party.

    Elemide appeared to have many things working on his side towards emerging the next Speaker of the Ogun Assembly. He earns the trust of the party chieftains, his people and to a significant extent, that of the party as whole.

    Some of the first time lawmakers too are likely to give him their support on the strength of the series of alliances that brought about the victory of APC in the governorship poll.

    And given the experience of the party leaders and chieftains in the hand of Governor Ibikunle Amosun in the last eight years, particularly in the build-up to the last general elections, it is almost certain that nobody remotely or directly connected to Amosun would be supported to become Speaker.

    This is where Oluomo is most disadvantaged and Elemide seem better favored. And if the rule of ‘Baba so pe’ takes precedence, as it is expected to be done underground, Elemide is likely going to be the next Speaker.

  • 2019 governorship poll and state leadership

    If there is no postponement again, the governorship and Houses of Assembly polls should be taking place by now in at least 29 states. The outcome of the presidential and National Assembly polls alarmingly indicate that Nigeria, already a unitary state by every possible definition, may be heading for a one-party state. But whether at the federal or state level, particularly now at the state level, Nigeria has through decades of elections solidly entrenched poor leadership. A few states may be guiltier than the others, but overall, nearly all the states in recent years have demonstrated a lack of capacity to produce competent and secular leaders. Where a few of those leaders are competent, many others are unable to exclude religion from public life; and vice versa. In addition, many of the states have produced leaders who should properly be described as rulers, with many of them acutely lacking the talent to procure a legacy for themselves.

    The question on many lips today as the electorate troop out to cast their votes is whether Kaduna and Kano will re-elect their governors or dare to embrace change. The Northeast is almost solely responsible for the beginnings of the Boko Haram insurgency when they enacted and supervised abhorrent social and economic policies between 1999 and 2003 that pauperised their people and fed or pacified them with the fake elixirs of religion. Ignorant of the factors that predisposed Hausaland to Jihadist conquest, the Northeast, particularly Borno and Yobe, attempted to spread a veneer of sham religion on a socio-economic milieu that already left the people hungry, and rendered them uneducated and hopeless. Whirlwind follows the sowing of wind. But strangely, the rulers of the Northeast felt they could get away with their reckless and complicit handling of public policies. One or two of the outgoing governors of the region have attempted a few remedies, but their efforts have been uncoordinated and inadequate to smother the ongoing rebellion or stanch the flow of blood.

    The Northwest is virtually in full-fledged rebellion, with Zamfara quietly but bloodily becoming the epicentre. Full deployment of military and police assets in the zone has barely made a dent on a crisis that is threatening to escalate beyond its present immediate confinement. The rebellion, like in the Northeast, was triggered by poverty, alienation and misrule. And like the Northeast also, religion was boldly deployed as a tool to distract and engage the populace, with only token efforts made to find an answer to the socio-economic crisis confronting the populace. So far too, the Northwest has been unable to produce a first-rate leader of men and resources, a visionary leader capable of offering the kind of leadership that could bring a significant number of people out of poverty and misery.

    In the First and Second Republics, the Southwest used to have a reputation for producing excellent leaders. Now, such leaders are few and far between. The last two election cycles were even worse; they managed to produce third-rate leaders who couldn’t hold a candle to the worst of the worse, leaders more grandiloquent and megalomaniacal than the most comical the Second Republic ever produce. From the swampy southernmost tip of Nigeria to the humid savannah of the Middle Belt, and the erosion-plagued communities of the Southeast, Nigeria is locked in a vicious circle of producing incompetent administrators and mediocre politicians quite unfit to govern even a local government.

    It is in the midst of this crisis that the country is once again heading to the polls to elect governors and state lawmakers. No state in Nigeria has managed to emplace a vigorous and independent legislature. If voters do not resist the temptations put before them, they will once again elect misfits into their legislative houses. No one can tell whether they will do what is right today. But far worse is the likelihood of the voters electing mediocre governors. Flowing from the convincing win the president secured in some states in the North, some governorship candidates are hopeful that the electorate would overlook their failings and foibles and re-elect them. Governor Abdullahi Ganduje of Kano State is one of a few examples that constitute a moral and political dilemma for the electorate. Accused of demanding and receiving bribes to the tune of millions of dollars from contractors, with electronic evidence deployed as proof, the governor has stonewalled. Aided by what some critics described as a conniving legislature and a downright colluding judiciary, the governor has been able to stall both a potential trial and impeachment proceedings. Even the president has waffled over the accusation, wondering what type of technology was deployed to, as it were, entrap Dr Ganduje, one of his most ardent supporters.

