Tag: Igbo leaders

  • Anambra guber: Igbo leaders  move to check Kanu, IPOB

    Anambra guber: Igbo leaders move to check Kanu, IPOB

    The South East political class may have drawn the battle line with the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) and its leader, Nnamdi Kanu, over his recent threat to disrupt the forthcoming governorship election in Anambra State.

    The Conference of Nigerian Political Parties (CNPP) in the zone is championing a move to cut Kanu’s influence.

    The plan, The Nation gathered, is to use political and legal means to stop Kanu and his group from preventing the conduct of the governorship election.

    Sources familiar with the development said at least three meetings have been held by political activists and parties in the zone on ensuring that nothing stops the election from taking place.

    Consequently, some political players in the zone may soon approach the court to seek an injunction restraining Kanu, IPOB or any other group or person, from acting in any manner that may jeopardize the peaceful conduct of the November 18 election in Anambra State.

    “As a group and even as individuals, we view the threat as a sad development,” one of the sources said.

    “It is unfortunate that Kanu decided to taint his agitation in such a ridiculous manner. Politicians and even the voters in the Southeast are not comfortable with such blatant display of undue arrogance. We strongly believe that the Igbo want restructuring and not secession.

    “We have met and we are still meeting. The threat is not just about Anambra, it is about the entire Southeast zone. We cannot fold our arms or leave such a thing to chance.

    “Political and legal means are being worked out to forestall any confusion before, during and after the governorship election in Anambra. We may be seeking legal injection against those threatening the election.”

    He added that as part of the political means of tackling Kanu’s threat, mass sensitisation and mobilisation of the people of Ananbra State have been suggested.

    “We have thought about reaching out to the people of Anambra and telling them about the danger of not participating in the governorship election. This may start anytime,” he added.

    This is coming on the heels of the countermand issued earlier in the week by the President of the Igbo apex socio-cultural group, Ohanaeze, Chief John Nwodo, to Kanu’s threat of election boycott in Anambra State.

    Addressing the State House of Assembly, Nwodo had said: “Whereas Ohanaeze understands the marginalisation and unfair treatment of Igbo which have given rise to self-determination movements in Igboland, leaders of these movements must not arrogate to themselves the supreme leadership of Igbo land.

    “Statement of the kind credited to Nnamdi Kanu are provocative, misleading and unproductive.  Why should Anambra people be denied the opportunity to choose their own leader? Why should any of us who are not from Anambra , no matter how highly placed, descend to the arena and dictate for Anambra people when to vote , Whether to vote or who to vote for?

    “Anambra, nay Igbo, are still part and parcel of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Yes, we are not happy with our treatment in Nigeria.  Yes, some of us want Biafra. Yes some of us prefer a restructured Federal Republic of Nigeria. But the fact remains that we are still part and parcel of the present Federal Republic of Nigeria, bound by its laws, no matter how repressive or unjust.  Our approach to reforms of our laws even if it leads to self-determination or restructuring must be lawful.

    “We must convince other Nigerians of our points of views, we must strive to make others share our concoctions.  Our language must be civil, respectful and leads to consensus building. We must resist any attempt to turn division amongst us, as to which way we must go, becoming a source of altercation between us.”

    Besides, a former National Chairman of All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), Chief Victor Umeh, said the people of Anambra in particular and Igboland in general, will not be part of the “no election” threat of the IPOB leader.

    The politician urged Nigerians to disregard the threat, saying it was made in bad faith.

    He added that neither Kanu nor IPOB can prevent Igbo people anywhere from exercising their rights to vote during elections.

    “Kanu cannot prevent people from voting or seeking to be voted for. It is their civic rights. To say election will not hold is a joke. That election will come and go. For us in APGA, we take that election very seriously,” he said.

    “APGA as a political party is keen about the said election. We are approaching it with every seriousness. Nobody can tell me not to vote. He leads IPOB, not the whole of Igboland. And IPOB is just one association in the southeast. So he represents IPOB and not the entire Igbo people,” he said

    Earlier, Umeh’s party, APGA, had decried Kanu’s call on Anambra people to shun forthcoming gubernatorial poll in the state. The party, like Umeh, in a letter to Kanu, signed by its National Publicity Secretary, Mr Ifeatu Obiokoye, said the call was irresponsible and devoid of intellectual focus.