    Should Kano vote for him this Saturday, the electorate would have made nonsense of the anti-corruption campaign garishly embarked upon by the president at the early stages of his presidency. With the courts inexplicably putting an obstacle before the governor’s leading Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) opponent a few days to the election, Dr Ganduje seems poised to retake the State House except voters can enact a full-scale rebellion against the state’s ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). After having voted massively, perhaps in defiance of statistical logic, for President Muhammadu Buhari, it remains to be seen whether the electorate can truly dissociate the controversial governor from the cult-like personality of the president. If they do, they would be displaying their remarkable sophistication. If they do not, they would be reiterating their commonalty, as fellow voters in the Northwest exhibited some two weeks ago when they broke the numbers bank.

    Kaduna State is contending with a far worse dilemma than even Kano. Yet, no one can tell how they will resolve the existential crisis facing them. Together with Kano, Kaduna State has faced some of the most violent religious crisis Nigeria has ever witnessed. That religious question has been further compounded by deep and unresolved ethnic fissures. The governor, Nasir el-Rufai, is of course not the cause of a crisis that predates him. But so far, both by his lack of restraint and poor understanding of issues, not to say his absolute lack of wisdom and irritating cocksureness, the governor has managed in his first term to aggravate the multiple crises the state has been contending with for some decades.

    First, he announced that he paid off those attacking the state, implying that he was able to identify them; but rather than bring them to justice, he preferred to use taxpayers’ money to mollify the fury of the criminals. Then at every turn, he has been unable to manage the state’s religious and ethnic differences and struggles, barely managing to disguise his biases. Now, he has finally set out to prove that he could break the political convention and received wisdom of presenting a mixed candidacy of Muslims and Christians for the State House.

    Today, the state will either reinforce Mallam El-Rufai’s iconoclasm or punish him. He believes that flowing from the president’s election, his repudiation of conventional wisdom will carry the day as voters turn out to make nonsense of the state’s religious calculations. He is daring, very daring. But there is nothing to suggest that he could not in fact get away with his cold and ruthless calculation. If the electorate support his redrawing of the state’s political and behavioural map, they will have voted for the present and hope that they would not reap any whirlwind sometime in the future. Mallam El-Rufai took on the more sensible and ethical Shehu Sani, a state senator, and vanquished him. Consequently, the governor, who is never a moderate and modest man to begin with, is already feeling invincible, nay immortal. Should he carry the day, his enemies will groan in anguish for years to come.

    But whether the electorate endorse him or not, it does not detract from the fact that Mallam El-Rufai’s legacy will be controversial at best, and poor beyond description at worst. It is inconceivable that a politician who has inspired so much division, while not matching it with grand and gargantuan futuristic projects and programmes, can hope to last in the minds of the people.

    Many other states will be grappling with their own peculiar issues and troubles. How they resolve these issues, starting from the votes today, will determine how far their states can go in the coming years. Using Kano and Kaduna as examples, there is not much optimism that the 36 states as a whole can go very far. They are crawling now when they should be walking briskly, and have embraced the wrong arguments and personalities in their prolonged quest for development. They must hope that the choices they make today would not completely paralyse them or, worse, predispose them to the full-scale rebellion ravaging some states in the country.

  • Saraki to Houses of Assembly: emulate Kwara on pension to ex-officeholders

    Saraki to Houses of Assembly: emulate Kwara on pension to ex-officeholders

    SENATE President Bukola Saraki has urged Houses of Assembly in other states to emulate the Kwara State House of Assembly by passing bills to stop the bleeding of public treasuries in the guise of pension payments to former political office holders.

    The bill stopping the payment of pension to former governors and their deputies in Kwara State was passed by the House of Assembly last Tuesday, ending controversies that the Senate President was earning salaries from two sources.

    In a statement, Saraki hailed the Speaker of the Assembly, Ali Ahmad, for working to ensure the expeditious passage of the bill.

    Governor Abdulfatah Ahmed is expected to sign the Bill into law.

    When signed into law, former governors and former deputies would no longer earn salaries from the state government whenever they are holding political and public offices.

    The statement by Saraki reads: “I am pleased that following my conversation with Kwara Speaker, Ali Ahmad, two months ago, the bill to suspend the payment of pension to former governors and their deputies when they hold a political or public office was passed by the Kwara House of Assembly.”