    “Nnamdi Kanu’s call for a boycott of elections in the South-East, beginning with the governorship polls scheduled for Nov.18, 2017 in Anambra is irresponsible, irredentist and totally devoid of any focus. You must appreciate that for different logical reasons and perception, the Biafra concept has attracted favourable comments among our people, ostensibly borne out of the marginalisation of Ndigbo in the Nigerian state,” the party said.

    The party reminded Kanu that the right to vote and be voted for was a universally declared right under the United Nations Charter of People’s and Citizenship Right, and in the 1999 Constitution (as amended). It advised the IPOB leader to drop his “emperor” perception of himself “and humble yourself to the true leadership of Ndigbo for a proper and better articulation of the Biafra struggle”.

    The national chairman of the United Progressive Party (UPP), Chief Chekwas Okorie, also flayed Kanu and IPOB on the no-election threat in Anambra. The Abia State born politician added that the threat will soon fizzle out as nobody in the zone is willing to be part of any action that will disturb the governorship election in Anambra.

    “As far as I am concerned, it is a position that will fizzle out in due course because it is not rooted in any logic. I can excuse their naivety but it is left for elders like us to call them to order in a very subtle manner, with superior logic without being antagonistic, confrontational and unduly offensive.

    “The fact is that many of them do not know the danger of election boycott.  It is a political suicide. In the Second Republic, a political coalition, called United Progressives Grand Alliance (UPGA), led by Dr. Michael Okpara, made up NCNC, led by Okpara, Action Group (AG), then led by Dr. Majekodunmi, as Chief Obafemi Awolowo was as at that time a political prisoner and United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC), led by Joseph Tarka, and Borno Youth Forum, led by Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim.

    “You will recall that the alliance took the decision to boycott the 1965 election. That decision was a disaster because it gave the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) and Nigerian National Alliance (NNA) the advantage they wouldn’t have had. That was why Chief Akintola, who belonged to NNA, had advantage in the West then. Of course, everyone saw the backlash of that unwise decision to boycott the election.

    “Bearing this in mind, I can assure you that the election in Anambra will be successful. Even the common Anambra people have expressed their anger at the insensitivity of the Kanu/IPOB threat against Anambra election. In fact, that threat is a major setback for IPOB,” the UPP leader said.

    Similarly, Sam Oraegbunam, Chairman of the Anambra State chapter of Hope Democratic Party (HDP), insisted that the people of the state must be allowed to peacefully vote during the scheduled governorship election to forestall a situation where the state would be left without a governor.

    “If Anambra does not hold election in Nigeria in November, it means that there will be a vacuum. And what happens to the state in terms of administration? Kanu is from a state and there is an elected governor. So he should allow us have our election because we are still a component of Nigeria,” Oraegbunam said.

     

  • Igbo coalition flays Yakassai for chiding Biafra struggle

    Igbo coalition flays Yakassai for chiding Biafra struggle

    A coalition of Igbo groups, Eastern Consultative Assembly (ECA) Tuesday came hard on elder statesman, Alhaji Tanko Yakassai over his recent utterances against the Biafra struggle.

    The ECA made its stand known at its special session, attended by several Igbo leaders in Enugu where detained leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), Mazi Nnamdi Kanu was elected as its new leader.

    Others elected included Rev Fr. John Odey- Publicity Secretary, Evang. Elliot Ugochukwu-Uko- Secretary, Dede Uzor A Uzor- Assistant Publicity Secretary, while Chief (Mrs.) Maria Okwor, remains Matron and Deputy Leader. ECA Patrons remain, Prof Ben Nwabueze, Dr Alex Ekwueme and Archbishop Anthony Obinna.

    In a communique issued after the election, signed by the Deputy Leader, Chief Mrs. Maria Okwor and the Publicity Secretary, Rev. Fr. John Odeh, the ECA described Yakassai’s recent outburst against Biafra agitation as misplaced.

    The group told Yakassai that “your claimed annoyance over the agitation for secession by the great IPOB is misplaced.

    “Alhaji Tanko should kindly provide answers as to why Zamfara State with NPC acclaimed population of over 5 million people should immunize only 74,000 under 5 year children during the anti-polio vaccination exercise, while Imo State with NPC population of under 3 million immunized over 300,000 thousand.

    “JAMB and WAEC figures year after year also confirm the fraudulent census figures; Zamfara and Sokoto states with a combined NPC alleged population of over 11 million enroll only 40 thousand candidates while Anambra state alone with an NPC population of 3 million produces over 400 thousand candidates. Man’s inhumanity to Man.”

    Insisting on restructuring, the ECA said, “the fraudulent and oppressive census figures is one of the reasons the East can no longer accept Nigeria as presently structured.

    “The deliberate asphyxiation of our people with a very wicked state and local government creation based on land mass is another reason sir.”
    “The refusal to peacefully restructure Nigeria sir is the reason the demand for secession is growing louder and louder. The demand dear sir will only grow louder until justice is done sir.

    “As for Alhaji Bashir Dalhatu and his Northern delegate to the confab forum, we say your position by opposing the peaceful restructuring of Nigeria excites and fuels the secessionists.”

    The Igbo group equally lauded the new Ohanaeze Leadership “for standing on the side of the people, a welcome breath of fresh air in comparison with past cowardly Ohanaeze leaderships.”
    Meanwhile in his acceptance speech presented by Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, represented by the new IPOB coordinator, ‎Mazi George Onyeibehe said: ‎”I hope all the affiliate groups in this coalition will soon join hands with us in our peaceful and non-violent pursuit of a referendum that will allow the people decide their future.

    “I commend the ECA and strongly believe that I will not let you down. Once again, I say thank you for this great honour”.

     

  • Buhari, Igbo leaders meet

    Buhari, Igbo leaders meet

    Twenty-four hours after the bloody Biafra Day protests,  President Muhammadu Buhari yesterday met with some Southeast leaders at the Presidential Villa in Abuja.

    The Monday protests shook Onitsha, Owerri, Aba, Abakaliki, Enugu, Asaba, Ikom and Port Harcourt. Two policemen and five protesters were killed in Asaba. The military said soldiers were injured in Onitsha where it confirmed the death of five protesters.

    Many of the protesters were arrested.

    The 18-man delegation, led by former Senate President Ken Nnamani, included All Progressives Congress (APC) National Auditor George Moghalu; Senators Ifeanyi Ararume and Osita Izunaso and former House of Reps member Sharon Ikeazor; former Executive Vice-Chairman of Nigeria Communications Commission (NCC) Ernest Ndukwe.

    Also in the team were the APC National Vice-Chairman (Southeast), Emma Eneukwu; Chief Austin Edeze; Dr. Uzoma Obiyo and Mr. Chris Akomas.

    The leaders arrived in a bus belonging to the Ken Nnamani Leadership Institute. They met privately with the President under the aegis of Southeast Group for Change. The delegation ýdeclined to speak with reporters at the end of the meeting.

    As he walked past reporters, Nnamani only replied to the question on whether Biafra came up for discussion during the meeting with: “No, no, not now.”

    No official statement was issued on the meeting.

    The President also met with governors of Zamfara, Akwa Ibom, Edo, Katsina, Ondo and Imo states at the State House.

    Also yesterday, Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Solomon Arase directed that members of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), who were arrested in connection with the killing of three policemen on Monday, be charged with murder.

    The IG also ordered the Assistant Inspectors General of Police (AIG) and the Commissioners of Police (CPs) to immediately disarm members of the group.

    Arase, condemning the killing by members of IPOB, also directed that any member found in possession of firearms be arrested and brought to justice.

    A statement by police spokesperson Olabisi Kolawole said:  ”IGP Arase also directed the arrest of any member of the group found in possession of firearm and bring him or her to justice, while all IPOB activists arrested in connection with the killing of the policemen should be charged to court with murder.

    “Following the manifestation of the disposition of the armed Independent People of Biafra (IPOB) activists to undertake premeditated attacks on police officers engaged in operations aimed at restoring public order in states in the South-East and South-South geopolitical zone of the country, the Inspector-General of Police, IGP Solomon  Arase has directed the Assistant Inspectors General of Police and the Commissioners of Police in the affected area to disarm members of the group operating firearms immediately.”