    Saraki, who was governor between 2003 and 2011, has since been serving as a senator representing Kwara Central.

    The payment of salaries for life to some former governors after leaving office drew flaks from a cross-section of Nigerians.

    It is expected that other former governors now holding public offices, especially those in the National Assembly, would take steps to have their salaries put on the hold by their various states.

    Some serving senators once served as former governors and deputy governors of their states.

    The onetime governors are: Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso (Kano); Kabiru Gaya (Kano); Godswill Akpabio (Akwa Ibom); Theodore Orji (Abia); Abdullahi Adamu (Nasarawa); Sam Egwu (Ebonyi); Shaaba Lafiagi (Kwara); Joshua Dariye (Plateau) and Jonah Jang (Plateau).

    Others are: Aliyu Magatakarda Wamakko (Sokoto); Ahmed Sani Yarima (Zamfara); Danjuma Goje (Gombe); Bukar Abba Ibrahim (Yobe); Adamu Aliero (Kebbi) and George Akume (Benue).

    The former deputy governors are: senators Abiodun Olujimi (Ekiti), Enyinaya Abaribe (Abia) and Danladi Abubakar Sani, who once served as the acting governor of Taraba.

    Others who serve as ministers are: Labour & Productivity Minister Chris Ngige (Anambra); Minister of Mines & Steel Development Kayode Fayemi (Ekiti); Transport Minister Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers); Power, Works & Housing Babatunde Fashola (Lagos).

    The pension law in Akwa Ibom State provides monthly pensions for former governor governors and former deputies salaries that are equivalent to their successors.

    In many of the states, former governors are entitled to official accommodation in the state capitals, official cars, free overseas’ medical treatments for them and members of their families as well as security details and personal staff.

     

  • Houses of Assembly mere rubber stamp, says Nnamani

    A STRONG and truly independent legislature will promote delivery of democratic dividends to the citizens, former Senate President Dr. Ken Nnamani said yesterday

    Nnamani spoke at the 2017 Conference of the Commonwealth Parliament Association (CPA), Africa region in Abuja.

    The theme of the conference is: “State and Local Government Relation on Public Finance and Governance”.

    The former Senate President said many of the houses of assembly had become appendages of the state government houses, thus abdicating their responsibility as makers of laws that should bring succour and growth to the people.

    “We are not mature enough to give the people the real democratic practice. If you look at our constitution, those who did it have done a great work. It may not be perfect, but it will get better someday.

    “Democracy is based on the principles of local control, which is what we call town hall democracy.

    “In our country, there are few states that have strength. Most states see their houses of assembly as a department in their government houses.

    “In other words, the growth of democracy will be more emphasised if we have strong houses of assembly to debate issues that will better the life of Nigerians,” he said.

    Nnamani noted that many states where the governors had become reckless and drunk with power, was traceable to the absence of a strong and truly independent houses of assembly to checkmate these excesses.

    He said absence of machinery for proper checks and balances between the legislature and the executive, usually results in power-drunk syndrome, saying “this must be corrected.”

    He called for the critical appraisal of the quality of state legislators that would guarantee quality governance with accountability and transparency trappings in governance.

    Acting Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) Mrs. Habiba Lawal called for a re-orientation of legislators’ priority, whose loyalty should be to the people rather than the governor.

    Lawal, who was represented by Mr. Gabriel Aduda, Permanent Secretary, office of the SGF, said negligence on the part of governments was responsible for the plethora social vices in the country.

    Also, President of CPA Dr. Acho Ihim called for synergy between the state and the local government to allow for meaningful development in the state.

    Ihim, who was represented by Imo State Commissioner for Health Mr. Edward Ihejirika,  said there would be a lot of development in many regions of the country if local governments were granted autonomy.

    In his contribution, Mr. David Briggs, chairman, Senior Secondary Schools Board, River State, called on the parliamentarians in every state to begin to speak out against bad governance at all levels.

    Briggs said when the parliamentarians neglect their functions, “the consequence was always grave and devastating both for the people and the country”.

  • South West leaders of Houses of Assembly meet to collaborate

    Readers of the South West Houses of Assembly have met in Osogbo, Osun State, to discuss how to work together on the implementation of legislative reform that will enhance development in the zone.

    The majority leaders of the Houses of Assembly, among other members, were present at a maiden meeting of the newly inaugurated implementation committee.

    The Speaker of the Osun State House of Assembly, Honourable Najeem Salaam, who declared the meeting open, assured that the legislators in the region would collaborate to achieve the goal.