    On the attacks on policemen, the IG said: “The targeted attacks on police personnel, who have been performing their statutory functions in the most professional and civil manner since the latest resurgence, portrays the IPOB activists who are orchestrating the insurrection as having crossed the threshold in their misguided attempt to test the common will of the nation”.

    Arase assured Nigerians of the police’s commitment to safety and stressed that they will continue to diligently work towards eliminating any threat to internal security.

    Deputy Senate President Ike Ekweremadu condemned the reported killing of young men and women by security operatives in parts of the Southeast.

    Ekweremadu, speaking at the plenary session of the Senate, drew the attention of the lawmakers to the bloody protesters.

    The deputy senate president noted that the country had recorded so much bloodshed, such that security agencies must apply caution in quelling perceived disturbances in any part of country so as to prevent young men and women from being killed.

    He said:” Those of us who had the opportunity of looking at the papers this morning would know that most of the newspapers had front page stories of bloodbath in the Southeast. Yesterday, I had a number of calls about the disturbing clash between youths in different parts of the Southeast, Southsouth and security agencies, leading to the death of many people; both the young men and security personnel.

    “I would like to use this opportunity under Order 43 to say that the security agencies must apply caution in trying to quell disturbances. We have had so much of bloodbath in this country under different circumstances and we cannot continue to lose our young men because the future of this country belongs to them.

    “It is important that we rise to condemn any act of killing in any part of this country, especially the ones that concern the major part of our future, which remains the young men and women of this country.

    “We are now in a democracy and people should be entitled to speak their minds; to assemble under responsible and lawful circumstances; and the security agencies must also be responsible in dealing with those circumstances to ensure that lives are not lost unnecessarily.

    “I wish to bring this to the notice of the Senate for us to take note and possibly for the states involved to set up enquiries to find out what led to these clashes; the number of people lost and to ensure that this does not happen in the future.”

    Senate President Bukola Saraki did not allow any debate of the issue.

    Saraki said: “I think that the point he has raised must draw attention and we see what necessary action will be taken in order to address this matter.”

     

  • Biafra: The gulf between Igbo leaders and masses

    Biafra: The gulf between Igbo leaders and masses

    The wide gulf between the Igbo masses and the political class is about to be widened dangerously.

    The mindless strategy of using the blood, tears and sorrows of frustrated Igbo youths who have lost faith in Nigeria, to curry jobs and favour from President Muhammadu Buhari could create a huge chasm between the leaders and the led in Igbo land.

    The meeting of a section of Igbo leaders in Lagos, Friday, who claimed that the pro-Biafra agitators were angry at the obvious exclusion of Ndigbo by General Buhari’s government, is purely designed to use the blood and pains of these youths to merely achieve access to Buhari (which has been denied them) and also curry attention, patronages and relevance.

    They know they were lying. They are dangerously threading on a path that could turn the youth against them.

    The truth is that the humiliation Ndigbo are made to endure for 45 years, the unjust political structure, the number of states, local governments and political representatives, coupled with the refusal to implement the 2005 political reform conference decision that approved additional state for the South East are at the root of the agitation by millions of Igbo youths for a separate nation.

    The political structure that makes it impossible for Igbo land to grow economically, the structure that makes it difficult for marooned and frustrated youths to be accommodated fairly in their father’s land, the structure that encourages external forces to impose leaders on Ndigbo, leaders who in turn owe allegiance to those forces than to their own people – Carpet-Beggary that has been lifted up to the level of a religion.

    All these are at the root of the frustrations of Ndigbo and these leaders know that.

    Appointment into Buhari’s government is not the reason for the agitation for Biafra. Those trying to use these unfortunate bloodletting to get themselves accommodated into Buhari’s dinner table while remaining silent on the real issues of structural imbalance are only giving the public the impression that they entered a deal with the federal government to try and stop the protests for personal rewards to their cabal.

    The world knows that while they were drinking champagne with Jonathan, these boys stormed Enugu Radio Station to declare Biafra Republic in June 2014. While these Igbo leaders were having a good time with the last administration, these same boys stormed Enugu Government House and hung the Biafra flag. Buhari was not President then.

    The hopelessness of a future in this political prison, as represented by this unitary structure, frightens them so much that they can only see a bleak future before them. These leaders, who are asking Buhari to decorate the prison, replace the mat in the prison with a mattress and allow them tomatoes stew on Sundays in the prison, should know that these boys want the prison wall to come down flat through restructuring and not making the prison more comfortable.