    He lauded the leadership and members of all Houses of Assembly in the South-West for their cooperation and charged the committee to pursue the assignment with full dedication and resilience.

    The Chairman of the Committee, who is also the Majority Leader of Osun State House of Assembly, Hon Timothy Owoeye, told the gathering that the committee was saddled with the responsibility to promote legislative reforms.

    According to him, the checklists and terms of reference jointly developed during the inauguration of South-West Legislative Reform Implementation Committee on 30th of June 2017 will serve as a guide through our engagements targeted at bringing the glories of the South-West back.

  • Still on the Abia tribunal blunders

    Still on the Abia tribunal blunders

    Many commentators, especially legal experts have continued to air their views regarding some of the judgments delivered by both the Houses of Assembly/National Assembly Tribunal and the Governorship Tribunal that sat in Umuahia recently.

    It is normal for people, both experts and laymen to try to scrutinize election Tribunal judgments because they have a lot to do with our democracy and leadership which centre on ensuring the well being of the people.

    One is always careful in commenting on such a sensitive issue to avoid being accused of partisanship, however, when one takes into consideration some of the events that took place before and during the elections in Abia, and subsequent events that played out during proceedings at the election Tribunals coupled with the reactions of majority of Abia voters, then it would not be out of p lace for a concerned citizen to comment.

    It would be recalled that while the Governorship case was pending at the Guber Tribunal, the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and her candidate Alex Otti who were challenging the victory of the Peoples Democratic Party’s candidate Okezie Ikpeazu, filed a motion to inspect the materials used in one of the contentious LGAs of Obingwa, their request was granted by the Tribunal, and after series of delay and frustration by INEC they agreed to grant APGA legal team and forensic experts access to the materials, unfortunately this legitimate order was flouted as thugs suspected to be working for the PDP assaulted the APGA legal  team, and prevented them from assessing those sensitive materials needed.

    This development  no doubt frustrated APGA as they were forced to return to the Tribunal to seek another order compelling INEC to bring the materials to  the Tribunal premises for inspection, unfortunately, less than twenty four hours before this order would be carried out, some arsonists also suspected to be supporters of the ruling party (PDP) stormed the INEC office in broad day light and set the place ablaze.

    APGA and her candidate were left with the option of requesting for materials of the other LGAs which were later brought for inspection after PDP and some INEC staff were said to have connived and mixed up the materials to frustrate the inspection.

    Having suffered avoidable delays as a result of INEC and PDPs unwillingness to obey the orders of the Tribunal on time, APGA and her candidate prayed for time extension to bring more witnesses, which observers believed would be the material contents of the forensic  examination, but shockingly, and suspiciously this motion was turned down by the Tribunal under the pretence that the parties were granted  seven days each to present their witnesses, and that having exhausted theirs, APGA would not be given additional time.

    The Tribunal took such a terrible decision without first of all considering that by the provisions of the electoral act, each of the parties was  entitled to fourteen days for presentation of witnesses,  and that the seven days given was because the Tribunal claimed it  was running out of time.

    Again, the Tribunal denied the extension of time without recourse to the delay tactics applied by INEC and the defense team who were never punished for their disobedience and lack of diligence.

    The Tribunal did not also reason that the petitioner’s legal team was given only seven days to face the three joined parties of Okezie Ikpeazu, PDP, and INEC  who were allocated separate number of days during the presentation of witnesses.

    Surprisingly, the Tribunal that claimed it was running out of time added extra four days to the date earlier agreed for adoption of written addresses, claiming that Abia judiciary wanted to use the Tribunal complex for a certain activities that ought not to have interfered with the Tribunal time table; this time around the Guber Tribunal wasn’t running out of time again, the same Tribunal that denied APGA time extension.

    To climax what could be described as an absurdity of legal proceedings, the Tribunal repeatedly used the word “re-run” against APGA  while delivering it’s judgement, when it was obvious that no re-run took place in Abia.

    The Tribunal in the most bizarre manner refused to align with APGA and her candidate in the case of Osisoma LGA where it was proven beyond reasonable doubt that the PDP L.G Collation agent and their House of Assembly candidate signed the results of the entire Ten Wards of the LGA instead of the Ward collation Agent as prescribed by the electoral act, the Tribunal did not just give their blessing on the grievous electoral crime, but also accepted the lies of the LGA and ward collation  agents of PDP who were caught  red handed lying under oath.

    The over eighty thousand votes fraudulently allocated to PDP and her candidate is one result that should alarm any unbiased mind even without going through the details of the election considering the pattern of voting and election results in the last election across the country, let alone the LGA in question, Obingwa LGA.

    As expected during the Tribunal proceedings, the result from Obingwa was exposed to the world as fake when a staff of INEC from Abuja appeared before the Tribunal and tendered a gazzetted INEC document in evidence which clearly contradicted and indicted the result earlier declared.

    Unfortunately the same Tribunal that accepted and never disputed the content of the document ignored its undisputed facts while delivering its judgment.

    In the case of Chief NnamdiIro Orji, the APGA candidate for Arochukwu/Ohafia constituency, the National Assembly Tribunal shocked everyone when it rejected the pink copies of the election results tendered by APGA showing the original results as earlier given by the INEC presiding officers before the fraudulaent results were announced by Senior INEC Officers in the State.

    Again, in one of the INEC result sheets that bore a report written by the INEC Officer in charge, it clearly listed details of votes as scored by the individual political parties and clearly showed that APGA won in all the polling units of the areas in question. The INEC staff also detailed how some agents of the PDP came and snatched the result sheets, and subsequently entered fraudulently figures which contradicted the genuine results, as the scores in figure differed in words. She subsequently used asterisk to differentiate the fake result from the original, unfortunately, the Tribunal used her discretion in the most unfair manner to accept the ones marked as fake.

    In another interesting case involving the APGA candidate for Aba North State Constituency in the Abia House of Assembly, the Tribunal said that it established a case of certificate forgery against the Aba candidate and thus nullified his election, ordered for fresh elections in some polling units, and subsequently barred APGA from taking part in the would be rerun election.

    However, in what looked like a selective justice and bizarre contradiction, the same Tribunal  established a case of double registration and forgery against the PDP candidate for Bende North State Constituency, but did not nullify his election on that basis, rather recommended  him for trial in a regular court? Two pre-election election matters, two parties but different judgments.

    There are other clear examples of miscarriage of justice involving the lower Tribunals that sat in Umuahia which cannot be listed here for want of space.

    One is no trying to play the innocent here or cast aspersion on the judiciarybecause of avoidable inactions of some judicial officers, but some of these judgment are not only conspicuously questionable but clearly suggest that there was a huge compromise taken to the point of ridicule.

    The appropriate authorities and institutions charged with the responsibility of ensuring justice and sanity in situations like this need to urgently look into what transpired in Abia so that a very dangerous precedent would not be set at the expense of the suffering masses.

    Injustice any where is a threat to justice everywhere-Martin Luther King Jnr.

     

     

    The author, Ekeoma is a social commentator

    He writes from Abia state, Nigeria.

  • Like Ekiti, like Edo, Rivers Houses of Assembly

    Like Ekiti, like Edo, Rivers Houses of Assembly

    In democracy, the legislature is the first and most important organ of government. It underscores the representative nature of modern republican society. As the most vital arm, which has its taproots across the constituencies and grassroots, it is perceived as the anchor of popular rule. Therefore, any assault on the legislature is tantamount to a war against the people, who are the cornerstone of the government.

    Three Houses of Assembly – Edo, Ekiti and Rivers – have been troubled. They have become casualties of intense power game between the ruling and opposition parties. The Houses are polarised into two camps, with parallel Speakers and principal officers locked in bitter struggles for the soul of the legislature.

    In the three Houses, budget passage has become cumbersome, if not absolutely difficult. Oversight functions cannot be performed. The executive and the legislature cannot rub minds.  The fate of many projects remain unclear.

    Many indigenes have agonised over the disruption of legislative governance in the affected states. They have also bemoaned the role of the police in rows. Since power shifted last week, the police appear to be retracing their steps of impunity. There is now an intense agitation for the resumption of legislative duties in the problem states. To stakeholders, democratic governance is incomplete without the law-making body.

    For over one year, the Rivers State House of Assembly has been under lock and key. The implication is that democratic governance has been at half in the oil-rich state. A free-for-all had broken out on the floor. Some lawmakers were injured. After the commotion, some were charged to court. The crisis that seized the House was the fallout of the division in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), which culminated into the exit of Governor Rotimi Amaechi from the party.