    Elders should not engage in acts that would seal the fate of their progeny just for pecuniary gains that would only be postponing the day of reckoning.

    Everybody knows that for 16 years they have been growing in their number, crying for restructuring and level playing field in Nigeria.

    Their agitation has nothing to do with appointment of more Ndigbo into Buhari’s government. Granting Ndigbo 20 ministerial slots will not stop the agitation; the youths want a level playing field for all Nigerians. Those packaging this falsehood of appointing more Ndigbo into Buhari’s government will only incur the wrath of the youths. The truth is that the structure of Nigeria is clearly unacceptable to them.

    • Uko is the founder of Igbo Youth Movement (IYM) and leader of South East Democratic Coalition

     

     

  • ACF worried over Igbo leaders’ silence on pro-Biafra calls

    The Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) is worried over the silence of Igbo leaders over pro-Biafra calls, saying the agitators were drumming for another war and secession.

    Addressing a news conference ahead of its Annual General Assembly (AGA) holding in Kaduna today, Chairman of the National Executive Council (NEC), Ibrahim Ahmadu Coomassie, described as worrisome, the renewed agitations for the creation of the state of Biafra.

    He said: “ACF has observed the continued agitation by some Ndigbo elements for the creation of Biafra Republic. As you will recall, the issues of Biafra was settled in 1970 after the civil war.

    “We, therefore, call upon Ndigbo leaders and groups to come out, not only to condemn, but to publicly dissociate themselves from this treason against the state”

    “It is, therefore, sad that 45 years after, when Nigerians are now united, some elements are still drumming for another war and secession through ‘Radio Biafra’ and MASSOB activities.

    “The agitators for this unholy division are in their safe abode outside Nigeria and the most painful of this agitation is the silence from the elders who experienced the bitter pill of the succession attempt, 30 months civil war, and who know the consequences of such a futile agitation.

    “ACF expects Ndigbo leaders to condemn such agitations just as it condemned the Boko Haram insurgency. We cannot afford to transit from one insurgency into another.

    “We, therefore, call upon Ndigbo leaders and groups to come out, not only to condemn, but to publicly dissociate themselves from this treason against the state.”

  • Buhari to meet Igbo leaders

    •President-elect to campaign for APC candidates

    President-elect Muhammadu Buhari will, today, hold a town hall meeting with stakeholders and Igbo leaders in Owerri, the Imo State capital.

    The visit, it was learnt, was to drum up support for the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidates in the Southeast.

    Governor Rochas Okorocha, in a statement by his Senior Special Assistant on Media, Mr. Sam Onwuemeodo, said the President-elect would be given a warm reception at the Heroes’ Square, where he will address the people.

    The governor, who held a thank-you rally to appreciate the people for their support, noted that they contributed to Buhari’s victory.

    He urged the people to turn up en masse to receive the President-elect, irrespective of their political affiliations, adding: “In the new emerging order, everybody will be carried along and people will not be discriminated against because of their political leanings.”

  • A book of intrigues

    A book of intrigues

    By the time I was done with the book, I said to myself, wao! This is a book of extraordinary revelation. Yet Honour For Sale, an insider account of the murder of Dele Giwa, by Major Debo Bashorun, ret., is for me a great book not because of the narratives of the murder of Dele Giwa alone. If I were the author, I would give a title covering a wider canvas. The title of the book, in spite of its tease and grand promise, delivers less on the riddle of Dele Giwa’s murder than its periscope of the grandiose mediocrity of an era, of a single man and his nest of dedicated felons, who wanted to ossify the definition of Nigeria as an army with a state rather than a state with an army.

    It is a narrative of megalomania, vanity, intrigue, fear and trembling. It is also the story of a roiling civil society more at peace with its impotence than the importance of subverting tyranny. The army becomes the metaphor of this active surrender to a destiny carved by a few, anointed with guns, spiced by intrigues, gutted by sycophants, buoyed by brigands, protected by bigots, financed by thieves and consecrated with sacrifices.

    Yet when you begin the book, you are not introduced early to the heart of lion and the cunning of the tortoise that is Major Bashorun. He loses his father early, enters the city of Lagos almost a destitute, has to cut away from an exploitative uncle and never contemplates a career in the army until a swashbuckler of a soldier snatches his girl friend when he celebrates a new job.

    We also note that he disdains the life of inaction during the Nigerian civil war and leaves his battalion to the furnace of battle. We also note that this man, in spite bloodstained face and arms, bullet in the legs, a half a mile walk to safety, his escape while others die in the hands of Biafran soldiers is a precursor to a life with nine lives.

    We cannot also escape his sometimes volcanic rage at the fact that the Hausa Fulani language becomes the lingua franca of the army and his fellow southerners are ready to sacrifice each other in order to please their entitled superiors in the vortex of power.

    The reader waits while his personal odyssey develops to be introduced to the principal of his narrative, Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, whom he meets as principal staff officer to the chief of army staff, general Wushishi. IBB is Bashorun’s rescuer, and that is the beginning of irony in the engrossing narrative. This is an atmosphere where as a press officer of the chief of army staff he does not have an office, is ordered out of the office of Aliyu Muhammadu Gusau because he cannot speak Hausa and the present National security adviser Sambo Dasuki would not have him around.

    IBB spots his value because IBB does not see loyalty to tribe as the ultimate. But he is going to let us know that IBB who is his salvation also promises to be his damnation. He is his heaven and also his hell.

    The IBB story covers every dimension of evil. According to Bashorun, the aspects are Treachery, intrigue, drugs and murder. For treachery, examine the coup that ousts Wushishi. IBB is told in confidence by Wushishi how he plans to crush the coup that ushers in Muhammadu Buhari as head of state. But how come IBB, a fellow kinsman, and confidant turns out to be the lynch pin of that overthrow?

    For drugs, can you recall when he overthrows Buhari and the seedy cells of Buhari’s gulag become a source of public outrage? Especially when the pictures darken the pages of the newspapers? We also learn in those days that some of the tenants of the jail are drug traffickers. Bashorun says he is one of three panelists appointed to look at the cases. But an order comes from above that some of the men be released without investigations. Alas, notes an astounded Bashorun, some of them are recognizable faces because he is ordered to personally usher them into the country through the airport when IBB is chief of army staff. He wonders if they are discovered, how could he have exonerated himself?

    We also hear of the story of the Bank of Credit and Commerce International, where the principal of this narrative is believed to have a special relationship as a major investor and of course his wife, Maryam Babangida. We learn that when the BCCI is exposed and closed down from all countries in the world as a conduit for money laundering, IBB would rather change its name to something else and retain its activities.

    Apart from his own intrigues, don’t we read about the story of why poet Mamman Vatsa is posted away from a powerful and lucrative position of quartermaster-general to the false grandeur and sinecure office of the minister of the Federal Capital Territory, and how the author believes that he is implicated in the coup because of a personal rivalry with boyhood friend IBB?

    You will read also how the southerners are targets of ethnic politics. The premier position is for the northern muslim. As for the southerners, the muslim southerners come before the Christians. Yet we note that many southern soldiers, especially in the east convert to Islam in a cynical pilgrimage to belong to the circle of favour.

    Who would not hold his breath about IBB’s dalliance with marabouts from Mali, their prayers, fasts, animal sacrifices? One ram is also buried alive in the state house.

    Don’t we also read about some powerful personalities in the book? The most striking is Haliru Akilu whose frail frame is a decoy from his sinister power play as the upholder of the wickedness of office and the clannishness of the army. He once instructs the author that loyalty to the army supersedes loyalty to country, and that is how he defines loyalty to the president, IBB. He bawls, curses, smirks. He is the ruthless macho man, the regime’s Rottweiler.

    The other personality is Sambo Dasuki, a scion of the caliphate who is portrayed as a man with not only a patrician entitlement but one without patience in dealing with non-hausa Fulani, especially southerners. We also encounter Muhammadu Gasau who is in cahoots with IBB in everything, a stealthy, ruthless man who visits Lawyer Alao Aka-Bashorun at night to order him to quit defending Bashorun over the latter’s battle with the junta over the Dele Giwa saga. Aka Bashorun ignores him.