    The Speaker of the 32-member House, Tonye Harry, from Degema State Constituency, died a year ago. He is yet to be replaced from his Constituency. When the crisis broke out in the PDP, there was an attempt to impeach the governor. But, 25 of the legislators rejected the plot. They argued that Amaechi did not commit any impeachable offence. They elected Otelemaba Amachre as the Speaker. But, the six lawmakers who are bent on starting an impeachment process against the governor,  rejected the new Speaker. The six legislators, who did not defect to the All Progressives Congress (APC) with the governor, are loyal to the PDP governorship candidate, Chief Nyesom Wike. Their acclaimed Speaker is Evan Bipi. When the House met on July 9, 2013, Bipi’s group could not muster the strength to sack Amachree. Since they could not remove the speaker, it was difficult for them to gain the control of the House and apply the sledge hammer against the governor.

    Today, the Rivers House of Assembly, on Moscow Road, near Police Headquarters, Port-Harcout, has been closed down indefinitely. Pro-Amaechi lawmakers occasionally met in the old Banquet Hall of the Government House. They claim that the House of Assembly is undergoing renovation.

    In Edo, it is the same scenario. The House is divided. It is 15 versus six. Nineteen legislators are on the side of Governor Adams Oshiomhole. Six are plotting his removal. Although it has been a peaceful House, the permutations for general elections shattered the peace of the legislature. Ahead of the elections, crisis was orchestrated by the PDP. Four members initially unfolded a plot to impeach the governor. They knew that the plot could not succeed, unless they remove the Speaker, Igbe Uyi. Sensing danger, the speaker moved fast by raising some allegations against them. Amid the face-off, they were suspended. But, the four insisted that they had removed the Speaker. They made Festus Ebea the parallel Speaker. The Federal Government and the police took sides with the six anti-Oshiomhole legislators with impunity.

    Now, the House of Assembly meets at the Government House, Benin-City. Asked the reason for the temporary relocation, Speaker Uyi explained that the House is being renovated.

    In Ekiti, with the second coming of Governor Ayodele Fayose, there has been a renewed battle for survival by the governor and the opposition APC. Fayose did not complete his first term. He was impeached in controversial circumstances by the House on October 16, 2006. When he was re-elected on June 21 and inaugurated on October 16, last year, he met a House of Assembly dominated by the APC. His party – the PDP – had only one lawmaker in the 26-member House.  But, on the eve of his inauguration, six members defected from the APC to the PDP. To get the nod of the House for his nominees for the Secretary to Government and commissioners, Fayose needed the majority of the House, But, he could not get it. Therefore, a crisis was orchestrated in the House. The 19 APC lawmakers were allegedly harassed and forced to relocate from the state to safer havens.

    While they were addressing a press conference in Lagos, news got to them that the seven pro-Fayose lawmakers had elected Dele Olugbemi as the new Speaker. The Speaker, Dr. Wale Omirin, was taken aback. He cried foul, saying that no quorum was formed. The seven lawmakers screened the nominees and they were sworn in by the governor. Omirin maintained that they were screened in error.

    Last week, the fleeing 19 legislators returned to base and commenced an impeachment process against Fayose and his deputy, Dr. Olusola Eleka iImmediately. But the governor described the APC lawmakers as jesters. He also said whoever will remove from office him would have successfully impeached God from His throne.

    Led by Omirin, the legislators listed eight impeachable offences. These include: the invasion of the House with thugs and miscreants; instigation of seven members to unconstitutionally take over the House in contravention of Section 96(2) of the constitution; prevention of the 19 APC lawmakers from performing their legislative duties; sponsoring an unlawful impeachment process in the House without requisite constitutional approval; running the Ekiti State Government without legally constituted State Executive Council; operating an illegal 2014 budget and instigating illegal sitting of the House.

    But, the factional Speaker, Olugbemi, has fired back. He accused Omirin of impersonation, forgery and attempting to cause a breach of the peace. According to him, the seven members had impeached him and his deputy, Adetunji Orisalade. Olugbemi said that, since Omirin has gone to the court, he should wait for the verdict of the court. He urged the Chief Judge not to set any panel to investigate the governor.

    To observers, Ekiti is in bad news again. The legislators have resorted to impeachment as a survival option. But, more important than the latest phase of the face-off is the compelling need for them to resume their legislative duties, in accordance with the constitution.

    Is a factionalised House in the interest of the state? Can there be good governance, if 19 members are not allowed into the chambers and six continue to legislate? How can the interest of their constituencies be protected on the floor? Can there be peace in Ekiti State Government, if there is no peace in the House of Assembly, which is an integral part of the government?