    Then we encounter Maryam Babangida, the peacock and emblem of vanity and privately a scourge to everyone else. She is the she who must be obeyed, even by the husband, the head of state. Her appetites for attention, genuflection, money, jewelry, sartorial fashion, are so adroitly presented and I wonder if I ever encounter this elaborate manifestation of flamboyance since the familiar Imelda Marcus obsession with shoes. If generals bowed to her and a man like Dasuki, in all his royal bona fides, could quit because of her, then the extent of her power leaves little to the imagination.

    But the story of the murder of Dele Giwa provides a heart-stopping narrative, and it can imbue any reader with wonder. How does a message to whitewash the image of a regime turn the messenger into a plotter to overthrow a regime? That is the question that the reader will have to ask. Ray Ekpu is bound for New York with other editors to receive an award as international editor of the year. Bashorun is asked to meet a certain PR consultant to help launder the regime’s image and show its innocence in the murder of Dele Giwa.

    But Bashorun is uncomfortable and does not carry out the mission because what he sees is not what he anticipates as he gets to the city. He returns to Nigeria and tells his bosses he cannot accomplish the task. So he is arrested, and that begins a story of first contempt, then alienation, then persecution, then attempts on his life.

    The story of his relationship with IBB and his regime, especially Akilu, reads like a thriller. Word after word overwhelms with its promise. I do not however see in its 345 pages any smoking gun on who murders Dele Giwa. Yet the book is smoking. It is smoking with institutional guilt? Are they after Bashorun because the army and the government murder Dele Giwa or because Bashorun does not do a Pr job. Again is Bashorun paranoid over the task? IBB himself tells Bashorun that the government does not murder the Journalist. The reader can be the judge. But we get through the story of his escape through the now famous NADECO route and his manoeuvre from a check-point to checkpoint until he boards a flight from Ouagadougou to the United States where he has to escape three attempts on his life.

    This is a book that evinces deep personal knowledge of the working of an important era of Nigeria, the tale of government of intriguers and cesspit of corruption. He paints an atmosphere of despots and narrow-minded felons unaware of a larger society beyond their kens of greed and larceny.

    IBB comes across as a calculating impresario, cunning, deceptive and ruthless. Yet, Bashorun also quietly believes that he is held hostage by forces sometimes larger than him and he bows because of his thirst for power. He is the ultimate contradiction as tyrant, kind now, brutal now. His belief that money can buy everything is a constant motif of IBB’s power theory. I cannot but believe that, in spite of the villainy of IBB in the book, he comes across as a failed messiah, a man who could have done good but whose love of life and power could not but compromise such high ideals.

    Professor Wole Soyinka once asserted that, “event in literature is experienced according to the level of treatment.” This book is well treated and has the ability to relocate the reader in time and space and even generate empathy, if, sometimes, sympathy.

    Yet the book leaves some holes. One, we do not see the relationship between IBB and Buhari throughout the book. When Buhari is head of state, we do not see any characterization of their meetings, his views about him and vice versa, as well as Brigadier Idiagbon. We learn later that IBB coup might have failed if Idiagbon is in the country.

    In spite of Bashorun’s heroics he comes across as too clean considering he is cosy with and a partisan of the regime. He also is close aide of Mrs. Babangida and all her lurid stories of vanity and corruption. Even when he collects bribe sent to him in the hey deys of his persecution, he couches his acceptance as a man of honour who must survive.

    All through his travails, we are deprived of any substantial insights into the private storms of his family. We don’t get any sense of his wife’s panic, vulnerabilities or aplomb.

    Wole Soyinka fielded a question on this subject over his You Must Set Forth At Dawn, he replied that such curiosities and fantasies are Western. But our society’s increasing individualism and urbanization have torn open our communal seals.

    Again, he reports his Civil war soldiery as an adventure. We learn nothing about his news of the circumstances of their fratricidal chapter, the pogrom, the military politics. He rarely mentions Biafra, and we hardly encounter the names of Gowon or Ojukwu.

    For all his umbrage over knowledge of Hausa Ianguage as ticket, he never tells us if he ever attempted to learn the Ianguage.

    Apart from a few typos and rhetorical stumbles, this is a well-written work and adds to the unfolding saga of the murder of Dele Giwa. As Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka writes in the preface, “the theories that attach to Dele Giwa’s murder are yet to be laid to rest in a cast-iron, impregnable casket.”

    But Bashorun has made the case for guilt without evidence and guilt works on conscience. And as Charles Dickens writes in The Great Expectation, “conscience is a terrible thing if it accuses man or boy.” If the IBB regime pursued Bashorun because of guilt, then it must have the Dickensian conscience, and if that is true, it is, if ever, the only redeeming quality in a brutal era. But what did it do with that conscience? That is the intriguing part of this book of intrigues.

     

  • 2015 presidency: Look beyond PDP, ANPP boss tells Igbo leaders

    2015 presidency: Look beyond PDP, ANPP boss tells Igbo leaders

    The Igbo should look beyond the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)to actualise their quest to produce the President in 2015, All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) National chair Ogbonnaya Onu advised yesterday.

    Dr. Onu spoke at the Igbo Leadership Forum of the World Igbo Congress Convention at Orlando, Florida, United States.

    His speech is titled: “The Igbo: The Path To Nigeria’s Presidency In 2015”.

    The ANPP chairman said the Igbo must not fail to realise that the Constitution makes no provision for independent candidates, and therefore they need a political platform to realise their political aspiration.

    His words: ‘‘Anyone who wants to run for an elective office, whether as a Councillor in a Local Government or as the President of the Federal Republic , must be sponsored by a political party. The first important step in running for election is to contest and win the primaries of a political party and become its candidate.

    ‘‘It is remarkable that of all the major ethnic groups in our dear country, the Igbo are the only ones who are indigenous only in our country. There is no other country in the world where Igbo are an indigenous people. Today, propelled by the indomitable spirit of adventure and entrepreneurship, the Igbo are found in every part of our dear country and in virtually every country of the world.”

    Onu said: ‘‘For the Igbo to do well in politics, they should not put their eggs in one basket. What we have today is that most of the Igbo elite are in the ruling party. They believe that the ruling party is where the action is. This has its advantages. It certainly has many disadvantages.

    ‘‘It is very important to always consider what happens in such a case if, for one reason or the other, the ruling party is unable to make available its platform. In that case every effort made, then comes to nothing. Should this be allowed to be so? No.

    ‘‘The Igbo in politics should look beyond the ruling party. We should study the political terrain very carefully and take decisions which are in our own very best interest. We should always remember what our ancestors taught us, that when answering the call of nature, we should go with two pieces of sticks. If one falls by the wayside unnoticed, the other can still be relied upon to perform its duty when the need arises.

    ‘‘The Igbo need an alternative political party that has a national reach and is not perceived by the general public as a regionally-based party. The All Nigeria Peoples Party, ANPP, is that political party which the Igbo should embrace so that they can always make a viable choice. The Igbo need to diversify, as an insurance against the unknown and the unseen.

    “For twelve years (1999-2011), the ANPP remained the second largest political party in the country. It initially controlled nine States which spread across three geo-political zones. It also controlled slightly above one quarter of the membership of the National Assembly. Even though its fortunes have declined, it now controls three States. The ANPP has a Senator from Kogi State in North Central Nigeria and a Member of the House of Representatives from Ebonyi State in the Southeast Nigeria.

    ‘‘The time has come when the Igbo should stop putting all their political eggs into one basket, particularly when the basket is in the custody of others. Allowing the Igbo ambition to be determined by only the ruling political party can result in disappointment at a time that no remedy exists. This cannot be the right road to follow.

    ‘‘The Igbo should remember that its political leaders were the founding leaders of the All Peoples Party, APP, that later became the ANPP. These great Igbo sons and daughters laid the foundation and nurtured the Party to what it was in 1999. These Igbo political leaders include Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, Chief Sam Mbakwe, Chief C. C. Onoh, Chief E. C. Iwuanyanwu, Chief Arthur Nzeribe, Chief Evan Enwerem, Chief Ken Nnamani, Prince Vincent Ogbulafor, Dr Hyde Onuaguluchi, Chief Martin Elechi, Chief Chekwas Okorie, Chief Ben Obi, Chief (Mrs) Joy Emordi, Dr Ezekiel Izuogu, Chief Gbazuagu Nweke Gbazuagu, Chief Chris Nwankwo, Chief Frank Ogbuewu, Chief Lynda Ikpeazu.